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SMITHSONIAN 


CONTRIBUTIONS   TO   KNOWLEDGE. 


YOL.    XVII. 


EVEUY  MAN   IS  A  VALUABLE  MEMBER  OK  SOCIETY,  WIIO,  BY  HIS  OBSERVATIONS,  RESEARCHES,  AND  EXPERIMENTS,   TROCUKKS 

KNOWLEDGE  FOR  MEN. — SMITUSON. 


CITY     OF     WASHINGTON: 

PUBLISHED    BY    THE    SMITHSONIAN    INSTITUTION. 

JIDCCCLXXI. 

mi 


y./7 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


THIS  volume  forms  the  seventeenth  of  a  series,  composed  of  original  memoirs  on 
different  branches  of  knowledge,  published  at  the  expense,  and  under  the  direction, 
of  the  Smithsonian  Institution.  The  publication  of  this  series  forms  part  of  a  general 
plan  adopted  for  carrying  into  effect  the  benevolent  intentions  of  JAMES  SMITHSON, 
Esq.,  of  England.  This  gentleman  left  his  property  in  trust  to  the  United  States 
of  America,  to  found,  at  Washington,  an  institution  which  should  bear  his  own 
name,  and  have  for  its  objects  the  "increase  and  diffusion  of  knowledge  among 
men."  This  trust  was  accepted  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  an 
Act  of  Congress  was  passed  August  10,  1846,  constituting  the  President  and  the 
other  principal  executive  officers  of  the  general  government,  the  Chief  Justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  the  Mayor  of  Washington,  and  such  other  persons  as  they  might 
elect  honorary  members,  an  establishment  under  the  name  of  the  "SMITHSONIAN 
INSTITUTION  FOR  THE  INCREASE  AND  DIFFUSION  OF  KNOWLEDGE  AMONG  MEN."  The 
members  and  honorary  members  of  this  establishment  are  to  hold  stated  and  special 
meetings  for  the  supervision  of  the  affairs  of  the  Institution,  and  for  the  advice 
and  instruction  of  a  Board  of  Regents,  to  whom  the  financial  and  other  affairs  are 
intrusted. 

The  Board  of  Regents  consists  of  three  members  ex  officio  of  the  establishment, 
namely,  the  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  the  Mayor  of  Washington,  together  with  twelve  other  members,  three  of 
whom  are  appointed  by  the  Senate  from  its  own  body,  three  by  the  House  of 
Representatives  from  its  members,  and  six  persons  appointed  by  a  joint  resolution 
of  both  houses.  To  this  Board  is  given  the  power  of  electing  a  Secretary  and  other 
officers,  for  conducting  the  active  operations  of  the  Institution. 

To  carry  into  effect  the  purposes  of  the  testator,  the  plan  of  organization  should 
evidently  embrace  two  objects :  one,  the  increase  of  knowledge  by  the  addition  of 
new  truths  to  the  existing  stock;  the  other,  the  diffusion  of  knowledge,  thus 
increased,  among  men.  No  restriction  is  made  in  favor  of  any  kind  of  knowledge; 
and,  hence,  each  branch  is  entitled  to,  and  should  receive,  a  share  of  attention. 


iv  ADVERTISEMENT. 

The  Act  of  Congress,  establishing  the  Institution,  directs,  as  a  part  of  the  plan  of 
organization,  the  formation  of  a  Library,  a  Museum,  and  a  Gallery  of  Art,  together 
with  provisions  for  physical  research  and  popular  lectures,  while  it  leaves  to  the 
Regents  the  power  of  adopting  such  other  parts  of  an  organization  as  they  may 
deem  best  suited  to  promote  the  objects  of  the  bequest. 

After  much  deliberation,  the  Regents  resolved  to  divide  the  annual  income  into 
two  parts — one  part  to  be  devoted  to  the  increase  and  diffusion  of  knowledge  by 
means  of  original  research  and  publications — the  other  part  of  the  income  to  be 
applied  in  accordance  with  the  requirements  of  the  Act  of  Congress,  to  the  gradual 
formation  of  a  Library,  a  Museum,  and  a  Gallery  of  Art. 

The  following  are  the  details  of  the  parts  of  the  general  plan  of  organization 
provisionally  adopted  at  the  meeting  of  the  Regents,  Dec.  8,  1847. 


DETAILS  OF  THE  FIRST  PART  OF  THE  PLAN. 


I.  To  INCREASE  KNOWLEDGE. — It  is  proposed  to  stimulate  research,  by  offering 
rewards  for  original  memoirs  on  all  subjects  of  investigation. 

1.  The  memoirs  thus  obtained,  to  be  published  in  a  series  of  volumes,  in  a  quarto 
form,  and  entitled  "Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge." 

2.  No  memoir,  on  subjects  of  physical  science,  to  be  accepted  for  publication, 
which  does  not  furnish  a  positive  addition  to  human  knowledge,  resting  on  original 
research;  and  all  unverified  speculations  to  be  rejected. 

3.  Each  memoir  presented  to  the  Institution,  to  be  submitted  for  examination  to 
a  commission  of  persons  of  reputation  for  learning  in  the  branch  to  which  the 
memoir  pertains ;  and  to  be  accepted  for  publication  only  in  case  the  report  of  this 
commission  is  favorable. 

4.  The  commission  to  be  chosen  by  the  officers  of  the  Institution,  and  the  name 
of  the  author,  as  far  as  practicable,  concealed,  unless  a  favorable  decision  be  made. 

5.  The  volumes  of  the  memoirs  to  be  exchanged  for  the  Transactions  of  literary 
and  scientific  societies,  and  copies  to  be  given  to  all  the  colleges,  and  principal 
libraries,  in  this  country.     One  part  of  the  remaining  copies  may  be  offered  for 
sale;   and  the  other  carefully  preserved,  to  form  complete  sets  of  the  work,  to 
supply  the  demand  from  new  institutions. 

6.  An  abstract,  or  popular  account,  of  the  contents  of  these  memoirs  to  be  given 
to  the  public,  through  the  annual  report  of  the  Regents  to  Congress. 


ADVERTISEMENT.  V 

II.  To  INCREASE  KNOWLEDGE. — It  is  also  proposed  to  appropriate  a  portion  of  the 
income,  annually,  to  special  objects  of  research,  under  the  direction  of  suitable 
persons. 

1.  The  objects,  and  the  amount  appropriated,  to  be  recommended  by  counsellors 
of  the  Institution. 

2.  Appropriations  in  different  years  to  different  objects;  so  that,  in  course  of  time, 
each  branch  of  knowledge  may  receive  a  share. 

3.  The  results  obtained  from  these  appropriations  to  be  published,  with  the 
memoirs  before  mentioned,  in  the  volumes  of  the  Smithsonian  Contributions  to 
Knowledge. 

4.  Examples  of  objects  for  which  appropriations  may  be  made: — 

(1.)  System  of  extended  meteorological  observations  for  solving  the  problem  of 
American  storms. 

(2.)  Explorations  in  descriptive  natural  history,  and  geological,  mathematical, 
and  topographical  surveys,  to  collect  material  for  the  formation  of  a  Physical  Atlas 
of  the  United  States. 

(3.)  Solution  of  experimental  problems,  such  as  a  new  determination  of  the 
weight  of  the  earth,  of  the  velocity  of  electricity,  and  of  light ;  chemical  analyses 
of  soils  and  plants;  collection  and  publication  of  articles  of  science,  accumulated 
in  the  offices  of  Government. 

(4.)  Institution  of  statistical  inquiries  with  reference  to  physical,  moral,  and 
political  subjects. 

(5.)  Historical  researches,  and  accurate  surveys  of  places  celebrated  in  American 
history. 

(6.)  Ethnological  researches,  particularly  with  reference  to  the  different  races  of 
men  in  North  America;  also  explorations,  and  accurate  surveys,  of  the  mounds 
and  other  remains  of  the  ancient  people  of  our  country. 


I.  To  DIFFUSE  KNOWLEDGE. — It  is  proposed  to  publish  a  series  of  reports,  giving  an 
account  of  the  new  discoveries  in  science,  and  of  the  changes  made  from  year  to  year 
in  all  branches  of  knowledge  not  strictly  professional. 

1.  Some  of  these  reports  may  be  published  annually,  others  at  longer  intervals, 
as  the  income  of  the  Institution  or  the  changes  in  the  branches  of  knowledge  may 
indicate. 

2.  The  reports  are  to  be  prepared  by  collaborators,  eminent  in  the  different 
branches  of  knowledge. 


vi  ADVERTISEMENT. 

3.  Each  collaborator  to  be  furnished  with  the  journals  and  publications,  domestic 
and  foreign,  necessary  to  the  compilation  of  his  report;  to  be  paid  a  certain  sum  for 
his  labors,  and  to  be  named  on  the  title-page  of  the  report. 

4.  The  reports  to  be  published  in  separate  parts,  so  that  persons  interested  in  a 
particular  branch,  can  procure  the  parts  relating  to  it,  without  purchasing  the 
whole. 

5.  These  reports  may  be  presented  to  Congress,  for  partial  distribution,  the 
remaining  copies  to  be  given  to  literary  and  scientific  institutions,  and  sold  to  indi- 
viduals for  a  moderate  price. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  subjects  which  may  be  embraced  in  the  reports: — 

I.  PHYSICAL  CLASS. 

1.  Physics,  including  astronomy,  natural  philosophy,  chemistry,  and  meteorology. 

2.  Natural  history,  including  botany,  zoology,  geology,  &c. 

3.  Agriculture. 

4.  Application  of  science  to  arts. 

II.  MORAL  AND  POLITICAL  CLASS. 

5.  Ethnology,  including  particular  history,  comparative  philology,  antiquities,  &c. 

6.  Statistics  and  political  economy. 

7.  Mental  and  moral  philosophy. 

8.  A  survey  of  the  political  events  of  the  world ;  penal  reform,  &c. 

III.  LITERATURE  AND  THE  FINE  ARTS. 

9.  Modern  literature. 

10.  The  fine  arts,  and  their  application  to  the  useful  arts. 

11.  Bibliography. 

12.  Obituary  notices  of  distinguished  individuals. 

II.  To  DIFFUSE  KNOWLEDGE. — It  is  proposed  to  publish  occasionally  separate  treatises 

on  subjects  of  general  interest. 

1.  These  treatises  may  occasionally  consist  of  valuable  memoirs  translated  from 
foreign  languages,  or  of  articles  prepared  under  the  direction  of  the  Institution,  or 
procured  by  offering  premiums  for  the  best  exposition  of  a  given  subject. 

2.  The  treatises  to  be  submitted  to  a  commission  of  competent  judges,  previous 
to  their  publication. 


ADVERTISEMENT.  vii 


DETAILS  OF  THE  SECOND  PART  OF  THE  PLAN  OF  ORGANIZATION. 

This  part  contemplates  the  formation  of  a  Library,  a  Museum,  and  a  Gallery  of 
Art. 

1.  To  carry  out  the  plan  before  described,  a  library  will  be  required,  consisting, 
1st,  of  a  complete  collection  of  the  transactions  and  proceedings  of  all  the  learned 
societies  of  the  world ;  2d,  of  the  more  important  current  periodical  publications, 
and  other  works  necessary  in  preparing  the  periodical  reports. 

2.  The  Institution  should  make  special  collections,  particularly  of  objects  to 
verify  its  own  publications.     Also  a  collection  of  instruments  of  research  in  all 
branches  of  experimental  science. 

3.  With  reference  to  the  collection  of  books,  other  than  those  mentioned  above, 
catalogues  of  all  the  different  libraries  in  the  United  States  should  be  procured,  in 
order  that  the  valuable  books  first  purchased  may  be  such  as  are  not  to  be  found 
elsewhere  in  the  United  States. 

4.  Also  catalogues  of  memoirs,  and   of  books  in  foreign  libraries,  and  other 
materials,  should  be  collected,  for  rendering  the  Institution  a  centre  of  bibliogra- 
phical knowledge,  whence  the  student  may  be  directed  to  any  work  which  he  may 
require. 

5.  It  is  believed  that  the  collections  in  natural  history  will  increase  by  donation, 
as  rapidly  as  the  income  of  the  Institution  can  make  provision  for  their  reception ; 
and,  therefore,  it  will  seldom  be  necessary  to  purchase  any  article  of  this  kind. 

6.  Attempts  should  be  made  to  procure  for  the  gallery  of  art,  casts  of  the  most 
celebrated  articles  of  ancient  and  modern  sculpture. 

7.  The  arts  may  be  encouraged  by  providing  a  room,  free  of  expense,  for  the 
exhibition  of  the  objects  of  the  Art-Union,  and  other  similar  societies. 

8.  A  small  appropriation  should  annually  be  made  for  models  of  antiquity,  such 
as  those  of  the  remains  of  ancient  temples,  &c. 

9.  The  Secretary  and  his  assistants,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  will  be 
required  to  illustrate  new  discoveries  in  science,  and  to  exhibit  new  objects  of  art; 
distinguished  individuals  should  also  be  invited  to  give  lectures  on  subjects  of 
general  interest. 

In  accordance  with  the  rules  adopted  in  the  programme  of  organization,  the 
memoir  in  this  volume  has  been  favorably,  reported  on  by  a  Commission  appointed 


viii  ADVERTISEMENT. 

for  its  examination.  It  is  however  impossible,  in  most  cases,  to  verify  the  state- 
ments of  an  author;  and,  therefore,  neither  the  Commission  nor  the  Institution  can 
be  responsible  for  more  than  the  general  character  of  a  memoir. 


The  following  rules  have  been  adopted  for  the  distribution  of  the  quarto  volumes 
of  the  Smithsonian  Contributions: — 

1.  They  are  to  be  presented  to  all  learned  societies  which  publish  Transactions, 
and  give  copies  of  these,  in  exchange,  to  the  Institution. 

2.  Also,  to  all  foreign  libraries  of  the  first  class,  provided  they  give  in  exchange 
their  catalogues  or  other  publications,  or  an  equivalent  from  their  duplicate  volumes. 

3.  To  all  the  colleges  in  actual  operation  in  this  country,  provided  they  furnish, 
in  return,  meteorological  observations,  catalogues  of  their  libraries  and  of  their 
students,  and  all  other  publications  issued  by  them  relative  to  their  organization 
and  history. 

4.  To  all  States  and  Territories,  provided  there  be  given,  in  return,  copies  of  all 
documents  published  under  their  authority. 

5.  To  all  incorporated  public  libraries  in  this  county,  not  included  in  any  of 
the  foregoing  classes,  now  containing  more  than  10,000  volumes;  and  to  smaller 
libraries,  where  a  whole  State  or  large  district  would  be  otherwise  unsupplied. 


OFFICERS 


OF  THE 


SMITHSONIAN   INSTITUTION. 


THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

o  PRESIDING  OFFICER  OF  THE  INSTITUTION. 


THE  VICE-PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

Ex-officio  SECOND  PRESIDING  OFFICER. 

SALMON  P.  CHASE, 

CHANCELLOR  OF  THE  INSTITUTION. 

JOSEPH  HENRY, 

SECRETARY  OF  THE  INSTITUTION. 

SPENCER  F.  BAIRD, 

ASSISTANT  SECRETARY. 

RICHARD    DELAFIELD, 

PETER    PARKER,  \      EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE. 

JOHN    MACLEAN, 


B 


REGENTS. 


SCHUYLER  COLFAX, Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

SALMON  P.  CHASE, Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States. 

MATTHEW  G.  EMERY, Mayor  of  the  City  of  Washington. 

LYMAN  TRUMBULL, Member  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

GARRETT  DAVIS, "         "         "         "         "         " 

HANNIBAL  HAMLIN, "        "         "         "         "         " 

JAMES  A.  GARFIELD, Member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  U.  S. 

LTJKE  P.  POLAND,  ....'...  "         "         "        "           "         " 

SAMUEL  S.  Cox, "         "         "        "          "         " 

WILLIAM  B.  ASTOR, Citizen  of  New  York. 

THEODORE  D.  WOOLSEY, "      of  Connecticut. 

Louis  AGASSIZ, "      of  Massachusetts. 

JOHN  MACLEAN, "of  New  Jersey. 

RICHARD  DELAFIELD, "of  Washington. 

PETER  PARKER, "                " 


MEMBERS  EX-OFFICIO  OF  THE  INSTITUTION. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT, President  of  the  United  States. 

SCHUTLER  COLFAX, Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

HAMILTON  FISH, Secretary  of  State. 

GEORGE  S.  BOUTWELL, Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

W.  W.  BELKNAP, Secretary  of  War. 

GEORGE  M.  EOBESON, Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

J.  A.  J.  CRESWELL, Postmaster-  General. 

AMOS  T.  AKERMAN, Attorney- General 

SALMON  P.  CHASE, Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States. 

, Commissioner  of  Patents. 

M.  G.  EMERY, Mayor  of  the  City  of  Washington. 


HONORARY   MEMBER. 


COLUMBUS  C.  DELANO.  The  Secretary  of  the  Interior. 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

ARTICLE    I.  INTRODUCTION.     Pp.  14. 

Advertisement  . '  •  • 

List  of  Officers  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution  .  .  .  .         iv 

ARTICLE  II.  SYSTEMS  OF  CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY  OF  THE  HUMAN  FAMILY.  By 
LEWIS  II.  MORGAN.  Accepted  for  Publication,  January,  1868.  Pub- 
lished June,  1870.  4to  pp.  602.  Fourteen  Plates  and  six  Diagrams. 


SMITHSONIAN  CONTRIBUTIONS  TO  KNOWLEDGE. 


S  Y  S  T  EM  S 


CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 


CF  THE 


UMAN    FAMILY. 


BY 


LEWIS  H.  MORGAN. 


[ACCEPTED  FOR  PUBLICATION,  JANUARY,  1868.] 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


THE  present  memoir  was  first  referred  to  a  commission  consisting  of  Professor 
J.  H.  Mcllvaine  and  Professor  William  Henry  Green,  of  Princeton,  New  Jersey, 
who  recommended  its  publication,  but  advised  certain  changes  in  the  method  of 
presenting  the  subject.  After  these  modifications  had  been  made,  it  was  submitted 
to  the  American  Oriental  Society,  and  was  by  it  referred  to  a  special  committee, 
consisting  of  Messrs.  Hadley,  Trumbull,  and  Whitney,  who,  having  critically 
examined  the  memoir,  reported  that  it  contained  a  series  of  highly  interesting 
facts  which  they  believed  the  students  of  philology  and  ethnology,  though  they 
might  not  accept  all  the  conclusions  of  the  author,  would  welcome  as  valuable 
contributions  to  science. 

JOSEPH  HENRY, 

Secretary  S.  I. 

SMITHSONIAN  INSTITUTION, 
1870. 


(iii) 


PREFACE. 


PHILOLOGY  has  proved  itself  an  admirable  instrument  for  the  classification  of 
nations  into  families  upon  the  basis  of  linguistic  affinities.  A  comparison  of  the 
vocables  and  of  the  grammatical  forms  of  certain  languages  has  shown  them  to  be 
dialects  of  a  common  speech ;  and  these  dialects,  under  a  common  name,  have  thus 
been  restored  to  their  original  unity  as  a  family  of  languages.  In  this  manner,  and 
by  this  instrumentality,  the  nations  of  the  earth  have  been  reduced,  with  more  or 
less  of  certainty,  to  a  small  number  of  independent  families. 

Some  of  these  families  have  been  more  definitely  circumscribed  than  others. 
The  Aryan  and  Semitic  languages  have  been  successfully  traced  to  their  limits,  and 
the  people  by  whom  they  are  severally  spoken  are  now  recognized  as  families  in 
the  strict  and  proper  sense  of  the  term.  Of  those  remaining,  the  Turanian  is 
rather  a  great  assemblage  of  nations,  held  together  by  slender  affinities,  than  a 
family  in  the  Aryan  or  Semitic  sense.  With  respect  to  the  Malayan  it  approaches 
nearer  to  the  true  standard,  although  its  principal  divisions  are  marked  by 
considerable  differences.  The  Chinese  and  its  cognates,  as  monosyllabic  tongues, 
are  probably  entitled  upon  linguistic  grounds  to  the  distinction  of  an  independent 
family  of  languages.  On  the  other  hand,  the  dialects  and  stock  languages  of  the 
American  aborigines  have  not  been  explored,  with  sufficient  thoroughness,  to 
determine  the  question  whether  they  were  derived  from  a  common  speech.  So  far 
as  the  comparisons  have  been  made  they  have  been  found  to  agree  in  general  plan 
and  in  grammatical  structure. 

The  remarkable  results  of  comparative  philology,  and  the  efficiency  of  the 
method  upon  which  as  a  science  it  proceeds,  yield  encouraging  assurance  that  it 
will  ultimately  reduce  all  the  nations  of  mankind  to  families  as  clearly  circum- 
scribed as  the  Aryan  and  Semitic.  But  it  is  probable  that  the  number  of  these 
families,  as  finally  ascertained,  will  considerably  exceed  the  number  now  recognized. 
When  this  work  of  philology  has  been  fully  accomplished,  the  question  will  remain 
whether  the  connection  of  any  two  or  more  of  these  families  can  be  determined 
from  the  materials  of  language.  Such  a  result  is  not  improbable,  and  yet,  up  to 
the  present  time,  no  analysis  of  language,  however  searching  and  profound,  has 


vi  PREFACE. 

been  able  to  cross  the  barrier  which  separates  the  Aryan  from  the  Semitic  lan- 
guages,— and  these  are  the  two  most  thoroughly  explored, — and  discover  the  pro- 
cesses by  which,  if  originally  derived  from  a  common  speech,  they  have  become 
radically  changed  in  their  ultimate  forms.  It  was  with  special  reference  to  the 
bearing  which  the  systems  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  of  the  several  families  of 
mankind  might  have  upon  this  vital  question,  that  the  research,  the  results  of 
which  are  contained  in  this  volume,  was  undertaken. 

In  the  systems  of  relationship  of  the  great  families  of  mankind  some  of  the 
oldest  memorials  of  human  thought  and  experience  are  deposited  and  preserved. 
They  have  been  handed  down  as  transmitted  systems,  through  the  channels  of  the 
blood,  from  the  earliest  ages  of  man's  existence  upon  the  earth ;  but  revealing 
certain  definite  and  progressive  changes  with  the  growth  of  man's  experience  in 
the  ages  of  barbarism.  To  such  conclusions  the  evidence,  drawn  from  a  comparison 
of  the  forms  which  now  prevail  in  different  families,  appears  to  tend. 

All  the  forms  thus  far  discovered  resolve  themselves,  in  a  comprehensive  sense, 
into  two,  the  descriptive  and  the  classificatory,  which  are  the  reverse  of  each  other 
in  their  fundamental  conceptions.  As  systems  of  consanguinity  each  contains  a 
plan,  for  the  description  and  classification  of  kindred,  the  formation  of  which  was 
an  act  of  intelligence  and  knowledge.  They  ascend  by  the  chain  of  derivation  to 
a  remote  antiquity,  from  which,  as  defined  and  indurated  forms,  their  propagation 
commenced.  Whether  as  organic  forms  they  are  capable  of  crossing  the  line  of 
demarcation  which  separates  one  family  from  another,  and  of  yielding  evidence  of 
the  ethnic  connection  of  such  families,  will  depend  upon  the  stability  of  these 
forms,  and  their  power  of  self-perpetuation  in  the  streams  of  the  blood  through 
indefinite  periods  of  time.  For  the  purpose  of  determining,  by  ample  tests,  whether 
these  systems  possess  such  attributes,  the  investigation  has  been  extended  over  a 
field  sufficiently  wide  to  embrace  four-fifths  and  upwards,  numerically,  of  the  entire 
human  family.  The  results  are  contained  in  the  Tables. 

A  comparison  of  these  systems,  and  a  careful  study  of  the  slight  but  clearly 
marked  changes  through  which  they  have  passed,  have  led,  most  unexpectedly,  to 
the  recovery,  conjecturally  at  least,  of  the  great  series  or  sequence  of  customs  and 
institutions  which  mark  the  pathway  of  man's  progress  through  the  ages  of  barba- 
rism ;  and  by  means  of  which  he  raised  himself  from  a  state  of  promiscuous  inter- 
course to  final  civilization. f  The  general  reader  may  be  startled  by  the  principal 
inference  drawn  from  the  classificatory  system  of  relationship,  namely,  that  it 
originated  in  the  intermarriage  of  brothers  and  sisters  in  a  communal  family,  and 
that  this  was  the  normal  state  of  marriage,  as  well  as  of  the  family,  in  the  early 
part  of  the  unmeasured  ages  of  barbarism.  But  the  evidence  in  support  of  this 
conclusion  seems  to  be  decisive.  Although  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  the  exT 


PREFACE.  vii 

tremity  of  a  barbarism,  which  such  a  custom  presupposes,  it  is  a  reasonable 
presumption  that  progress  through  and  out  from  it  was  by  successive  stages  of 
advancement,  and  through  great  reformatory  movements.  Indeed,  it  seems  probable 
that  the  progress  of  mankind  was  greater  in  degree,  and  in  the  extent  of  its  range, 
in  the  ages  of  barbarism  than  it  has  been  since  in  the  ages  of  civilization;  and 
that  it  was  a  harder,  more  doubtful,  and  more  intense  struggle  to  reach  the  thresh- 
old of  the  latter,  than  it  has  been  since  to  reach  its  present  status.  Civilization 
must  be  regarded  as  the  fruit,  the  final  reward,  of  the  vast  and  varied  experience 
of  mankind  in  the  barbarous  ages.  The  experiences  of  the  two  conditions  are 
successive  links  of  a  common  chain  of  which  one  cannot  be  interpreted  without 
the  other.  This  system  of  relationship,  instead  of  revolting  the  mind,  discloses 
with  sensible  clearness,  "  the  hole  of  the  pit  whence  [we  have  been]  digged"  by 
the  good  providence  of  God. 

A  large  number  of  inferior  nations  are  unrepresented  in  the  Tables,  and  to  that 
extent  the  exposition  is  incomplete.  But  it  is  believed  that  they  are  formed  upon 
a  scale  sufficiently  comprehensive  for  the  determination  of  two  principal  questions: 
First,  whether  a  system  of  relationship  can  be  employed,  independently,  as  a  basis 
for  the  classification  of  nations  into  a  family  1  and,  secondly,  whether  the  systems 
of  two  or  more  families,  thus  constituted,  can  deliver  decisive  testimony  concern- 
ing the  ethnic  connection  of  such  families  when  found  in  disconnected  areas  1 
Should  their  uses  for  these  purposes  be  demonstrated  in  the  affirmative,  it  will  not 
be  difficult  to  extend  the  investigation  into  the  remaining  nations. 

In  the  progress  of  the  inquiry  it  became  necessary  to  detach  from  the  Turanian 
family  the  Turk  and  Finn  stocks,  and  to  erect  them  into  an  independent  family. 
It  was  found  that  they  possessed  a  system  of  relationship  fundamentally  different 
from  that  which  prevailed  in  the  principal  branches  of  the  Southern  division,  which, 
in  strictness,  stood  at  the  head  of  the  family.  The  new  family,  which  for  the 
reasons  stated  I  have  ventured  to  make,  I  have  named  the  Uralian.  At  the 
same  time  the  Chinese  have  been  returned  to  the  Turanian  family  upon  the  basis  of 
their  possession,  substantially,  of  the  Turanian  system  of  consanguinity.  Still 
another  innovation  upon  the  received  classification  of  the  Asiatic  nations  was  ren- 
dered necessary  from  the  same  consideration.  That  portion  of  the  people  of  India 
who  speak  the  Gaura  language  have  been  transferred  from  the  Aryan  to  the  Tura- 
nian family,  where  their  system  of  consanguinity  places  them.  Although  ninety 
per  centum  of  the  vocables  of  the  several  dialects  of  this  language  are  Sanskritic, 
against  ten  per  centum  of  the  aboriginal  speech,  yet  the  grammar  as  well  as  the 
system  of  relationship,  follows  the  aboriginal  form.1  If  grammatical  structure  is 

1  CaldwelFs  Dravidian  Comp.  Gram.     Intro,  p.  39. 


PREFACE. 

the  governing  law  in  the  classification  of  dialects  and  stock  languages,  and  this  is 
one  of  the  accepted  canons  of  philology,1  then  the  "  Dialects  of  India,"  as  they  are 
called  in  the  Genealogical  Table  of  the  Aryan  Family  of  Languages,  do  not,  for 
this  reason,  properly  belong  in  that  connection,  but  in  the  Turanian.  'Their 
system  of  relationship,  which  has  followed  the  preponderance  of  numbers  or  of  the 
blood,  is  also  Turanian  in  form,  although  greatly  modified  by  Sanskritic  influence. 
The  Sanskritic  people  of  India,  notwithstanding  their  Aryan  descent,  and  the 
probable  purity  of  their  blood  to  the  present  day,  have  been,  in  a  linguistic  sense, 
absorbed  into  an  aboriginal  stock.  Having  lost  their  native  tongue,  which  became 
a  dead  language,  they  have  been  compelled  to  adopt  the  vernacular  idioms  of  the 
barbarians  whom  they  conquered,  and  to  content  themselves  with  furnishing,  from 
the  opulent  Sanskrit,  the  body  of  the  vocables,  whilst  the  remainder  and  the  gram- 
mar were  derived  from  the  aboriginal  speech.  If  they  are  ever  rescued  from  this 
classification  it  must  be  affected  through  reasons  independent  of  their  present  lan- 
guage and  system  of  consanguinity. 

LEWIS  II.  MORGAN. 

ROCHESTER,  NEW  YORK, 
January,  1866. 


Acknowledgments. 

For  the  materials,  out  of  which  the  Tables  were  formed,  I  am  indebted  upon  a 
scale  which  far  outruns  my  ability  to  render  a  sufficient  acknowledgment.  The 
names  attached  to  the  list  of  schedules  will  afford  some  impression  of  the  extent  to 
which  correspondents  in  foreign  countries  must  have  been  taxed,  as  well  as  wearied, 
in  studying  through  the  intricate  and  elaborate  forms  they  were  severally  solicited 
to  investigate,  and  to  develop  in  a  systematic  manner  upon  a  schedule  of  printed 
questions.  Without  their  co-operation,  as  well  as  gratuitous  labor,  it  would  have 
been  impossible  to  present  the  Tables,  except  those  relating  to  the  American  Indian 
nations.  Each  schedule  should  be  received  as  the  separate  contribution  of  the 
person  by  whom  it  was  made,  and  the  credit  of  whatever  information  it  contains  is 
due  to  him.  Without  intending  to  discriminate,  in  the  least,  amongst  the  number 
of  those  named  in  the  Tables,  I  desire  to  mention  the  fact  that  much  the  largest 
number  of  the  foreign  schedules  were  furnished  by  American  missionaries.  There 
is  no  class  of  men  upon  the  earth,  whether  considered  as  scholars,  as  philanthro- 
pists, or  as  gentlemen,  who  have  earned  for  themselves  a  more  distinguished  repu- 
tation. Their  labors,  their  self-denial,  and  their  endurance  in  the  work  to  which 

1  Muller's  Science  of  Language.     Scribner's  ed.,  p.  82. 


PREFACE.  ix 

they  have  devoted  their  time  and  their  great  abilities,  are  worthy  of  admiration. 
Their  contributions  to  history,  to  ethnology,  to  philology,  to  geography,  and  to 
religious  literature,  form  a  lasting  monument  to  their  fame.  The  renown  which 
encircles  their  names  falls  as  a  wreath  of  honor  upon  the  name  of  their  country. 

I  am  also  indebted  to  S.  B.  Treat,  D.  D.,  Secretary  of  the  American  Board  of 
Commissioners  for  Foreign  Missions;  to  Hon.  Walter  Lowrie,  Secretary  of  the 
Board  of  Missions  of  the  Presbyterian  Church ;  to  J.  G.  Warren,  D.  D.,  Secretary 
of  the  American  Baptist  Missionary  Union;  and  to  Rev.  Philip  Peltz,  Secretary  of  the 
Board  of  Missions  of  the  American  Dutch  Reformed  Church,  for  their  co-operation, 
and  for  the  facilities  which  they  afforded  me  during  a  protracted  correspondence 
with  the  missionaries  of  their  respective  boards. 

In  an  especial  manner  I  am  indebted  to  the  Smithsonian  Institution  for  efficient 
co-operation  in  procuring  materials  for  this  work. 

To  the  late  Hon.  Lewis  -Cass,  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  and  to  his 
immediate  successor,  Hon.  William  H.  Seward,  I  am  also  under  very  great  obliga- 
tions for  commending  this  investigation  to  the  diplomatic  and  consular  representa- 
tives of  the  United  States  in  foreign  -countries ;  and  for  government  facilities 
whilst  conducting  with  them  an  equally  extended  correspondence. 

Among  many  others  whom  I  ought  to  mention  I  must  not  omit  the  names  of  my 
friends  J.  H.  Mcllvaine,  D.  D.,  of  the  College  of  New  Jersey,  who  has  been 
familiar  with  the  nature  and  objects  of  this  research  from  its  commencement,  and 
from  whom  I  have  received  many  important  suggestions ;  Chester  Dewey,  D.  D., 
of  the  University  of  Rochester,  now  an  octogenarian,  but  with  undiminished  relish 
for  knowledge  in  all  its  forms,  whose  friendly  advice  it  has  been  my  frequent 
privilege  to  accept ;  and  Samuel  P.  Ely,  Esq.,  of  Marquette,  at  whose  hospitable 
home  on  Lake  Superior  the  plan  for  the  prosecution  of  this  investigation  was 
formed. 

There  is  still  another  class  01  persons  to  whom  my  obligations  are  by  no  means 
the  least,  and  they  arc  the  native  American  Indians  of  many  different  nations,  both 
men  and  women,  who  from  natural  kindness  of  heart,  and  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  a 
stranger,  have  given  me  their  time  and  attention  for  hours,  and  even  days  together, 
in  what  to  them  must  have  been  a  tedious  and  unrelished  labor.  Without  the 
information  obtained  from  them  it  would  have  been  entirely  impossible  to  present 
the  system  of  relationship  of  the  Indian  family. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

ADVERTISEMENT  ..........        iii 

1  REFACE  •••••••••••V 

PART  I. 

DESCRIPTIVE  SYSTEM  OF  RELATIONSHIP. 
ARYAN,  SEMITIC,  AND  URALIAN  FAMILIES. 

CHAP.  I.     Introduction  .........        3 

II.     General  Observations  upon  Systems  of  Relationships          .            .            .  .10 

III.  System  of  Relationship  of  the  Aryan  Family           .             .             .             .  .16 

IV.  System  of  Relationship  of  the  Aryan  Family — Continued  .            .            .  .29 
V.     System  of  Relationship  of  the  Semitic  Family        .            .            .            .  .50 

VI.     System  of  Relationship  of  the  Uralian  Family        .            .            .            .  .57 

APPENDIX  TO  PAKT  I.     Table  of  Consanguinity  and  Affinity  of  the  Semitic,  Aryan,  and 

TJralian  Families    .            .            .            .            .            .  .71 

PART   II. 

CLASSIFICATORY  SYSTEM  OF  RELATIONSHIP. 

GANOWANIAN  FAMILY. 

CHAP.  I.     System  of  Relationship  of  the  Ganowaniau  Family              .            .            .  .131 

II.     System  of  Relationship  of  the  Ganowanian  Family — Continued     .            .  .     150 

III.  System  of  Relationship  of  the  Ganowanian  Family — Continued      .            .  .     170 

IV.  System  of  Relationship  of  the  Ganowanian  Family — Continued      .            .  .     200 
V.     System  of  Relationship  of  the  Ganowanian  Family — Continued      .             .  .     230 

VI.     System  of  Relationship  of  the  Ganowanian  Family — Continued       .             .  .     254 

VII.     System  of  Relationship  of  the  Eskimo        • .             .             .             .             .  .     267 

APPENDIX  TO  PART  II.     System  of  Consanguinity  and  Affinity  of  the  Ganowanian  Family  .     279 

(xi) 


xii  CONTENTS. 

PART  III. 

CLASSIFICATORY  SYSTEM  OF  RELATIONSHIP— CONTINUED. 
TURANIAN  AND  MALAYAN  FAMILIES. 

PAGE 

CHAP.  I.  System  of  Relationship  of  the  Turanian  Family       ...                         .385 

II.  System  of  Relationship  of  the  Turanian  Family — Continued            .             .             .     399 

III.  System  of  Relationship  of  the  Turanian  .Family — Continued  .             .             .     413 

IV.  System  of  Relationship  of  Unclassified  Asiatic  Nations       ....     438 
V.  System  of  Relationship  of  the  Malayan  Family       ...                        .     448 

VI.     General  Results         .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .467 

APPENDIX  TO  PAKT  III.     Table  of  Consanguinity  and  Affinity  of  the  Turanian  and  Malayan 

Families     ....  515 


PART    I. 

DESCRIPTIVE  SYSTEM  OF  RELATIONSHIP. 


ARYAN,  SEMITIC,  AND  URALIAN  FAMILIES. 


WITH  A   TABLE. 


1       May,  1868.  (  1  ) 


CHAPTEE   I. 
INTRODUCTION. 

Causes  which  induced  this  Investigation — Peculiar  System  of  Relationship  among  the  Iroqnois — Discovery  of  the 
same  among  the  Ojibwas — Inferences  from  their  Identity — Its  prevalence  throughout  the  Indian  Family  rendered 
probable — Plan  adopted  to  determine  the  Question — Results  Reached — Evidence  of  the  existence  of  the  same 
Systetn  in  Asia  obtained — Range  of  the  Investigation  Extended — Necessity  for  including,  as  far  as  possible,  all 
the  Families  of  Mankind — Method  of  Prosecuting  the  Inquiry — General  Results — Materials  Collected — Order  of 
Arrangement — Tables  of  Consanguinity  and  Affinity — Systems  of  Relationship  as  a  Basis  of  Classification — Their 
Use  in  Ethnological  Investigations. 

As  far  back  as  the  year  1846,  while  collecting  materials  illustrative  of  the 
institutions  of  the  Iroquois,  I  found  among  them,  in  daily  use,  a  system  of  relation- 
ship for  the  designation  and  classification  of  kindred,  both  unique  and  extraordinary 
in  its  character,  and  wholly  unlike  any  with  which  we  are  familiar.  In  the  year 
185 11  I  published  a  brief  account  of  this  singular  system,  which  I  then  supposed 
to  be  of  their  own  invention,  and  regarded  as  remarkable  chiefly  for  its  novelty. 
Afterwards,  in  1857,2 1  had  occasion  to  reexamine  the  subject,  when  the  idea  of  its 
possible  prevalence  among  other  Indian  nations  suggested  itself,  together  with  its 
uses,  in  that  event,  for  ethnological  purposes.  In  the  following  summer,  while  on 
the  south  shore  of  Lake  Superior,  I  ascertained  the  system  of  the  Ojibwa  Indians; 
and,  although  prepared  in  some  measure  for  the  result,  it  was  with  some  degree 
of  surprise  that  I  found  among  them  the  same  elaborate  and  complicated  system 
which  then  existed  among  the  Iroquois.  Every  term  of  relationship  was  radically 
different  from  the  corresponding  term  in  the  Iroquois;  but  the  classification  of 
kindred  was  the  same.  It  was  manifest  that  the  two  systems  were  identical  in 
their  fundamental  characteristics.  It  seemed  probable,  also,  that  both  were 
derived  from  a  common  source,  since  it  was  not  supposable  that  two  peoples, 
speaking  dialects  of  stock-languages  as  widely  separated  as  the  Algonkin  and 
Iroquois,  could  simultaneously  have  invented  the  same  system,  or  derived  it  by 
borrowing  one  from  the  other. 

From  this  fact  of  identity  several  inferences  at  once  suggested  themselves.  As 
its  prevalence  among  the  Seneca-Iroquois  rendered  probable  its  like  prevalence 
among  other  nations  speaking  dialects  of  the  Iroquois  stock-language,  so  its 
existence  and  use  among  the  Ojibwas  rendered  equally  probable  its  existence  and 
use  among  the  remaining  nations  speaking  dialects  of  the  Algonkin  speech.  If 
investigation  should  establish  the  affirmative  of  these  propositions  it  would  give  to 

1  League  of  the  Iroquois,  p.  85. 

•  Proceedings  of  American  Association  for  Advancement  of  Science  for  1857,  Part  II.,  p.  132. 

(3) 


4       SYSTEMS  OF  CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

the  system  a  wide  distribution.  In  the  second  place,  its  prevalence  among  these 
nations  would  render  probable  its  like  prevalence  among  the  residue  of  the 
American  aborigines.  If,  then,  it  should  be  found  to  be  universal  among  them,  it 
would  follow  that  the  system  was  coeval,  in  point  of  time,  with  the  commencement 
of  their  dispersion  over  the  American  continent;  and  also  that,  as  a  system  trans- 
mitted with  the  blood,  it  might  contain  the  necessary  evidence  to  establish  their 
unity  of  origin.  And  in  the  third  place,  if  the  Indian  family  came,  in  fact,  from 
Asia,  it  would  seem  that  they  must  have  brought  the  system  with  them  from  that 
continent,  and  have  left  it  behind  them  among  the  people  from  whom  they  sepa- 
rated; further  than  this,  that  its  perpetuation  upon  this  continent  would  rendei 
probable  its  like  perpetuation  upon  the  Asiatic,  where  it  might  still  be  found; 
and,  finally,  that  it  might  possibly  furnish  some  evidence  upon  the  question  of  the 
Asiatic  origin  of  the  Indian  family. 

This  series  of  presumptions  and  inferences  was  very  naturally  suggested  by  the 
discovery  of  the  same  system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  in  nations  speaking 
dialects  of  two  stock-languages.  It  was  not  an  extravagant  series  of  speculations 
upon  the  given  basis,  as  will  be  more  fully  understood  when  the  Seneca  and  Ojibwa 
systems  are  examined  and  compared.  On  this  simple  and  obvious  line  of  thought 
I  determined  to  follow  up  the  subject  until  it  was  ascertained  whether  the  system 
was  universal  among  the  American  aborigines;  and,  should  it  become  reasonably 
probable  that  such  was  the  fact,  then  to  pursue  the  inquiry  upon  the  Eastern  Con- 
tinent, and  among  the  islands  of  the  Pacific. 

The  work  was  commenced  by  preparing  a  schedule  of  questions  describing  the 
persons  in  the  lineal,  and  the  principal  persons  embraced  in  the  first  five  collateral 
lines,  which,  when  answered,  would  give  their  relationship  to  Ego,  and  thus  spread 
out  in  detail  the  system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  of  any  nation  with  fullness 
and  particularity.  This  schedule,  with  an  explanatory  letter,  was  sent  in  the  form 
of  a  printed  circular  to  the  several  Indian  missions  in  the  United  States,  to  the 
commanders  of  the  several  military  posts  in  the  Indian  country,  and  to  the 
government  Indian  agents.  It  was  expected  to  procure  the  information  by 
correspondence  as  the  principal  instrumentality.  From  the  complicated  nature  of 
the  subject  the  results,  as  might,  perhaps,  have  been  foreseen,  were  inconsiderable. 
This  first  disappointment  was  rather  a  fortunate  occurrence  than  otherwise,  since  it 
forced  me  either  to  abandon  the  investigation,  or  to  prosecute  it,  so  far  as  the 
Indian  nations  were  concerned,  by  personal  inquiry.  It  resulted  in  the  several 
annual  explorations  among  the  Indian  nations,  the  fruits  of  which  will  be  found  in 
Tables  II.,  which  is  attached  to  Part  II.  By  this  means  all  the  nations,  with  but 
a  few  exceptions,  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  between  the 
Arctic  Sea  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  were  reached  directly,  and  their  systems  of 
relationship  procured.  Some  of  the  schedules,  however,  were  obtained  by  corre- 
spondence, from  other  parties. 

Having  ascertained  as  early  as  the  year  1859  that  the  system  prevailed  in  the 
five  principal  Indian  stock-languages  east  of  the  mountains,  as  well  as  in  several 
of  the  dialects  of  each,  its  universal  diffusion  throughout  the  Indian  family  had 
become  extremely  probable.  This  brought  me  to  the  second  stage  of  the  investi- 


OFTHEHUMANFAMILY.  5 

gation,  namely,  to  find  whether  it  prevailed  in  other  parts  of  the  world.  To 
determine  that  question  would  require  an  extensive  foreign  correspondence,  which 
a  private  individual  coukl  not  hope  to  maintain  successfully.  To  make  the  attempt 
effectual  would  require  the  intervention  of  the  national  government,  or  the  co-ope- 
ration of  some  literary  or  scientific  institution.  It  is  one  of  the  happy  features  of 
American  society  that  any  citizen  may  ask  the  assistance  of  his  government,  or  ef 
any  literary  or  scientific  institution  in  the  country,  with  entire  freedom ;  and  with 
the  further  consciousness  that  his  wishes  will  be  cheerfully  acceded  to  if  deserving 
of  encouragement.  This  removed  what  might  otherwise  have  been  a  serious 
obstacle.  In  this  spirit  I  applied  to  Prof.  Joseph  Henry,  Secretary  of  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution,  for  the  use  of  the  name  of  theiatter  in  foreign  countries  in  the 
conduct  of  the  correspondence ;  and  further  desired  him  to  procure  a  letter  from 
the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States  to  our  diplomatic  and  consular  repre- 
sentatives abroad,  commending  the  subject  to  their  favorable  attention.  With 
both  of  these  requests  Prof.  Henry  complied  in  the  most  cordial  manner.  From 
January,  1860,  until  the  close  of  the  investigation,  the  larger  part  of  the  corre- 
spondence was  conducted  under  the  official  name  of  the  Institution,  or  under  cover 
by  the  Secretary  of  State.  By  these  means  an  unusual  degree  of  attention  was 
secured  to  the  work  in  foreign  countries,  the  credit  of  which  is  due  to  the  influence 
of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  and  to  the  official  circular  of  the  late  General  Cass, 
then  Secretary  of  State.  In  addition  to  these  arrangements  I  had  previously 
solicited  and  obtained  the  co-operation  of  the  secretaries  of  the  several  American 
missionary  boards,  which  enabled  me  to  reach,  under  equally  favorable  conditions, 
a  large  number  of  American  missionaries  in  Asia  and  Africa,  and  among  the 
islands  of  the  Pacific.  .^-. 

From  the  distinguished  Ame-incan  missionary,  Dr.  Henry  W.  Scudder,  of  Arcot, 
India,  who  happened  to  be  in. -this  country  in  1859,  I  had  obtained  some  evidence 
of  the  existence  of  the  American  Indian  system  of  relationship  among  the  Tamilian 
people  of  South-India.  This  discovery  opened  still  wider  the  range  of  the  proposed 
investigation.  It  became  necessary  to  find  the  limits  within  which  the  systems  of 
the  Aryan  and  Semitic  families  prevailed,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  line  of  demarca- 
tion between  their  forms  and  that  of  the  eastern  Asiatics.  The  circumscription  of 
one  was  necessary  to  the  circumscription  of  the  other.  In  addition  to  this  it  seemed 
imperative  to  include  the  entire  human  family  within  the  scope  of  the  research, 
and  to  work  out  this  comprehensive  plan  as  fully  as  might  be  possible.  The 
nearer  this  ultimate  point  was  approximated  the  more  instructive  would  be  the 
final  results.  It  was  evident  that  the  full  significance  of  identity  of  systems  in 
India  and  America  would  be  lost  unless  the  knowledge  was  made  definite  concern- 
ing the  relations  of  the  Indo-American  system  of  relationship  to  those  of  the 
western  nations  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  also  to  those  of  the  nations  of  Africa  and 
Polynesia.  This  seeming  necessity  greatly  increased  the  magnitude  of  the  under- 
taking, and  at  the  same  time  encumbered  the  subject  with  a  mass  of  subordinate 
materials. 

In  the  further  prosecution  of  the  enterprise  the  same  schedule  and  circular  were 
sent  to  the  principal  missions  of  the  several  American  boards,  with  a  request  that 


6  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

the  former  might  be  filled  out,  according  to  its  design,  with  the  system  of  rela- 
tionship of  the  people  among  whom  they  were  respectively  established ;  and  that 
such  explanations  might  be  given  as  would  be  necessary  to  its  interpretation.  This 
class  of  men  possess  peculiar  qualifications  for  linguistic  and  ethnological  researches ; 
and,  more  than  this,  they  reside  among  the  nations  whose  systems  of  consanguinity 
were  relatively  of  the  most  importance  for  the  purpose  in  hand.  The  tables  Avill 
show  how  admirably  they  performed  the  task. 

They  were  also  sent  to  the  diplomatic  and  consular  representatives  of  the  United 
States  in  foreign  countries,  through  whom  another,  and  much  larger,  portion  of 
the  human  family  was  reached.  By  their  instrumentality,  chiefly,  the  system  of 
the  Aryan  family  was  procured.  A  serious  difficulty,  however,  was  met  in  this 
direction,  in  a  difference  of  language,  which  the  official  agents  of  the  government 
were  unable,  in  many  cases,  to  surmount.  In  Europe  and  Asia  the  number  of 
schedules  obtained  through  them,  in  a  completely  executed  form,  was  even  larger 
than  would  reasonably  have  been  expected ;  while  in  Africa,  in  South  America, 
and  in  Mexico  and  Central  America  the  failure  was  nearly  complete. 

To  supply  these  deficiencies  an  attempt  was  made  to  reach  the  English  missions 
*!!  the  Eastern  Archipelago  and  in  Polynesia ;  and  also  Spanish  America  through 
the  Roman  Catholic  bishops  and  clergy  of  those  countries ;  but  the  efforts  proved 
unsuccessful. 

The  foregoing  are  the  principal,  but  not  the  exclusive,  sources  from  which  the 
materials  contained  in  the  tables  were  derived. 

A  large  number  of  schedules,  when  returned,  were  found  to  be  imperfectly  filled 
out.  Misapprehension  of  the  nature  and  object  of  the  investigation  was  the  prin- 
cipal cause.  The  most  usual  form  of  mistake  was  the  translation  of  the  questions 
into  the  native  language,  which  simply  reproduced  the  questions  and  left  them 
unanswered.  A  person  unacquainted  with  the  details  of  his  own  system  of  rela- 
tionship might  be  misled  by  the  form  of  each  question  which  describes  a  person, 
and  not  at  once  perceive  that  the  true  answer  should  give  the  relationship  sustained 
by  this  person  to  Ego.  As  our  own  system  is  descriptive  essentially,  a  correct 
answer  to  most  of  the  questions  would  describe  a  person  very  much  in  the  form  of 
the  question  itself,  if  the  system  of  the  nation  was  descriptive.  But,  on  the  con- 
trary, if  it  was  classificatory,  such  answers  would  not  only  be  incorrect  in  fact,  but 
would  fail  to  show  the  true  system.  The  utmost  care  was  taken  to  guard  against 
this  misapprehension,  but,  notwithstanding,  the  system  of  several  important  nations, 
thus  imperfectly  procured,  was  useless  from  the  difficulty,  not  to  say  impossibility, 
of  repeating  the  attempt  in  remote  parts  of  the  earth,  where  it  required  two  years, 
and  sometimes  three,  for  a  schedule  to  be  received  and  returned.  In  some  cases, 
where  the  correspondent  was  even  as  accessible  as  India,  it  required  that  length  of 
time,  and  the  exchange  of  several  letters,  to  correct  and  perfect  the  details  of  a  single 
schedule.  Every  system  of  relationship  is  intrinsically  difficult  until  it  has  been 
carefully  studied.  The  classificatory  form  is  complicated  in  addition  to  being  diffi- 
cult, and  totally  unlike  our  own.  It  is  easy,  therefore,  to  perceive  that  when  a 
person  was  requested  to  Avork  out,  in  detail,  the  system  of  a  foreign  people  he  would 
find  it  necessary,  in  the  first  instance,  to  master  his  own,  and  after  that  to  meet 


OP   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  7 

and  overcome  the  difficulties  of  another,  and,  perhaps,  radically  different  form. 
With  these  considerations  in  mind  it  is  a  much  greater  cause  for  surprise  that  so 
many  schedules  were  completely  executed  than  that  a  considerable  number  should 
have  failed  to  be  so. 

The  schedule  is  necessarily  self-corrective  as  to  a  portion  of  the  persons  described, 
since  the  position  of  Ego  and  his  or  her  correlative  person  is  reversed  in  different 
questions.  It  was  also  made  self-confirmatory  in  other  ways,  so  that  a  careful 
examination  would  determine  the  question  of  its  correctness  or  non-correctness  in 
essential  particulars.  This  was  especially  true  with  respect  to  the  classificatory 
system.  Notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  made  to  insure  correctness,  it  is  not  sup- 
posable  that  the  tables  are  free  from  errors ;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  very  probable 
that  a  critical  examination  will  bring  to  light  a  large  number.  I  believe,  however, 
that  they  will  be  found  to  be  substantially  correct. 

It  was  a  matter  of  some  difficulty  to  determine  the  proper  order  of  arrangement 
of  the  materials  thus  brought  together.  The  natural  order  of  the  subject  has  been 
followed  as  closely  as  possible.  All  the  forms  of  consanguinity  exhibited  in  the 
tables  resolve  themselves  into  two,  the  descriptive  and  the  classificatory.  Of  these 
the  former  is  the  most  simple  in  its  structure,  and  for  this  reason  should  be  first 
considered.  It  embraces  the  systems  of  the  Aryan,  Semitic,  and  Uralian  families, 
which  are  identical  in  their  radical  characteristics.  The  classificatory  system  has 
one  principal  form,  the  Indo-American,  and  two  subordinate  forms,  the  Malayan 
and  the  Eskimo.  Of  these,  the  Malayan  is  the  most  simple,  and  probably  under- 
lying form,  and,  as  such,  would  come  first ;  after  this  in  its  natural  order  would  be 
either  the  Turanian  or  the  American  Indian,  at  convenience,  since  each  stands  in 
the  same  relation  to  the  Malayan;  and  after  these  the  Eskimo,  which  stands  discon- 
nected from  the  systems  of  either  of  the  families  named.  But  it  was  found  advisable 
to  reverse  this  order,  as  to  the  classificatory  form,  on  account  of  the  preponderating 
amount  of  materials,  and  to  consider,  first,  the  American  Indian,  then  the 
Turanian,  and  after  all  these  the  Malayan  and  Eskimo. 

In  Part  I.,  after  discussing  the  elements  of  a  system  of  relationship  considered 
in  the  abstract,  the  Roman  form  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  is  taken  up  and 
explained  with  fulness  and  particularity,  as  typical  of  the  system  of  the  Aryan 
family.  This  is  followed  by  a  brief  exposition  of  the  forms  which  prevail  in  other 
branches  of  the  family  for  the  purpose  of  indicating  the  differences  between  them 
and  the  typical  form;  and  also  to  ascertain  the  general  characteristics  of  the 
system.  The  systems  of  the  Semitic  and  Uralian  families  are  then  treated  in  the 
same  manner,  and  compared  with  the  Aryan  form.  By  this  means,  also,  the 
limits  of  the  spread  of  the  descriptive  system  of  relationship  are  determined. 

In  Part  II.,  after  discussing  certain  preliminary  facts,  the  Seneca-Iroquois 
form  is  first  explained  with  minuteness  of  detail,  as  typical  of  the  system  of  the 
American  Indian  family.  After  this  the  several  forms  in  the  remaining  branches 
of  this  family  are  presented ;  confining  the  discussion,  so  far  as  could  properly  be 
done,  to  the  points  of  difference  between  them  and  the  typical  system. 

In  Part  III.,  the  Tamilian  form  is  first  presented  and  explained  as  typical  of 
the  system  of  the  Turanian  family ;  after  which  the  forms  that  prevail  among  tho 


8  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 

other  Asiatic  nations  represented  in  the  tables,  are  considered  and  compared  with 
the  typical  form.  These  are  necessarily  presented  with  fulness  of  detail,  particu- 
larly the  Chinese,  from  the  great  amount  of  divergence  from  the  typical  form 
which  they  exhibit.  After  this  the  system  of  the  Malayan  family,  of  which  the 
Hawaiian  form  is  typical,  is  presented  and  explained  in  the  same  manner.  The 
Eskimo  system  concludes  the  series. 

Lastly,  the  general  results  of  a  comparison  of  these  several  forms,  together  with 
a  conjectural  solution  of  the  origin  of  the  classificatory  system,  furnish  the  subject 
of  a  concluding  chapter. 

The  tables,  however,  are  the  main  results  of  this  investigation.  In  their 
importance  and  value  they  reach  far  beyond  any  present  use  of  their  contents 
which  the  writer  may  be  able  to  indicate.  If  they  can  be  perfected,  and  the 
systems  of  the  unrepresented  nations  be  supplied,  their  value  would  be  greatly 
increased.  The  classification  of  nations  is  here  founded  upon  a  comparison  of 
their  several  forms  of  consanguinity.  With  some  exceptions,  it  harmonizes  with 
that  previously  established  upon  the  basis  of  linguistic  affinities.  One  rests  upon 
blood,  the  preponderance  of  which  is  represented  by  the  system  of  relationship; 
the  other  is  founded  upon  language,  the  affinities  of  which  are  represented  by 
grammatical  structure.  One  follows  ideas  indicated  in  a  system  of  relationship  and 
transmitted  with  the  blood ;  the  other  follows  ideas  indicated  in  forms  of  speech 
and  transmitted  in  the  same  manner.  It  may  be  a  question  which  class  of  ideas 
has  been  perpetuated  through  the  longest  periods  of  time. 

In  Table  I.,  which  is  appended  to  Part  I.,  will  be  found  the  system  of  the 
Aryan,  Semitic,  and  Uralian  families ;  in  Table  II.,  which  is  likewise  appended 
to  Part  II.,  that  of  the  American  Indian  family;  and  in  Table  IV.,  which  is 
appended  to  Part  III.,  that  of  the  Turanian  and  Malayan  families.  The  plan 
adopted  in  framing  these  tables  was  to  bring  each  specific  relationship,  among  a 
certain  number  of  affiliated  nations,  into  the  same  column,  so  that  their  agreement 
or  disagreement  as  to  any  particular  relationship  might  be  seen  at  a  glance.  This 
arrangement  will  facilitate  the  comparison.  The  names  of  the  several  nations, 
whose  systems  are  brought  together,  will  be  found  in  a  column  on  the  left  of  the 
page ;  and  the  descriptions  of  the  several  persons,  whose  relationships  to  Ego  are 
shown,  are  written  in  a  consecutive  series  at  the  top  of  the  several  columns.  In 
this  series  the  lineal  line  is  first  given.  This  is  followed  by  the  first  collateral  line 
in  its  male  and  female  branches ;  and  this,  in  turn,  by  the  second  collateral  line  in 
its  male  and  female  branches  on  the  father's  side,  and  in  its  male  and  female 
branches  on  the  mother's  side ;  after  which,  but  less  fully  extended,  will  be  found 
the  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  collateral  lines.  An  inspection  of  the  tables  will  make 
the  method  sufficiently  obvious. 

If  these  tables  prove  sufficient  to  demonstrate  the  utility  of  systems  of  relation- 
ship in  the  prosecution  of  ethnological  investigations,  one  of  the  main  objects  of 
this  work  will  be  accomplished.  The  number  of  nations  represented  is  too  small 
to  exhibit  all  the  special  capabilities  of  this  instrumentality.  The  more  thoroughly 
the  system  is  explored  in  the  different  nations  of  the  same  family  of  speech,  espe- 
cially where  the  form  is  classificatory,  the  more  ample  and  decisive  the  evidence 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  9 

will  become  which  bears  upon  the  question  of  their  genetic  connection.  The 
threads  of  this  connection  between  remotely  affiliated  nations  are  sometimes 
recovered  in  the  most  unexpected  manner.  These  tables,  therefore,  as  but  the 
commencement  of  the  work  if  this  new  instrument  in  ethnology  invite  the  test 
of  criticism.  The  remaining  nations  of  the  earth  can  be  reached  and  their  systems 
procured,  should  it  seem  to  be  desirable ;  and  it  may  be  found  that  this  is  the  most 
simple  as  well  as  compendious  method  for  the  classification  of  nations  upon  the 
basis  of  affinity  of  blood.1 


1  In  the  appendix  to  this  volume  will  be  found  a  schedule  of  questions  adapted  to  this  work. 
Any  person  interested  in  the  furtherance  of  this  object,  who  will  procure  the  system  of  any  nation 
not  represented  in  the  tables,  or  correct  or  complete  any  deficient  schedule  therein,  will  render  a 
special  service  to  the  author.  The  schedule  may  be  sent  to  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  at  Wash- 
ington; and  when  published  full  credit  will  be  given  to  the  person  furnishing  the  same. 


May,  186a 


10  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 


CHAPTER    II. 

GENERAL   OBSERVATIONS   UPON    SYSTEMS   OF  RELATIONS HI PS. 

Marriage  the  basis  of  the  Family  Relationships — Systems  of  Consanguinity  and  AS  nity — Each  Person  the  Centre  of 
a  Group  of  Kindred— The  System  of  Nature  Numerical — Not  necessarily  adopted— Every  System  embodies  Defi- 
nite Ideas It  is  a  Domestic  Institution — Two  Radical  Forms — The  Descriptive,  and  the  Classificatory — Aryan, 

Semitic,  and  Uraliau  Families  have  the  former — Turanian,  American  Indian,  and  Malayan  the  latter — Divergence 
of  Collateral  Lines  from  Lineal,  Characteristic  of  the  First — Mergence  of  Collateral  Lines  in  the  Lineal,  of  the 
Second — Uses  of  these  Systems  depend  upon  the  Permanence  of  their  Radical  Forms — Evidence  of  their  Modi- 
fication— Direction  of  the  Change — Causes  which  tend  to  the  Stability  of  their  Radical  Features. 

IN  considering  the  elements  of  a  system  of  consanguinity  the  existence  of  mar- 
riage between  single  pairs  must  be  assumed.  Marriage  forms  the  basis  of  rela- 
tionships. In  the  progress  of  the  inquiry  it  may  become  necessary  to  consider  a 
system  with  this  basis  fluctuating,  and,  perhaps,  altogether  wanting.  The  alter- 
native assumption  of  each  may  be  essential  to  include  all  the  elements  of  the 
subject  in  its  practical  relations.  The  natural  and  necessary  connection  of 
consanguinei  with  each  other  would  be  the  same  in  both  cases;  but  with  this 
difference,  that  in  the  former  the  lines  of  descent  from  parent  to  child  would  be 
known,  while  in  the  latter  they  would,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  be  incapable 
of  ascertainment.  These  considerations  might  affect  the  form  of  the  system  of 
consanguinity. 

The  family  relationships  are  as  ancient  as  the  family.  They  exist  in  virtue 
of  the  law  of  derivation,  which  is  expressed  by  the  perpetuation  of  the  species 
through  the  marriage  relation.  A  system  of  consanguinity,  which  is  founded  upon 
a  community  of  blood,  is  but  the  formal  expression  and  recognition  of  these 
relationships.  Around  every  person  there  is  a  circle  or  group  of  kindred  of 
which  such  person  is  the  centre,  the  Ego,  from  whom  the  degree  of  the  relationship 
is  reckoned,  and  to  whom  the  relationship  itself  returns.  Above  him  are  his 
father  and  his  mother  and  their  ascendants,  below  him  are  his  children  and  their 
descendants;  while  upon  either  side  are  his  brothers  and  sisters  and  their 
descendants,  and  the  brothers  and  sisters  of  his  father  and  of  his  mother  and  their 
descendants,  as  well  as  a  much  greater  number  of  collateral  relatives  descended 
from  common  ancestors  still  more  remote.  To  him  they  are  nearer  in  degree  than 
other  individuals  of  the  nation  at  large.  A  formal  arrangement  of  the  more 
immediate  blood  kindred  into  lines  of  descent,  with  the  adoption  of  some  method 
to  distinguish  one  relative  from  another,  and  to  express  the  value  of  the  relation- 
ship, would  be  one  of  the  earliest  acts  of  human  intelligence. 

Should  the  inquiry  be  made  how  far  nature  suggests  a  uniform  method  or  plan 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  11 

for  the  discrimination  of  the  several  relationships,  and  for  the  arrangement  of 
kindred  into  distinct  lines  of  uescent,  the  answer  would  be  difficult,  unless  it  was 
first  assumed  that  marriage  between  single  pairs  had  always  existed,  thus  rendering 
definite  the  lines  of  parentage.  With  this  point  established,  or  assumed,  a  natural 
system,  numerical  in  its  character,  will  be  found  underlying  any  form  which  man 
may  contrive ;  and  which,  resting  upon  an  ordinance  of  nature,  is  both  universal 
and  unchangeable.  Ah1  of  the  descendants  of  an  original  pair,  through  intermedi- 
ate pairs,  stand  to  each  other  in  fixed  degrees  of  proximity,  the  nearness  or  re- 
moteness of  which  is  a  mere  matter  of  computation.  If  we  ascend  from  ancestor 
to  ancestor  in  the  lineal  line,  and  again  descend  through  the  several  collateral  lines 
until  the  widening  circle  of  kindred  circumscribes-  millions  of  the  living  and  the 
dead,  all  of  these  individuals,  in  virtue  of  their  descent  from  common  ancestors, 
are  bound  to  the  "Ego"  by  the  chain  of  consanguinity. 

The  blood  relationships,  to  which  specific  terms  have  been  assigned,  under  the 
system  of  the  Aryan  family,  are  few  in  number.  They  are  grandfather  and  grand- 
mother, father  and  mother,  brother  and  sister,  son  and  daughter,  grandson  and 
granddaughter,  uncle  and  aunt,  nephew  and  niece,  and  cousin.  Those  more 
remote  in  degree  are  described  either  by  an  augmentation  or  by  a  combination  of 
these  terms.  After  these  are  the  affineal  or  marriage  relationships,  which  are 
husband  and  wife,  father-in-law  and  mother-in-law,  son-in-law  and  daughter-in-law, 
brother-in-law  and  sister-in-law,  step-father  and  step-mother,  step-son  and  step- 
daughter, and  step-brother  and  step-sister;  together  with  such  of  the  husbands  and 
wives  of  blood  relatives  as  receive  the  corresponding  designation  by  courtesy. 
These  terms  are  barely  sufficient  to  indicate  specifically  the  nearest  relationships, 
leaving  much  the  largest  number  to  be  described  by  a  combination  of  terms. 

So  familiar  are  these  ancient  household  words,  and  the  relationships  which  they 
indicate,  that  a  classification  of  kindred  by  means  of  them,  according  to  their 
degrees  of  nearness,  would  seem  to  be  not  only  a  simple  undertaking,  but,  when 
completed,  to  contain  nothing  of  interest  beyond  its  adaptation  to  answer  a 
necessary  want.  But,  since  these  specific  terms  are  entirely  inadequate  to  desig- 
nate a  person's  kindred,  they  contain  in  themselves  only  the  minor  part  of  the 
system.  An  arrangement  into  lines,  with  descriptive  phrases  to  designate  such 
relatives  as  fall  without  the  specific  terms,  becomes  necessary  to  its  completion. 
In  the  mode  of  arrangement  and  of  description  diversities  may  exist.  Every 
system  of  consanguinity  must  be  able  to  ascend  and  descend  in  the  lineal  line 
through  several  degrees  from  any  given  person,  and  to  specify  the  relationship  of 
each  to  Ego ;  and  also  from  the  lineal,  to  enter  the  several  collateral  lines  and 
follow  and  describe  the  collateral  relatives  through  several  generations.  When 
spread  out  in  detail  and  examined,  every  scheme  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  will 
be  found  to  rest  upon  definite  ideas,  and  to  be  framed,  so  far  as  it  contains  any 
plan,  with  reference  to  particular  ends.  In  fine,  a  system  of  relationship,  originat- 
ing in  necessity,  is  a  domestic  institution,  which  serves  to  organize  a  family  by 
the  bond  of  consanguinity.  As  such  it  possesses  a  degree  of  vitality  and  a  power 
of  self-perpetuation  commensurate  with  its  nearness  to  the  primary  wants  of  man. 

In  a  general  sense,  as  has  elsewhere  been  stated,  there  are  but  two  radically 


12  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

distinct  forms  of  consanguinity  among  the  nations  represented  in  the  tables.  One 
of  these  is  descriptive  and  the  other  classificatory.  The  first,  which  is  that  of  the 
Aryan,  Semitic,  and  Uralian  families,  rejecting  the  classification  of  kindred,  except 
so  far  as  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  numerical  system,  describes  collateral  consan- 
guinei,  for  the  most  part,  by  an  augmentation  or  combination  of  the  primary 
terms  of  relationship.  These  terms,  which  are  those  for  husband  and  wife,  father 
and  mother,  brother  and  sister,  and  son  and  daughter,  to  which  must  be  added,  in 
such  languages  as  possess  them,  grandfather  and  grandmother,  and  grandson  and 
granddaughter,  are  thus  restricted  to  the  primary  sense  in  which  they  are  here 
employed.  All  other  terms  are  secondary.  Each  relationship  is  thus  made  inde- 
pendent and  distinct  from  every  other.  But  the  second,  which  is  that  of  the 
Turanian,  American  Indian,  and  Malayan  families,  rejecting  descriptive  phrases  in 
every  instance,  and  reducing  consanguine!  to  great  classes  by  a  series  of  apparently 
arbitrary  generalizations,  applies  the  same  terms  to  all  the  members  of  the  same 
class.  It  thus  confounds  relationships,  which,  under  the  descriptive  system,  are 
distinct,  and  enlarges  the  signification  both  of  the  primary  and  secondary  terms 
\  beyond  their  seemingly  appropriate  sense. 

Although  a  limited  number  of  generalizations  have  been  developed  in  the  system 
of  the  first-named  families,  which  are  followed  by  the  introduction  of  additional 
special  terms  to  express  in  the  concrete  the  relationships  thus  specialized,  yet  the 
system  is  properly  characterized  as  descriptive,  and  was  such  originally.  It  will 
be  seen  in  the  sequel  that  the  partial  classification  of  kindred  which  it  now  con- 
tains is  in  harmony  with  the  principles  of  the  descriptive  form,  and  arises  from  it 
legitimately  to  the  extent  to  which  it  is  carried ;  and  that  it  is  founded  upon  con- 
ceptions entirely  dissimilar  from  those  which  govern  in  the  classificatory  form. 
These  generalizations,  in  some  cases,  are  imperfect  when  logically  considered ;  but 
they  were  designed  to  realize  in  the  concrete  the  precise  relationships  which  the 
descriptive  phrases  suggest  by  implication.  In  the  Erse,  for  example,  there  are  no 
terms  for  uncle  or  aunt,  nephew  or  niece,  or  cousin ;  but  they  were  described  as 
father's  brother,  mother's  brother,  brotJier's  son,  and  so  on.  These  forms  of  the 
Celtic  are,  therefore,  purely  descriptive.  In  most  of  the  Aryan  languages  terms 
for  these  relationships  exist.  My  father's  brothers  and  my  mother's  brothers,  in 
English,  are  generalized  into  one  class,  and  the  term  uncle  is  employed  to  express 
the  relationship.  The  relationships  to  Ego  of  the  two  classes  of  persons  are  equal 
in  their  degree  of  nearness,  but  not  the  same  in  kind;  wherefore,  the  Roman 
method  is  preferable,  which  employed  patruus  to  express  the  former,  and  avunculus 
to  indicate  the  latter.  The  phrase  "  father's  brother"  describes  a  person,  but  it 
likewise  implies  a  bond  of  connection  which  patruus  expresses  in  the  concrete. 
In  like  manner,  my  father's  brother's  son,  my  father's  sister's  son,  my  mother's 
brother's  son,  and  my  mother's  sister's  son  are  placed  upon  an  equality  by  a  similar 
generalization,  and  the  relationship  is  expressed  by  the  term  cousin.  They  stand 
to  me  in  the  same  degree  of  nearness,  but  they  are  related  to  me  in  four  different 
ways.  The  use  of  these  terms,  however,  does  not  invade  the  principles  of  the 
descriptive  system,  but  attempts  to  realize  the  implied  relationships  in  a  simpler 
manner.  On  the  other  hand,  in  the  system  of  the  last-named  families,  while  cor- 


OF   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  13 

responding  terms  exist,  their  application  to  particular  persons  is  founded  upon  very 
different  generalizations,  and  they  are  used  in  an  apparently  arbitrary  manner.  In 
Seneca-Iroquois,  for  example,  my  father's  brother  is  my  father.  Under  the  system 
he  stands  to  me  in  that  relationship  and  no  other.  I  address  him  by  the  same 
term,  Ha-nili',  which  I  apply  to  my  own  father.  My  mother's  brother,  on  the  con- 
trary, is  my  uncle,  Hoc-no'-seh,  to  whom,  of  the  two,  this  relationship  is  restricted. 
Again,  with  myself  a  male,  my  brother's  son  is  my  son,  Ha-ali'-wult,  the  same  as  my 
own  son ;  while  my  sister's  son  is  my  nephew,  Ha-ya' -wan-da ;  but  with  myself  a 
female,  these  relationships  are  reversed.  My  brother's  son  is  then  my  nephew;  while 
my  sister's  son  is  my  son.  Advancing  to  the  second  collateral  line,  my  father's 
brother's  son  and  my  mother's  sister's  son  are  my  brothers,  and  they  severally 
stand  to  me  in  the  same  relationship  as  my  own  brother ;  but  my  father's  sister's 
son  and  my  mother's  brother's  son  are  my  cousins.  The  same  relationships  are 
recognized  under  the  two  forms,  but  the  generalizations  upon  which  they  rest  are 
different. 

In  the  system  of  relationship  of  the  Aryan,  Semitic,  and  Uralian  families,  the 
collateral  lines  are  maintained  distinct  and  perpetually  divergent  from  the  lineal, 
which  results,  theoretically  as  well  as  practically,  in  a  dispersion  of  the  blood. 
The  value  of  the  relationships  of  collateral  consanguine!  is  depreciated  and  finally 
lost  under  the  burdcnsomeness  of  the  descriptive  method.  This  divergence  is  one 
of  the  characteristics  of  the  descriptive  system.  On  the  contrary,  in  that  of  the 
Turanian,  American  Indian,  and  Malayan  families,  the  several  collateral  lines, 
near  and  remote,  are  finally  brought  into,  and  merged  in  the  lineal  line,  thus 
theoretically,  if  not  practically,  preventing  a  dispersion  of  the  blood.  The 
relationships  of  collaterals  by  this  means  is  both  appreciated  and  preserved.  This 
mergence  is,  in  like  manner,  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the  classificatory  system. 

How  these  two  forms  of  consanguinity,  so  diverse  in  their  fundamental  concep- 
tions and  so  dissimilar  in  their  structure,  came  into  existence  it  may  be  wholly 
impossible  to  explain.  The  fir&fc  question  to  be  considered  relates  to  the  nature 
of  these  forms  and  their  ethnid  distribution,  after  the  ascertainment  of  which  their 
probable  origin  may  be  made  a  subject  of  investigation.  While  the  existence  of 
two  radically  distinct  forms  appears  to  separate  the  human  family,  so  far  as  it  is 
represented  in  the  tables,  into  two  great  divisions,  the  Indo-European  and  the  Indo- 
American,  the  same  testimony  seems  to  draw  closer  together  the  several  families 
of  which  these  divisions  are  composed,  without  forbidding  the  supposition  that  a 
common  point  of  departure  between  the  two  may  yet  be  discovered.  If  the 
evidence  deposited  in  these  systems  of  relationship  tends,  in  reality,  to  consolidate 
the  families  named  into  two  great  divisions,  it  is  a  tendency  in  the  direction  of 
unity  of  origin  of  no  inconsiderable  importance. 

After  the  several  forms  of  consanguinity  and  affinity,  which  now  prevail  in  the 
different  families  of  mankind,  have  been  presented  and  discussed,  the  important 
question  will  present  itself,  how  far  these  forms  become  changed  with  the  pro- 
gressive changes  of  society.  The  uses  of  systems  of  relationship  to  establish  the 
genetic  connection  of  nations  will  depend,  first,  upon  the  structure  of  the  system, 
and,  secondly,  upon  the  stability  of  its  radical  forms.  In  form  and  feature  they 


14  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

must  be  found  able,  when  once  established,  to  perpetuate  themselves  through 
indefinite  periods  of  time.  The  question  of  their  use  must  turn  upon  that  of  the 
stability  of  their  radical  features.  Development  and  modification,  to  a  very 
considerable  extent,  are  revealed  in  the  tables  in  which  the  comparison  of  forms 
is  made  upon  an  extended  scale;  but  it  will  be  observed,  on  further  examination, 
that  these  changes  are  further  developments  of  the  fundamental  conceptions  which 
lie,  respectively,  at  the  foundation  of  the  two  original  systems. 

V  "  There  is  one  powerful  motive  which  might,  under  certain  circumstances,  tends 
to  the  overthrow  of  the  classificatory  form  and  the  substitution  of  the  descriptive, 
but  it  would  arise  after  the  attainment  of  civilization.  This  is  the  inheritance  of 

/  estates.  It  may  be  premised  that  the  bond  of  kindred,  among  uncivilized  nations, 
is  a  strong  influence  for  the  mutual  protection  of  related  persons.  Among  nomadic 
stocks,  especially,  the  respectability  of  the  individual  was  measured,  in  no  small 
degree,  by  the  number  of  his  kinsmen.  The  wider  the  circle  of  kindred  the 
greater  the  assurance  of  safety,  since  they  were  the  natural  guardians  of  his  rights 
and  the  avengers  of  his  wrongs.  Whether  designedly  or  otherwise,  the  Turanian 
form  of  consanguinity  organized  the  family  upon  the  largest  scale  of  numbers. 
On  the  other  hand,  a  gradual  change  from  a  nomadic  to  a  civilized  condition 
would  prove  the  severest  test  to  which  a  system  of  consanguinity  could  be  sub- 
jected. The  protection  of  the  law,  or  of  the  State,  would  become  substituted  for 
that  of  kinsmen;  but  with  more  effective  power  the  rights  of  property  might 
influence  the  system  of  relationship.  This  last  consideration,  which  would  not 
arise  until  after  a  people  had  emerged  from  barbarism,  would  be  adequate  beyond 
any  other  known  cause  to  effect  a  radical  change  in  .a  pre-existing  system,  if  this 
recognized  relationships  which  would  defeat  natural  justice  in  the  inheritance  of 
property.  In  Tamilian  society,  where  my  brother's  son  and  my  cousin's  son  are 
both  my  sons,  a  useful  purpose  may  have  been  subserved  by  drawing  closer,  in 
this  manner,  the  kindred  bond;  but  in  a  civilized  sense  it  would  be  manifestly 
unjust  to  place  either  of  these  collateral  sons  upon  an  equality  with  my  own  son 
for  the  inheritance  of  my  estate.  Hence  the  growth  of  property  and  the  settlement 
of  its  distribution  might  be  expected  to  lead  to  a  more  precise  discrimination  of 
the  several  degrees  of  consanguinity  if  they  were  confounded  by  the  previous 
system. 

Where  the  original  system,  anterior  to  civilization,  was  descriptive,  the  tendency 
to  modification,  under  the  influence  of  refinement,  would  be  in  the  direction  of  a 
more  rigorous  separation  of  the  several  lines  of  descent,  and  of  a  more  systematic 
description  of  the  persons  or  relationships  in  eacH>  It  would  not  necessarily  lead 
to  the  abandonment  of  old  terms  nor  to  the  invention  of  new.  This  latter  belongs, 
usually,  to  the  formative  period  of  a  language.  When  that  is  passed,  compound 
terms  are  resorted  to  if  the  descriptive  phrases  are  felt  to  be  inconvenient. 
Wherever  these  compounds  are  found  it  will  be  known  at  once  that  they  are 
modern  in  the  language.  The  old  terms  are  not  necessarily  radical,  but  they  have 
become  so  worn  down  by  long-continued  use  as  to  render  the  identification  of  their 
component  parts  impossible.  While  the  growth  of  nomenclatures  of  relationship 
tends  to  show  the  direction  in  which  existing  systems  have  been  modified,  it  seems 


OF    THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  15 

to  be  incapable  of  throwing  any  light  upon  the  question  whether  a  classificatory 
form  ever  becomes  changed  into  a  descriptive,  or  the  reverse.  It  is  more  difficult, 
where  the  primitive  system  was  classificatory,  to  ascertain  the  probable  direction 
of  the  change.  The  uncivilized  nations  have  remained  substantially  stationary  in 
their  condition  through  all  the  centuries  of  their  existence,  a  circumstance 
eminently  favorable  to  the  permanency  of  their  domestic  institutions.  It  is  not 
supposable,  however,  that  they  have  resisted  all  modifications  of  their  system  of 
consanguinity.  The  opulence  of  the  nomenclature  of  relationships,  which  is 
characteristic  of  the  greater  portion  of  the  nations  whose  form  is  classificatory, 
may  tend  to  show  that,  if  it  changed  jnaterially,  it  would  be  in  the  direction  of 
a  greater  complexity  of  classification.  It  is  extremely  difficult  to  arrive  at  any 
general  conclusions  upon  this  question  with  reference  to  either  form.  But  it  may 
be  affirmed  that  if  an  original  system  changes  materially,  after  it  has  been  adopted 
into  use,  it  is  certain  to  be  done  in  harmony  with  the  ideas  and  conceptions  which 
it  embodies,  of  which  the  changes  will  be  further  and  logical  developments. 

It  should  not  be  inferred  that  forms  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  are  either N 
adopted,  modified,  or  laid  aside  at  pleasure.  The  tables  entirely  dispel  such  a 
supposition.  When  a  system  has  once  come  into  practical  use,  with  its  nomen- 
clature adopted,  and  its  method  of  description  or  of  classification  settled,  it  would, 
from  the  nature  of  the  case,  be  very  slow  to  change.  Each  person,  as  has  else- 
where been  observed,  is  the  centre  around  whom  a  group  of  consanguine!  is 
arranged.  It  is  my  father,  my  mother,  my  brother,  my  son,  my  uncle,  my  cousin, 
with  each  and  every  human  being ;  and,  therefore,  each  one  is  compelled  to 
understand,  as  well  as  to  use,  the  prevailing  system.  It  is  an  actual  necessity  to 
all  alike,  since  each  relationship  is  personal  to  Ego.  A  change  of  any  of  these 
relationships,  or  a  subversion  of  any  of  the  terms  invented  to  express  them,  would 
be  extremely  difficult  if  not  impossible;  and  it  would  be  scarcely  less  difficult  to 
enlarge  or  contract  the  established  use  of  the  terms  themselves.  The  possibility  of 
this  permanence  is  increased  by  the  circumstance  that  these  systems  exist  by  usage 
rather  than  legal  enactment,  and  therefore  the  motive  to  change  must  be  as 
universal  as  the  usage.  Their  use  and  preservation  are  intrusted  to  every  person 
who  speaks  the  common  language,  and  their  channel  of  transmission  is  the  blood. 
Hence  it  is  that,  in  addition  to  the  natural  stability  of  domestic  institutions,  there 
are  special  reasons  which  contribute  to  their  permanence,  by  means  of  which  it  is 
rendered  not  improbable  that  they  might  survive  changes  of  social  condition 
sufficiently  radical  to  overthrow  the  primary  ideas  in  which  they  originated. 

These  preliminary  statements  being  made,  it  is  now  proposed  to  explain  and 
compare  the  systems  of  relationship  of  the  several  nations  and  families  represented 
in  the  tables.  In  doing  this  the  order  therein  adopted  will  be  followed.  Invoking 
the  patient  attention  .of  the  reader,  I  will  endeavor  to  perform  this  task  with  as 
much  brevity  and  clearness  as  I  may  be  able  to  command. 


16  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 


CHAPTER   III. 
SYSTEM    OF   RELATIONSHIP   OF    THE   ARYAN   FAMILY. 

Roman  System  of  Consanguinity  and  Affinity — Framed  by  the  Civilians — Relationships  of  two  kinds — By  Consan- 
guinity, or  Blood — By  Affinity,  or  Marriage — Lineal  and  Collateral  Consanguinity — Diagram — Method  of  Descrip- 
tion by  Lines  explained — Diagram  of  the  Roman  Civilians — Completeness  and  precision  of  the  Roman  System — 
Immense  number  of  Consanguine!  within  the  near  Degrees — Computations — Rapid  intermingling  of  the  Blood 
of  a  People — Mode  of  Computing  Degrees  under  the  Civil  Law — Under  the  Canon  Law — Under  the  Common 
Law — Origin  of  the  Variance — Marriage  Relationships  fully  discriminated — English  System  barren  of  Terms — 
Opulence  of  the  Roman  Nomenclature  of  Relationships. 

AN  understanding  of  the  framework  and  principles  of  our  own  system  of  rela- 
tionship is  a  necessary  preparatory  step  to  the  consideration  of  those  of  other 
nations.  It  was  originally  strictly  descriptive.  After  the  settlement  and  civiliza- 
tion of  the  several  branches  of  the  Aryan  family,  there  was  engrafted  upon  it, 
among  several  of  them,  a  method  of  description  differing  materially  from  the  primi- 
tive form,  but  without  invading  its  radical  features,  or  so  far  overspreading  them 
as  to  conceal  the  simple  original.  The  new  element,  which  came  naturally  from 
the  system  itself,  was  introduced  by  the  Roman  civilians  to  perfect  the  framework 
of  a  code  of  descents.  Their  improvements  have  been  adopted  into  the  system  of 
the  several  branches  of  the  family,  to  which  the  Roman  influence  extended.  To 
obtain  a  knowledge  historically  of  our  present  English  form,  we  must  resort  to  the 
Roman  as  it  was  perfected  by  the  civilians,  and  left  by  them  in  its  codified  form. 
The  additions  were  slight,  but  they  changed  materially  the  method  of  describing 
kindred.  They  consisted  chiefly  in  the  establishment  of  the  relationships  of  uncle 
and  aunt  on  the  father's  side,  and  on  the  mother's  side,  which  were  unknown  in 
the  primitive  system,  and  in  the  adoption  of  a  descriptive  method  based  upon  these 
terms,  which,  with  proper  augments,  enabled  them  to  systematize  the  relationships 
in  the  first  five  collateral  lines.  We  are  also  indebted  to  the  Latin  speech  for  the 
modern  portion  of  our  nomenclature  of  relationships. 

It  is  evident,  however,  that  the  elaborate  and  scientific  arrangement  of  kindred 
into  formally  described  lines  of  descent  employed  by  the  civilians,  and  which 
became  the  law  of  the  State,  was  not  adopted  by  the  Roman  people,  except  in  its 
least  complicated  parts.  There  are  reasons  for  believing  that  the  ancient  method, 
modified  by  the  substitution  of  some  of  the  new  terms  of  relationship  in  the  place 
of  descriptive  phrases,  was  retained  for  those  nearest  in  degree,  and  that  more  dis- 
tant relatives  were  described  without  any  attempt  to  preserve  the  artificial  distinc- 
tions among  the  several  lines.  This  variance  between  the  forms  used  by  the 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  17 

people  and  by  the  State,  whenever  it  occurs  in  this  family  of  nations,  is  entirely 
immaterial,  since  the  two  do  not  conflict. 

It  should  also  be  observed  that  it  is  impossible  to  recover  the  system  of  consan- 
guinity and  affinity  of  any  people,  in  its  details,  from  the  lexicon,  or  even  from  the 
literature  of  their  language,  if  it  has  ceased  to  be  a  living  form.  The  Hebrew  and 
Sanskrit  are  examples.  If  it  had  been  reduced  to  a  statute  and  thus  had  become 
a  law  of  the  State,  it  would  be  found  in  a  codified  form.  In  all  other  cases  it 
can  only  be  obtained,  in  its  completeness,  by  a  direct  resort  to  the  people. 

In  the  Pandects1  and  in  the  Institutes2  the  system  of  relationship  of  the  Roman 
civil  law  has  been  preserved  with  minuteness  and  precision,  with  full  explanations 
of  its  provisions  and  method  of  arrangement.  A  careful  examination  of  its  details 
will  furnish  us  the  readiest  knowledge  of  our  own,  as  well  as  unfold  the  principles 
which  must  govern  the  formation  of  any  strictly  philosophical  system. 

Relationships  are  of  two  kinds :  First,  by  consanguinity,  or  blood :  second,  by 
affinity,  or  marriage.  Consanguinity,  which  is  the  relation  of  persons  descended 
from  the  same  ancestor,  is  also  of  two  kinds,  lineal  and  collateral.  Lineal  con- 
sanguinity is  the  connection  which  subsists  among  persons  of  whom  one  is 
descended  from  the  other.  Collateral  consanguinity  is  the  connection  which 
exists  among  persons  who  are  descended  from  a  common  ancestor,  but  not  from 
each  other.  Marriage  relationships  exist  by  custom. 

In  every  supposable  plan  of  consanguinity,  where  marriage  between  single  pairs 
exists,  there  must  be  a  lineal  and  several  collateral  lines.  Each  person,  also,  in 
constructing  his  own  table  becomes  the  central  point,  or  Ego,  from  whom  outward  is 
reckoned  the  degree  of  relationship  of  each  kinsman,  and  to  whom  the  relationship 
returns.  His  position  is  necessarily  in  the  lineal  line.  In  a  chart  of  relationships 
this  line  is  vertical.  Upon  it  may  be  inscribed,  above  and  below  any  given  person, 
his  several  ancestors  and  descendants  in  a  direct  series  from  father  to  son,  and 
these  persons  together  will  constitute  his  right  lineal  male  line,  which  is  also  called 
the  trunk,  or  common  stock  of  descent.  Out  of  this  trunk  line  emerge  the  several 
collateral  lines,  male  and  female,  which  are  numbered  outwardly.  It  will  be  suffi- 
cient for  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  system  to  limit  the  explanation  to  the  main 
lineal  line,  and  to  a  single  male  and  female  branch  of  each  of  the  collateral  lines, 
including  those  on  the  father's  side  and  on  the  mother's  side,  and  proceeding  in 
each  from  the  parent  to  one  only  of  his  or  her  children,  although  it  will  include 
but  a  small  portion  of  the  kindred  of  Ego  either  in  the  ascending  or  descending 
series.  An  attempt  to  follow  all  the  divisions  and  branches  of  the  several  collateral 
lines,  which  increase  in  number  in  the  ascending  series  in  a  geometrical  ratio, 
would  embarrass  the  reader  without  rendering  the  system  itself  more  intelligible. 
The  first  collateral  line,  male,  consists  of  my  brother  and  his  descendants,  and  the 
first,  female,  of  my  sister  and  her  descendants.  The  second  collateral  line,  male, 
on  the  father's  side,  .consists  of  my  father's  brother  and  his  descendants,  and  the 
second,  female,  of  my  father's  sister  and  her  descendants;  the  second  collateral 

1  Panel.,  Lib.  XXXYIII.  tit.  x.     "Dc  gradibus  et  adfinibus  et  nominibus  eorum." 
8  Inst.  Just.,  Lib.  III.  tit.  vi.     "  De  gradibus  cognation  urn." 

3       May,  ISC  8. 


18  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 

line,  male,  on  the  mother's  side,  is  composed  of  my  mother's  brother  and  his 
descendants,  and  the  second,  female,  of  my  mother's  sister  and  her  descendants. 
The  third  collateral  line,  male,  on  the  father's  side,  consists  of  my  grandfather's 
brother  and  his  descendants,  and  third,  female,  of  my  grandfather's  sister  and  her 
descendants ;  on  the  mother's  side,  the  same  line,  male,  is  composed  of  my  grand- 
mother's brother  and  his  descendants,  and  the  same,  female,  of  my  grandmother's 
sister  and  her  descendants.  It  will  be  noticed,  in  the  last  case,  that  we  have  turned 
out  of  the  lineal  line  on  the  father's  side  into  that  on  the  mother's  side.  The 
fourth  collateral  line,  male,  on  the  father's  side,  consists  of  my  great-grandfather's 
brother  and  his  descendants;  and  the  fourth,  female,  of  my  great-grandfather's 
sister  and  her  descendants ;  the  same  line,  male,  on  the  mother's  side,  is  composed 
of  my  great-grandmother's  brother  and  his  descendants ;  and  the  same,  female,  of 
my  great-grandmother's  sister  and  her  descendants.  In  like  manner,  the  fifth  col- 
lateral line,  male,  on  the  father's  side,  consists  of  my  great-great-grandfather's 
brother  and  his  descendants ;  and  the  fifth,  female,  of  my  great-great-grandfather's 
sister  and  her  descendants ;  the  same  line,  male,  on  the  mother's  side  is  composed 
of  my  grcat-great-grandmother's  brother  -  and  his  descendants ;  and  the  same, 
female,  of  my  great-great-grandmothcr's  sister  and  her  descendants.  These  five 
lines  embrace  the  great  body  of  our  kindred  who  are  within  the  range  of  practical 
or  even  necessary  recognition. 

Where  there  are  several  brothers  and  sisters  of  each  ancestor,  they  constitute  so 
many  branches  of  each  line  respectively.  If  I  have  several  brothers  and  sisters, 
they  and  their  descendants  constitute  as  many  lines,  each  independent  of  the  other, 
as  I  have  brothers  and  sisters ;  but  all  together  they  form  my  first  collateral  line 
in  two  branches,  a  male  and  a  female.  In  like  manner  the  several  brothers  and 
sisters  of  my  father  and  of  my  mother,  with  their  respective  descendants,  make  up 
as  many  lines,  each  independent  of  the  other,  as  there  are  brothers  and  sisters  ;  but 
all  unite  in  forming  my  second  collateral  line  in  two  divisions,  that  on  the  father's 
side  and  that  on  the  mother's  side,  and  in  four  principal  branches,  two  male  and 
two  female.  If  the  third  collateral  line  were  run  out  fully  in  the  ascending  series, 
it  would  give  four  general  divisions  of  ancestors  and  eight  principal  branches ;  and 
the  number  of  each  would  increase  in  the  same  ratio  in  each  successive  collateral 
line.  With  such  a  maze  of  branches,  lines,  and  divisions,  embracing  such  a  multi- 
tude of  consanguinei,  it  will  be  seen  at  once  that  a  method  of  arrangement  and 
description  which  should  maintain  each  distinct,  and  render  the  whole  intelligible, 
would  be  no  ordinary  achievement.  This  work  was  perfectly  accomplished  by  the 
Roman  civilians,  and  in  a  manner  so  entirely  simple  as  to  elicit  admiration.  It 
will  be  seen,  however,  in  the  sequel,  that  the  development  of  the  nomenclature  to 
the  requisite  extent  must  have  been  so  extremely  difficult  that  it  would  probably 
never  have  occurred  except  under  the  stimulus  of  an  urgent  necessity.  The 
absence,  from  the  primitive  system,  of  the  relationships  of  uncle  and  aunt,  in  the 
concrete  form,  was  the  first  want  to  be  supplied  to  render  the  new  method  attain- 
able. Nor  was  this  alone  sufficient ;  it  was  also  necessary  to  discriminate  those  on 
the  father's  side  from  those  on  the  mother's  side,  and  to  elaborate  independent 
terms  for  each,  an  achievement  made  in  a  limited  number  only  of  the  languages  of 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  19 

mankind.  These  indispensable  terms  finally  appeared  in  patruus  and  amita  for 
uncle  and  aunt  on  the  father's  side,  and  in  ammculus  and  matertera  for  uncle  and 
aunt  on' the  mother's  side,  which,  with  suitable  augments,  enabled  the  civilians  to 
indicate  specifically  the  first  person  in  the  second,  third,  fourth,  and  fifth  collateral 
lines  on  the  father'*  side  and  on  the  mother's  side.  After  these  were  secured,  the 
improved  Roman  method  of  describing  collateral  consanguinei  became  possible,  as 
well  as  established.  The  development  of  these  relationships,  in  the  concrete,  was 
the  principal,  as  well  as  the  greatest  advance  in  the  system  of  relationship,  made  by 
any  of  the  members  of  the  Aryan  family. 

All  languages  are  able  to  describe  kindred  by  a  combination  of  the  primary 
terms ;  and  this  method  is  still  used,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  secondary  terms, 
when  it  becomes  necessary  to  be  specific,  unless  the  Roman  method  is  employed. 
In  the  description  we  commence  at  Ego,  and  ascend  first  to  the  common  ancestor, 
and  then  down  the  collateral  line  to  the  person  whose  relationship  is  sought,  as  in 
the  English ;  or,  reversing  the  initial  point,  commence  with  the  latter,  and  ascend 
to  the  common  ancestor,  and  then  descend  to  the  former  as  in  the  Erse.  To 
describe  a  cousin,  in  the  male  branch  of  the  second  collateral  line,  we  use  in  Eng- 
lish the  phrase  father's  brother's  son  ;  or,  in  Erse,  son  of  the  brother  of  my  father  ; 
for  a  second  cousin,  in  the  same  branch  of  the  third  collateral  line,  we  say,  in  Eng- 
lish, fatJier's  father's  brother's  son's  son  ;  in  Erse,  son  of  the  son  of  the  brother  of  the 
father,  of  my  father.  Where  the  relationship  of  grandfather  is  discriminated  by  a 
specific  or  a  compound  term,  we  may  say  grandfather's  brotJier's  grandson  ;  but  as 
this  would  fail  to  show  whether  the  person  was  on  the  father's  side  or  on  the 
mother's  side,  a  further  explanation  must  be  added.  The  inconvenience  of  this 
method,  which  was  the  primitive  form  of  the  Aryan  family,  is  sufficiently  obvious. 
It  was  partially  overcome,  in  process  of  time,  by  the  generalization  of  the  rela- 
tionships of  uncle  and  aunt,  nephew  and  niece,  and  cousin,  and  the  invention  of 
special  terms  for  their  expression  in  the  concrete.  A  little  reflection  upon  the 
awkwardness  and  cumbcrsomeness  of  a  purely  descriptive  system  of  relationship 
will  illustrate  the  necessity,  first,  for  common  terms  for  the  nearest  collateral 
degrees,  and,  secondly,  of  a  scientific  method  for  the  description  of  consanguinei. 
It  will  also  enable  us  to  appreciate  the  serious  difficulties  overcome,  as  well  as  the 
great  advance  made,  by  the  Romans  in  the  formal  system  which  they  established, 
or,  rather,  engrafted  upon  the  original  form. 

If,  then,  we  construct  a  diagram  of  the  right  lineal  line,  male,  and  the  first  five 
collateral  lines,  male  and  female,  on  the  father's  side,  and  limit  each  collateral 
line  at  its  commencement  to  a  single  brother  and  sister  of  Ego,  and  to  a  single 
brother  and  sister  of  each  of  the  lineal  ancestors  of  Ego,  and  these  several  lines 
are  projected  from  parent  to  child,  the  collateral  lines  will  be  parallel  with  each 
other  and  divergent  from  the  lineal  in  the  actual  manner  of  the  outflow  of  the 
generations.  The  diagram  (Plate  I.)  will  afford  a  more  distinct  impression  of  the 
relation  of  the  lineal  and  several  collateral  lines  to  each  other,  and  of  the  nomen- 
clature of  the  Roman  system,  than  could  be  given  by  a  description.  It  exhibits 
the  lines  named,  arranged  with  reference  to  a  central  person,  or  Ego,  and  indicates 
the  relationship  to  him  of  each  of  the  persons  in  these  several  lines.  The  great 


30  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 

superiority  of  its  nomenclature  over  those  of  the  remaining  Aryan  nations  will  be 
recognized  at  once,  as  well  as  the  thoroughly  scientific  method  of  description  by 
which  it  is  distinguished  above  all  other  systems  which  have  ever  been  framed. 

From  Ego  to  tritavus,  in  the  lineal  line,  are  six  generations  of  ascendants,  and 
from  the  same  to  trinepos  are  the  same  number  of  descendants,  in  the  description 
of  which  but  four  radical  terms  are  used.  If  it  were  desirable  to  ascend  above  the 
sixth  ancestor,  tritavus  would  become  a  new  starting-point  of  description;  thus, 
tritavi  pater,  the  father  of  tritavus,  and  so  upward  to  tritavi  tritavus,  who  is  the 
twelfth  ancestor  of  Ego  in  the  lineal  right  line,  male.  In  our  rude  nomenclature 
the  phrase  grandfather's  grandfather  must  be  repeated  six  times  to  express  the 
same  relationship,  or  rather  to  describe  the  same  person.  In  like  manner  trinepotis 
trinepos  carries  us  to  the  twelfth  descendant  of  Ego  in  the  right  lineal  line,  male. 
He  is  the  great-grandson  of  the  great-grandson  of  trinepos,  the  great-grandson  of 
the  great-grandson  of  Ego. 

The  first  collateral  line,  male,  which  commences  with  brother,  frater,  is  composed 
of  him  and  his  lineal  descendants,  proceeding  in  the  right  line  from  father  to  son; 
thus,  fratris  filius,  literally  son  of  brother,  fratris  nepos,  grandson  of  brother,  and 
on  to  fratris  trinepos,  the  great-grandson  of  the  great-grandson  of  the  brother  of 
Ego.  If  it  were  necessary  to  extend  the  description  to  the  twelfth  generation, 
fratris  trinepos  would  become  a  second  starting-point,  from  which  we  should  have 
fratris  trinepotis  trinepos,  the  great-grandson  of  the  great-grandson  of  fratris  trinepos, 
the  great-grandson  of  the  great-grandson  of  the  brother  of  Ego.  By  this  simple 
method  frater  is  made  the  root  of  descent  in  this  line,  and  every  person  within  it 
is  referred  to  him  by  the  force  of  this  term  in  the  description ;  and  we  know  at 
once  that  each  person  described  belongs  to  the  first  collateral  line,  male.  It  is, 
therefore,  in  itself  complete  as  well  as  specific.  In  like  manner,  and  with  like 
results,  the  first  collateral  line  female  commences  with  sister,  soror,  giving  for  the 
series  sororis  filia,  sister's  daughter ;  sororis  neptis,  sister's  granddaughter ;  and  on 
to  sororis  trineptis,  her  sixth,  and  to  sororis  trineptis  trineptis,  her  twelfth  descendant. 
While  these  two  branches  of  the  first  collateral  line  originate,  in  strictness,  in  the 
father,  pater,  who  is  the  common  bond  of  connection  between  them,  yet  by  making 
the  brother  and  sister  the  root  of  descent  of  their  respective  branches  in  the 
description,  not  only  this  line,  but,  also,  its  two  branches,  are  maintained  distinct; 
and  the  relationship  of  each  person  to  Ego  is  specialized  by  force  of  the  description. 
This  is  one  of  the  chief  excellencies  of  the  system  as  a  purely  scientific  method  of 
distinguishing  and  describing  kindred. 

The  second  collateral  line,  male,  on  the  father's  side,  commences  with  father's 
brother,  patruus,  and  is  composed  of  him  and  his  descendants,  limited  in  the 
diagram  to  the  right  line.  Each  person,  by  the  terms  used  to  describe  him,  is 
referred  with  entire  precision  to  his  proper  position  in  the  line,  and  his  relationship 
is  indicated ;  thus,  patrui  filius,  son  of  paternal  uncle,  patrui  nepos,  grandson  of 
paternal  uncle,  and  on  to  patrui  trinepos,  the  sixth  descendant  of  patruus.  If  it 
became  necessary  to  extend  this  line  to  the  twelfth  generation  we  should  have, 
after  passing  through  the  intermediate  degrees,  patrui  trinepotis  trinepos,  the  great- 
grandson  of  the  great-grandson  of  patrui  trinepos,  the  great-grandson  of  the  great- 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  21 

grandson  of  patruus.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  term  for  cousin  is  rejected  in 
the  diagram,  as  it  is,  also,  in  the  formal  method  of  the  Pandects.  He  is  described 
as  patrui  filius,  but  he  was  also  called  a  brother  patruel,  frater  patruelis,  and 
among  the  people  at  large  by  the  common  term  for  cousin,  consobrinus.  The  second 
collateral  line,  female,  on  the  father's  side  commences  with  father's  sister,  amita, 
paternal  aunt ;  and  her  descendants  are  described  according  to  the  same  general 
plan ;  thus,  amitce  filia,  paternal  aunt's  daughter,  amitce  neptis,  paternal  aunt's 
granddaughter,  and  so  on  to  amitce  trineptis,  and  to  amitce  trineptis  trineptis.  In 
this  branch  of  the  line  the  term  for  cousin,  amitinus,  amitina,  is  also  set  aside  for 
the  formal  phrase  amitce  filia,  although  the  former  indicates  specifically,  by  its 
etymology,  this  particular  one  of  the  four  cousins.1"  Among  the  people  the  term 
consobrinus,  consobrina  was  applied  to  this  cousin,  as  it  was  indiscriminately  to  each 
of  the  four.2 

In  accordance  with  the  same  general  plan  the  third  collateral  line,  male,  on  the 
father's  side  commences  with  grandfather's  brother,  who  is  styled  patruus  magnus, 
or  great-uncle.  At  this  point  in  the  nomenclature  special  terms  fail  and  compounds 
are  resorted  to,  although  the  relationship  itself  is  in  the  concrete,  the  same  as 
grandfather.  It  is  evident  that  this  relationship  was  not  discriminated  until  a 
comparatively  modern  period.  No  existing  language,  so  far  as  this  inquiry  has 
been  extended,  possesses  an  original  or  radical  term  for  great-uncle,  although 
without  the  Roman  method  the  third  collateral  line  cannot  be  described  except  by 
the  Celtic.  In  the  Turanian,  Malayan,  and  American  Indian  forms,  where  the 
classification  of  consanguinei  is  altogether  different,  he  is  a  grandfather.  If  he 
were  called  simply  grandfather's  brother,  the  phrase  would  describe  a  person,  leaving 
the  relationship  as  a  matter  of  implication ;  but  if  great-uncle,  it  expresses  a 
relationship  in  the  concrete,  and  becomes  equivalent  to  a  specific  term.  The 
specialization  of  this  relationship  Avas  clearly  the  work  of  the  civilians  to  perfect  a 
general  plan  of  consanguinity.  With  the  first  person  in  this  branch  of  the  line 
thus  made  definite  as  a  great-uncle,  all  of  his  descendants  are  referred  to  him,  in 
their  description,  as  the  root  of  descent ;  and  the  line,  the  side,  whether  male  or 
female,  and  the  degree  of  the  relationship  of  each  person,  are  at  once  severally  and 
jointly  expressed.  This  line  may  be  extended,  in  like  manner,  to  the  twelfth 
descendant,  which  would  give  for  the  series  patrui  magni  filius,  son  of  the  paternal 
great-uncle ;  patrui  magni  nepos,  grandson  of  paternal  great-uncle ;  and  thus  on 
to  patrui  magni  trinepotis  trinepos,  the  great-grandson  of  the  great-grandson  of 
putrid  magni  trinepos,  the  great-grandson  of  the  great-grandson  of  paternal  great- 
uncle.  The  third  collateral  line,  female,  on  the  same  side  commences  with  grand- 
father's sister,  who  is  styled  amita  magna,  or  great-aunt ;  and  her  descendants  are 
described  in  like  manner,  and  with  the  same  effect. 

1  Amitse  tuse  filii  consobrinum  te  appellant,  tu  illos  amitinos.     Inst.  Just.,  Lib.  III.  tit.  vi.  §  ii. 

'  Item  fratres  patrueles,  sorores  patrueles,  id  est  qui  quse-ve  ex  duobus  fratribus  progenerantnr ; 
item  consobrini  consobrinae,  id  est  qui  quae-ve  ex  duobus  sororibus  nascflntur  (quasi  consorini) ; 
item  amitini  amitinae,  id  est  qui  quse-ve  ex  fratre  et  sorore  propagantur ;  sed  fere  vulgus  istos  omncs 
comrauni  appellatione  consobrinos  vocat.  Pand.,  Lib.  XXXVILI.  tit.  x. 


22  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

The  fourth  and  fifth  collateral  lines,  male,  on  the  father's  side,  commence, 
respectively,  with  great-grandfather's  brother,  who  is  styled  patruus  major,  greater 
paternal  uncle,  and  with  great-great-grandfather's  brother,  who  is  called  patruus 
maximus,  greatest  paternal  uncle.  In  extending  the  series  we  have  in  the  fourth 
line,  patrui  majoris  films,  patrui  majoris  nepos,  and  on  to  patrui  majoris  trinepos  ; 
and  in  the  fifth,  patrui  maximi  filius,  patrui  maximi  nepos,  and  thus  onward  to 
patrui  maximi  trinepos.  On  the  same  side  the  corresponding  female  collateral 
lines  commence,  respectively,  with  amita  major,  greater  paternal  aunt,  and  amita 
maxima,  greatest  paternal  aunt ;  and  the  description  of  persons  in  each  follows  in 
the  same  order. 

Both  the  diagram  and  the  description  of  consanguinci  have  thus  far  been  limited 
to  the  lineal  line  male,  and  to  the  several  collateral  lines  on  the  father's  side. 
Another  diagram  with  an  entire  change  of  terms,  except  in  the  first  collateral  line, 
is  required  to  exhibit  the  right  lineal  line,  female,  and  the  four  collateral  lines, 
male  and  female,  beyond  the  first.  The  necessity  for  independent  terms  for  uncle 
and  aunt  on  the  mother's  side  to  complete  the  Roman  method  is  now  apparent, 
the  relatives  on  the  mother's  side  being  equally  numerous,  and  entirely  distinct. 
These  terms  were  found  in  avunculus,  maternal  uncle,  and  matertera,  maternal 
aunt.  The  first  collateral  line,  as  before  stated,  remains  the  same,  as  it  commences 
with  brother  and  sister.  In  the  second  collateral  line,  male,  on  the  mother's  side 
we  have  for  the  series  avunculus,  avunculi  filius,  avunculi  nepos,  and  on  to  avunculi 
trinepotis  trinepos,  if  it  were  desirable  to  extend  the  description  to  the  twelfth 
descendant  of  the  maternal  uncle.  In  the  female  branch  of  the  same  line  we  have 
for  the  series  matertera,  matertera}  /ilia,  matertera)  neptis,  and  on  to  matertera} 
trineptis.  In  the  third  collateral  line,  male,  same  side,  we  have  for  the  series 
avunculus  magnus,  avunculi  magni  filius,  avunculi  magni  nepos,  and  on  as  before ; 
and  the  female  branch  of  the  same  line,  commencing  with  matertera  magna, 
maternal  great-aunt,  is  extended  in  the  same  manner.  The  fourth  and  fifth 
collateral  lines,  male,  on  the  same  side  commence,  respectively,  with  avunculus 
major,  and  avunculus  maximus ;  and  the  corresponding  female  branches  with 
matertera  major,  and  matertera  maxima,  and  their  descendants,  respectively,  are 
described  in  the  same  manner. 

Since  the  first  five  collateral  lines  embraced  as  wide  a  circle  of  kindred  as  it  was 
necessary  to  include  for  the  practical  purposes  of  a  code  of  descents,  the  ordinary 
diagram  used  by  the  Roman  civilians  did  not  extend  beyond  this  number.  In  the 
form  of  description  adopted  by  Coke  and  the  early  English  lawyers,  and  which  was 
sanctioned  by  the  same  use  of  the  terms  in  the  Pandects,  we  find  propatruus  mag- 
nus instead  of  patruus  major,  and  abpatruus  magnus  instead  of  patruus  maximus. 
By  adopting  this  mode  of  augmentation,  which  is  also  applied  to  avus  in  the  lineal 
line,  we  have  for  the  commencement  of  the  sixth  and  seventh  collateral  lines,  male, 
on  the  father's  side,  atpatruus  magnus  and  tripatruus  magnus,  with  corresponding 
changes  of  gender  for  the  female  branches.  This  would  exhaust  the  power  of  the 
nomenclature  of  the  Roman  system.  For  collateral  lines  beyond  the  seventh  it 
was  necessary  to  resort  again  to  the  descriptive  form  Avhich  followed  the  chain  of 
consanguinity  from  degree  to  degree. 


OF   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  23 

The  diagram  (Plate  I.)  is  not  in  the  form  of  that  used  by  the  civilians.  It  is 
framed  in  accordance  with  the  form  adopted  by  Blackstone1  for  the  purpose  of 
showing  the  several  persons  in  the  lineal  and  collateral  lines,  who  stand  at  equal 
distances  in  degree  from  their  respective  common  ancestors,  in  the  same  horizontal 
plane.  Since  the  movement  downward  is  with  equal  step  in  each  of  the  lines,  the 
common  law  method  has  an  advantage  over  that  of  the  civil  law  in  illustrating  to 
the  eye  the  relative  position  of  consanguinei.  In  the  Institutes  of  Justinian2  the 
original  diagram  of  the  civilians  is  given  and  verified  in  the  text  (Plate  II.).  It 
arranges  the  several  collateral  lines  at  right  angles  with  the  lineal,  which  makes 
them  transverse  instead  of  collateral,  and,  at  the  same  time,  furnishes  the  reasons 
why  they  are  described  both  in  the  Pandects  and  in  the  Institutes,  as  the  transverse 
rather  than  the  collateral  lines.3  In  this  diagram  three  lines  meet  in  each  ancestor, 
one  of  which  is  lineal,  and  the  other  two,  consisting  of  a  male  and  female  branch, 
are  transverse.  With  a  slight  examination  it  becomes  perfectly  intelligible.  In 
some  respects  it  is  the  most  simple  form  in  which  the  system  can  be  represented. 
But  since  it  does  not  show  the  relative  position  of  consanguinei  in  the  lineal  and 
collateral  lines  with  reference  to  their  distance  with  Ego  from  the  common  ancestor, 
the  first  form  appears  to  be  preferable.  This  diagram  is  a  venerable  relic  of  the 
all-embracing  Roman  jurisprudence.  It  is  interesting,  even  impressive,  to  us,  as 
the  chart  with  which  that  greatly  distinguished  class  of  men,  the  Roman  jurists, 
"  illustrated  to  the  eye,"  as  well  as  explained  to  the  understanding,  the  beaiitiful 
and  perfect  system  of  consanguinity  we  have  been  considering. 

It  is  obvious,  as  before  remarked,  that  these  diagrams  include  but  a  small  por- 
tion of  the  immediate  consanguinei  of  each  individual,  as  the  right  line  only  is 
given  proceeding  from  the  parent  to  one  only  of  his  or  her  children,  while  there 
might  be  several  brothers  and  sisters  of  Ego,  and  of  each  of  his  several  ancestors, 
each  of  whom  would  send  off  as  many  additional  lines  as  he  or  she  left  children, 
each  leaving  descendants.  This  might  be  true  also  of  every  person  in  each  of  the 
collateral  lines.  Beside  this,  the  number  of  common  ancestors  increases  at  each 
degree,  ascending,  in  geometrical  progression,  which  multiplies  indefinitely  the 
number  of  ascending  lines.  It  would  be  entirely  impossible  to  construct  a  diagram 
of  the  lineal  and  first  and  second  collateral  lines  alone,  which  would  show  all  the 
possible  consanguinei  of  Ego  within  six  degrees  of  nearness.  These  considerations 
will  serve  to  illustrate  the  complexity  of  the  problem  which  the  civilians  solved  by 
furnishing  a  logical  and  comprehensive  system  of  relationship.  It  is  the  singular 
merit  of  the  Roman  form  that,  without  being  obscure  or  complicated,  it  contains 
all  the  elements  of  arrangement  and  description  which  are  necessary  to  resolve  any 
given  case,  and  all  that  is  material  to  a  right  understanding  of  descents. 

1  Blackstonc's  Commentaries ;  Tables  of  Consanguinity,  II.  254.  Watkins  adopts  the  same 
method  ;  Laws  of  Descent,  Table  of  Con.,  p.  123.  And  Domat  also  substantially ;  Civil  Law, 
Strahan's  Trans.  Table  on  Con.  II.  210. 

8  Lib.  III.  tit.  vii. 

8  The  usual  phrase  is  "Ex  transvcrso  sive  a  latere." 


24  SYSTEMS    OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND    AFFINITY 

If  we  should  follow  the  chain  of  relationship  beyond  the  diagrams,  and  compute 
the  number  of  the  kindred  of  Ego,  it  would  produce  remarkable  results.  In  strict- 
ness two  lines  commence  at  Ego,  one  ascending  to  his  father  and  one  to  his  mother ; 
from  these  last  the  number  is  increased  to  four,  one  of  which  ascends  to  the  father 
and  one  to  the  mother  of  his  father,  another  to  the  father  and  another  to  the 
mother  of  his  mother ;  and  again  from  these  four  common  ancestors  the  lines  are 
increased  to  eight ;  and  so  upwards  in  geometrical  progression.  As  a  matter  of 
computation  it  will  be  seen  that  at  the  fifth  degree  each  person  has  thirty-two 
ancestors^  at  the  tenth  a  thousand  and  twenty-four,  and  at  the  twentieth  upwards 
of  a  million.1  Carried  to  the  thirty-first  degree,  or  generation,  it  would  give  to 
each  person  a  greater  number  of  ancestors  than  the  entire  population  of  the  earth. 
Such  a  .marvellous  result,  although  correct  as  a  matter  of  computation,  is  prevented 
by  the  intermarriage  of  these  common  ancestors,  by  which  a  multitude  of  them  are 
reduced  to-  one.  In  the  collateral  lines  the  relatives  are  quadrupled  at  each  gene- 
ration. "  If  we  only  suppose  each  couple  of  our  ancestors  to  have  left,  one  with 
another,  two  children ;  and  each  of  those  on  an  average  to  have  left  two  more  (and 
Avithout  such  a  supposition  the  human  species  must  be  daily  diminishing"),  we  shall 
find  that  all  of  us  have  now  subsisting  near  two  hundred  and  seventy  millions  of 
kindred  at  the  fifteenth  degree,  at  the  same  distance  from  the  several  common 
ancestors  as  ourselves  are ;  besides  those  that  are  one  or  two  descents  nearer  to  or 
farther  from  the  common  stock,  who  may  amount  to  as  many  more."2  But,  as  in 
the  former  case,  the  intermarriage  of  these  collateral  relatives  would  consolidate 
many  thousands  of  these  relationships  into  one,  while  others  would,  from  the  same 
cause,  be  related  to  Ego  in  many  thousand  different  ways.  The  rapidity  with 
which  the  blood  of  a  people  is  interfused,  or,  in  other  Avords,  tends  to  intermingle 
throughout  the  entire  mass  of  the  population,  Avith  the  progress  of  the  generations, 


1  In  Black.  Cora. 

Lineal 
Degrees. 

1      .... 

II.  204,  note,  if 

Number  of 
Ancestors. 

2 

)  the  following 

Lineal 
Degrees. 

8     .      .     . 

Number  of 
Ancestors. 

256 

Lineal 
Degrees. 

15     . 

Number  of 

Ancestors. 

.     .         32768 

2     .... 

4 

9     .      .      . 

515 

16     . 

.     .         65536 

3     .... 

8 

10     .      .      . 

1024 

17     . 

.     .       131072 

4     .... 

16 

11     .      .      . 

2048 

18     . 

.     .       262144 

5     ... 

32 

12 

4096 

19 

.     .       524288 

6     .... 

64 

13    .     .     . 

8192 

20     . 

.     1048576 

7     .... 

.     128 

14    . 

16384 

3  Black.  Com.  II. 

Collateral 
Degrees. 

1      .... 

207,  note,  vide 

Number  of 
Kindred. 
1 

as  follows:  — 

Collateral 
Degrees. 

8    ... 

Number  of 
Kindred. 

16384 

Collateral 
Degrees. 

15 

Number  of 
Kindred. 

.      268435456 

2      .... 

4 

9          .     . 

65536 

16 

.    1073741824 

3      .... 

16 

10 

262146 

17 

.    4294967296 

4      .... 

64 

11 

1048576 

18 

17179869184 

5      .... 

.     256 

12 

4194304 

19 

68719476736 

6      .... 

.  1026 

13 

16777216 

20 

274877906944 

7 

.  4096 

14  . 

67108864 

OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  25 

is  forcibly  illustrated  by  these  computations.1  It  is  both  a  singular  and  an  extra- 
ordinary fact,  that  the  blood  and  physical  organization  of  so  many  millions  of 
ancestors  should  be  represented  in  the  person  of  every  human  being.  The  specific 
identity  of  the  individual  of  the  present  with  the  ancestor  of  the  past  generation 
illustrates  the  marvellous  nature  of  a  structural  organization,  which  is  capable 
of  transmission  through  so  many  ancestors,  and  of  reproduction  as  a  perfect  whole 
in  one  individual  after  the  lapse  of  indefinite  periods  of  time. 

In  the  mode  of  computing  the  degrees  of  consanguinity  the  Aryan  nations  differ 
among  themselves.  It  is  apparent  that  the  relationships  which  collaterals  sustain 
to  each  other  are  in  virtue  of  their  descent  from  common  ancestors.  It  is  also 
obvious  that  each  step  in  ascending  from  ancestor  to  ancestor  in  the  lineal  line, 
and  in  descending  from  parent  to  child,  in  either  of  the  collateral  lines,  is  a  degree. 
Hence  in  tracing  the  connection  between  Ego  and  any  given  person  in  a  collateral 
line,  we  must  first  ascend  from  Ego  to  the  common  ancestor,  and  then  descend  to 
the  person  Avhose  relationship  is  sought,  counting  each  intervening  person  as  one 
degree,  or  unit  of  separation ;  and  the  aggregate  of  these  units  will  express,  numeri- 
cally, the  nearness,  and,  upon  this  basis,  the  actual  value  of  the  relationship.  The 
difference  made  was  upon  the  starting-point,  whether  it  should  commence  with  Ego, 
or  with  the  common  ancestor.  The  Roman  civilians  reckoned  from  the  former ; 
thus,  if  the  degree  of  the  relationship  of  the  first  cousin  were  sought,  it  would  be 
estimated  as  follows :  From  Ego  to  father,  pater,  is  one ;  from  father  to  grandfather, 
avus,  who  is  the  common  ancestor,  is  two;  from  grandfather  down  to  paternal 
uncle, pa truus,  is  three;  and  from  paternal  uncle  to  cousin, patrui  filius,  is  four; 
therefore  he  stands  to  Ego  in  the  fourth  degree  of  consanguinity.  Under  this 
method  the  first  person  is  excluded  and  the  last  is  included.  This  Avas  also  the 
manner  of  computing  degrees  among  the  Hebrews.2  But  the  canon  law,  and  after 
it  the  common  law,  adopted  the  other  method.  It  commenced  with  the  common 
ancestor,  and  counted  the  degrees  in  the  same  manner,  down  to  the  person  most 
remote  from  the  latter,  whether  Ego  or  the  person  whose  relationship  was  to  be 
determined ;  thus,  a  first  cousin  stands  in  the  second  degree,  since  both  the  cousin 
and  Ego  are  removed  two  degrees  from  the  common  ancestor ;  the  son  of  this  cousin 
is  in  the  third  degree,  as  he  is  three  degrees  from  the  common  ancestor,  which 

1  These  figures  bear  directly  upon  one  of  the  great  problems  in  ethnology;  namely,  the  multi- 
plicity of  the  typical  faces  and  forms  of  mankind.  If  a  fragment  of  a  people  became  insulated,  as 
the  Erse  in  Ireland,  or  repelled  immigration  to  their  territories  by  peculiar  manners  and  customs,  as 
the  Hebrews,  it  matters  not  whether  the  original  elements  of  population  were  simple  or  mixed,  if 
the  blood  was  left  free  to  intermingle,  the  physical  peculiarities  of  the  people  would  rapidly  assimi- 
late, so  that  in  a  few  centuries  there  would  be  developed  a  national  face  and  form,  which  would  be 
common,  distinctly  marked,  and  typical.  The  only  conditions  necessary  to  produce  this  result,  in 
any  number  of  cases,  are  an  absolute  respite  from  foreign  admixture,  with  freedom  of  intermarriage 
among  all  classes.  Under  these  conditions,  which  have  been  occasionally  attained,  typical  faces  and 
forms,  such  as  the  Hebrew,  the  Irish,  and  the  German,  oould  be  multiplied  indefinitely  ;  and  the 
differences  among  them  might  become  very  great,  in  the  course  of  time,  through  congenital  pecu- 
liarities, modes  of  subsistence,  and  climatic  influences ;  not  to  say,  processes  of  degradation  of  one 
branch  or  family,  and  of  elevation  in  another. 

a  Selden's  Uxor  Hebraica,  I.  c.  4. 

4       May,  1868. 


26  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND  AFFINITY 

corresponds  with  the  fifth  of  the  civil  law.  These  two  methods  will  be  more  fully 
understood  by  consulting  the  diagram,  Plate  I.,  on  which  the  degrees  are  numbered 
according  to  the  civil  law,  and  the  diagram  of  English  descents,  Chapter  IV.  Plate 
III.,  on  which  they  are  given  according  to  the  common  law.  Our  English  ances- 
tors, at  an  early  day,  adopted  the  canon  law  mode  of  computation,  in  which  they 
clearly  made  a  mistake,  if  the  matter  were  of  any  particular  consequence.  It  is 
sufficiently  obvious  that  the  civil  law  method  of  computation  is  the  only  one  which 
is  consistent  and  logical. 

llelationship,  or  cognation,  was  further  distinguished  by  the  civilians  into  three 
kinds,  superior,  inferior,  and  transverse ;  of  which  the  first  relates  to  ascendants,  the 
second  to  descendants,  and  the  third  to  collaterals.  It  results,  also,  from  the  civil  law 
method  of  estimating  degrees,  that  several  persons  in  the  lineal  and  collateral  lines 
stand  in  the  same  degree  of  nearness  to  Ego,  which  rendered  necessary  some  quali- 
fication of  the  relative  value  of  the  numerical  degrees.  The  consanguine!  of  Ego 
were  classified  into  six  grades,  according  to  their  degree  of  nearness,  all  those  who 
were  in  the  same  degree  being  classified  in  the  same  grade,  whether  ascendants, 
descendants,  or  collaterals ;  but  they  were  distinguished  from  each  other  by  these 
three  qualifications.1 

1  DE  GRADIBUS  COGNATIONUM. — Hoc  loco  necessarium  est  exponere,  quemadmodum  gradus  cog- 
nationis  numerentur.  Quare  inprimis  admonendi  sumus,  cognationem  aliam  supra  numerari,  aliam 
infra,  aliam  ex  transverse,  quae  etiam  a  latere  dicitur.  Superior  cognatio  est  parentum :  inferior 
liberorum :  ex  transverso  fratrum  sororumve,  et  eorum,  qui  quaeve  ex  his  generantur ;  et  conveni- 
enter patrui,  amitae,  avunculi,  materterce.  Et  superior  quidem  et  inferior  cognatio  a  prinio  gradu 
incipit;  et  ea,  quse  ex  transverso  numeratur,  a  secundo. 

§  I.  Primo  gradu  est  supra  pater,  mater :  infra  dins,  filia.  Secundo  gradu  supra  avus,  avia:  infra 
nepos,  neptis :  ex  transverso  frater,  soror.  Tertio  gradu  supra  proavus,  proavia :  infra  pronepos,  pro- 
neptis :  ex  transverso  fratris  sororisque  filius,  filia :  et  convenienter  patruus,  amita,  avunculus,  mater- 
tera.  Patruus  est  patris  frater,  qui  Graecis  narpaStx?>os  appellatur.  Avunculus  est  frater  matris,  qui 
Graece  Mijrpaiextoj  dicitur  ;  et  uterque  promiscue  0£coj  appellatur.  Amita  est  patris  soror,  quas  Greece 
nafpaSeXifif  appellatur :  matertera  vero  matris  soror,  quro  Grace  MytpatiWi]  dicitur :  et  utraque  pro- 
miscue ©E«a  appellatur. 

§  II.  Quarto  gradu  supra  abavus,  abavia  :  infra  abnepos,  abncptis  :  ex  transverso  fratris  sororisque 
nepos  neptisve :  et  convenienter  patruus  magnus,  amita  magna,  id  est,  avi  frater  et  soror :  item 
avunculus  magnus  et  matertera  magna,  id  est,  aviae  frater  et  soror :  consobrinus,  consobrina,  id  est, 
qui  quaeve  ex  sororibus  aut  fratribus  procreantur.  Sed  quidam  recte  consobrinos  eos  proprie  dici 
putant,  qui  ex  duabus  sororibus  progenerantur,  quasi  consororinos :  eos  ver6,  qui  ex  duobus  fratribus 
progenerantur,  proprie  fratres  patrueles  vocari :  si  autem  ex  duobus  fratribus  dice  nascuntur,  sorores 
patrueles  appellari.  At  eos,  qui  ex  fratre  et  sorore  progenerantur,  amitinos  proprife  dici  putant. 
Amitae  tuae  filii  consobrinum  te  appellant,  tu  illos  amitinos. 

§  III.  Quinto  gradu  supra  atavus,  atavia :  infra  atuepos,  atneptis :  ex  transverso  fratris  sororisque 
pronepos,  proneptis  :  et  convenienter  propatruus,  proamita,  id  est,  proavi  frater  et  soror  :  et  proavun- 
cnlus  et  promatertera,  id  est,  proavise  frater  et  soror:  item  fratris  patruelis,  vel  sororis  patruelis, 
consobrini  et  consobrinae,  amitini  et  amitinae  filius,  filia :  proprior  sobrino,  proprior  sobrina ;  hi  sunt 
patrui  magni,  amitae  magnae,  avunculi  magni,  materterae  magnas  filius,  filia. 

§  IV.  Sexto  gradu  supra  tritavus,  tritavia  :  infra  trinepos  trineptis  :  ex  transverso  fratris  sororis- 
que  abnepos  abneptis  :  et  convenienter  abpatruus  abamita,  id  est,  abavi  frater  et  soror :  abavunculus, 
abmatertera,  id  est,  abaviae  frater  et  soror :  item  propatrui,  proamitae,  proavunculi,  promaterterae 
filius,  filia :  item  proprius  sobrino  sobrinave  filius,  filia :  item  consobrini  consobrinae  nepos,  neptis  : 
item  sobrini,  sobrinae ;  id  est,  qui  quaeve  ex  fratribus  vel  sororibus  patruelibus,  vel  consobrinis,  vel 
amitinis  progenerantur. — Institutes  of  Justinian,  Lib.  III.  tit.  vi. 


OFTHEHUMANFAMILY.  27 

It  will  not  be  necessary  to  pursue  further  the  minute  details  of  the  Boman 
system  of  consanguinity.  The  principal  and  most  important  of  its  features  have 
been  presented,  and  in  a  manner  sufficiently  special  to  have  rendered  it  perfectly 
intelligible.  For  simplicity  of  method,  felicity  of  description,  distinctness  of 
arrangement  into  lines,  truthfulness  to  nature,  and  beauty  of  nomenclature,  it  is 
incomparable.  It  stands  pre-eminently  at  the  head  of  all  the  systems  of  relation- 
ship ever  perfected  by  man,  and  furnishes  one  of  the  many  illustrations  that  what- 
ever the  Roman  mind  had  occasion  to  touch,  it  placed  •  once  for  all  upon  a  solid 
foundation. 

From  its  internal  structure  it  is  evident  that  this  system,  in  its  finished  form,  was 
the  work  of  the  civilians.  We  have  reasons,  also,  for  believing  that  it  was  not 
used  by  the  people  except  within  narrow  limits.  Its  rigorous  precision  and 
formality,  not  to  say  complication  of  arrangement,  tends  to  this  conclusion;  and 
the  existence  and  use  of  common  terms  for  near  kindred,  after  its  establishment,  is 
still  more  decisive.  It  is  not  even  probable  that  the  common  people  employed 
either  of  the  four  special  terms  for  uncle  and  aunt,  or  that  either  term  for  uncle  or 
for  aunt  was  used  promiscuously.  The  disappearance  of  all  of  these  terms  from 
the  modern  Italian  language,  and  the  reappearance  in  it  of  the  Greek  common 
term  for  uncle  and  aunt,  Oeiog,  Beta,  in  the  Italian  Zio,  Zia,  renders  it  conjecturable 
at  least,  that  the  Greek  term,  in  a  Latinized  form,  was  used  among  the  ancient 
Romans*;  or,  it  may  have  been,  that  they  retained  the  original  descriptive  phrases. 
Consobrinus,  we  know,  was  in  use  among  the  people  as  a  common  term  for  cousin,1 
and  nepos  for  a  nephew2  as  well  as  a  grandson.  In  addition  to  the  special  terms 
heretofore  named  were  sobrinus,  edbrina'  a  contraction  of  consobrinus  for  cousin, 
which  were  sometimes  applied  to  a  cousin's  children ;  and  proprior  sobrinus,  sdbrina, 
to  indicate  a  great  uncle's  son  and  daughter.  If  the  people  used  the  common 
terms,  while  the  civilians  and  scholars  resorted  to  the  formal  legal  method,  it 
would  not  create  two  systems,  since  one  form  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  other,  and 
the  latter  was  developed  from  the  former.  From  the  foregoing  considerations  it 
may  be  inferred  that  the  Roman  form  was  not  perfected  merely  to  describe  the 
several  degrees  of  consanguinity,  but  for  the  more  important  object  of  making 
definite  the  channel,  as  well  as  the  order  of  succession  to  estates.  With  the  need 
of  a  code  of  descents,  to  regulate  the  transmission  of  property  by  inheritance,  would 
arise  the  further  necessity  of  specializing,  with  entire  precision,  the  several  lines, 
and  the  several  degrees  of  each.  A  descriptive  method,  based  upon  particular 
generalizations,  became  indispensable  to  avoid  the  more  difficult,  if  not  impossible, 
alternative  of  inventing  a  multitude  of  correlative  terms  to  express  the  recognized 
relationships.  After  the  kindred  of  ego  had  been  arranged  in  their  appropriate 
positions,  by  the  method  adopted  by  the  civilians,  a  foundation  was  laid  for  a  code 
of  descents  for  the  transmission  of  property  by  inheritance. 

It  remains  to  notice  briefly  the  affincal  relationships.     The  Latin  nomenclature 

1  Pandects,  Lib.  XXXVIII.  tit.  x.  9  Eutropins,  Lib.  VII.  cap.  i. 

8  Nam  mihi  sobrina  Ampsigura  tua  mater  fuit,  pater  tuus,  is  erat  frater  patruelis  meus.  Plautus. 
Com.  Pceuulus,  Act  V.  Scene  II.  109. 


28  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

of  the  marriage  relationships,  unlike  our  own,  which  is  both  rude  and  barren,  was 
copious  and  expressive.  For  the  principal  affinities  special  terms  were  invented, 
after  this  language  became  distinct,  and  it  contributed  materially  to  the  perfection 
of  the  system.  It  contains  even  more  radical  terms  for  the  marriage  relationships 
than  for  that  of  blood.  Our  English  system  betrays  its  poverty  by  the  use  of 
such  unseemly  phrases  as  father-in-law,  son-in-law,  brother-in-law,  step-father,  and 
step-son,  to  express  some  twenty  very  common  and  very  near  relationships,  nearly 
all  of  which  are  provided  with  special  terms  in  the  Latin  nomenclature.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  latter  fails  to  extend  to  the  wives  of  uncles  and  nephews,  and  to  the  hus- 
bands of  aunts  and  nieces  the  corresponding  designations,  which  the  principal 
European  nations  have  done.  The  absence  of  terms  for  these  relatives  is  the  only 
blemish  upon  the  Latin  system.  The  wife  of  the  paternal  uncle,  for  example,  was 
described  as  patrui  uxor,  and  the  husband  of  the  paternal  aunt  as  amitce  vir.  A 
reason  against  the  use  of  the  principal  terms  existed  in  their  fixed  signification, 
which  would  render  their  use  in  the  English  manner  a  misnomer. 

In  the  Latin  nomenclature,  as  given  in  the  table,  there  are  thirteen  radical 
terms  for  blood  kindred  and  fourteen  for  marriage  relatives.  These,  by  augmen- 
tation to  express  the  different  grades  of  what  is  radically  the  same  relationship, 
and  by  inflection  for  gender,  yield  twenty-five  additional  terms,  making  together 
fifty-two  special  terms  for  the  recognized  relationships.  In  this  respect  it  is  the 
most  opulent  of  all  the  nomenclatures  of  relationship  of  the  Aryan  nations,  except 
the  Grecian. 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  29 


CHAPTEK   IV. 

SYSTEM   OF   RELATIONSHIP   OF   THE   ARYAN   F A M I L Y— CONTINUED. 

Forms  of  Consanguinity  of  the  remaining  Aryan  Nations — Reasons  for  their  ascertainment — Original  System  deter- 
mined by  a  comparison  of  their  Radical  Characteristics — I.  Hellenic  Nations  :  Ancient  Greek — System  less  accessi- 
ble than  the  Roman — Descriptive  in  Form — Modern  Greek — System  founded  upon  the  Roman — II.  Romaic  Nations 
— Italian  System — Illustrations  of  its  Method — French — Illustrations  of  same — Spanish  and  Portuguese,  not  ex- 
ceptional— III.  Teutonic  nations — English  System — Illustrations  of  its  Method — Prussian  and  Swiss — Illustrations 
of  their  Forms — Holland  Dutch — Method  Imprecise — Belgian — The  same — Westphalian — Illustrations  of  its 
Form — Danish  and  Norwegian — Free  from  Roman  Influence — Illustrations  of  its  Form — Swedish — Agrees  with 
the  Danish — Icelandic — Its  form  purely  Descriptive — Illustrations — IV.  Sanskrit — Illustrations  of  its  Method — 
V.  Sclavonic  Nations— Polish  System — Peculiar  Method  of  designating  Kindred — Presence  of  a  Non-Aryan 
Element — Illustrations  of  its  Form — Bohemian — Bulgarian — Illustrations  of  its  Method — Russian — Illustrations 
of  its  Method — Special  Features  in  the  Slavonic  System — Their  Ethnological  Uses — Lithuanian — Presump- 
tively Original  Slavonic  Form — Schedule  Imperfect — VI.  Celtic  Nations — Erse  System — Purely  Descriptive — 
Typical  Form  of  Aryan  Family — Illustrations  of  its  Method — Gaelic  and  Manx — The  same — Welsh — Its  Nomen- 
clature developed  beyond  Erse  and  Gaelic  —  VII.  Persian  Nation  —  System  Descriptive — Illustrations  of 
its  Method — VIII.  Armenian  Nation — System  Descriptive — Identical  with  the  Erse  in  its  minute  Details — 
Illustrations  of  its  Method — Results  of  Comparison  of  Forms — Original  System  of  the  Aryan  Family  Descrip- 
tive— Limited  amount  of  Classification  of  Kindred  not  Inconsistent  with  this  Conclusion — Secondary  Terms 
represent  the  amount  of  Modification — System  Affirmative  in  its  Character — A  Domestic  Institution — Stability 
of  its  Radical  Forms. 

THE  several  forms  of  consanguinity  which  prevail  among  the  remaining  Aryan 
nations  will  be  presented  and  compared  with  the  Roman,  and  also  with  each  other, 
for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  whether  they  are  identical.  After  this  the  common 
system,  thus  made  definite,  can  be  compared  with  those  of  other  families  of  man- 
kind. It  will  be  sufficient  for  the  realization  of  these  objects  to  exhibit,  with  the 
utmost  brevity,  the  characteristic  features  of  the  system  of  each  nation,  and  to 
indicate  the  points  of  difference  between  them  and  the  Roman.  This  method  will 
supersede  the  necessity,  except  in  a  few  cases,  of  entering  upon  details. 

I.  Hellenic  nations.     1.  Ancient  Greek.     2.  Modern  Greek. 

1.  Ancient  Greek. — The  same  facilities  for  ascertaining  the  classical  Greek 
method  of  arranging  and  designating  kindred  do  not  exist,  which  were  found  in 
the  Institutes  and  Pandects,  for  the  Roman.  An  approximate  knowledge  of  the 
Grecian  form  can  be  drawn  from  the  nomenclature,  and  from  the  current  use  of 
its  terms  in  the  literature  of  the  language.  For  the  most  part  these  terms  are 
compounds,  and  still  indicate,  etymologically,  particular  persons,  as  well  as  express 
particular  relationships.  They  were  evidently  developed  subsequently  to  the 
separation  of  the  Hellenic  nations  from  their  congeners,  since  they  are  not  found  in 
the  cognate  languages.  The  multiplication  of  these  terms  also  tends  to  show  that 
the  Greeks  of  the  classical  period  had  no  formal  scientific  method  of  designating 
tonsanguinei  like  the  Roman,  but  attempted,  as  a  substitute,  the  discrimination 


30  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

of  the  nearest  relationships  by  special  terms.     This,  carried  far  enough,  woufd 
realize  the  Roman  plan,  but  it  would  render  the  nomenclature  cumbersome. 

Several  of  the  Greek  terms  are  inserted  in  the  table  as  conjectural ;  but  a  suffi- 
cient number  are  certain  to  show  that  consanguinei  were  arranged,  by  virtue  of 
them,  in  accordance  with  the  natural  order  of  descents;  and  that  the  collateral 
lines  were  maintained  distinct  and  divergent  from  the  lineal  line.  This  is  a  mate- 
rial characteristic. 

The  method  for  indicating  the  relationships  in  the  first  collateral  line  was 
irregular,  /last's,  the  ancient  term  for  brother,  gave  place  to  adelphos ;  in  like 
manner  anepsios,  which  was  originally  the  term  for  nephew,  and  probably  like 
nepos  signified  a  grandson  as  well,  was  superseded  by  adelplddous.  This  gave  for 
the  series  adelplios,  brother,  adelpJiidous,  nephew,  and  anepsiadoiis,  nephew's  son. 
After  the  substitution  of  adelpliidous  for  anepsios  the  latter  was  restricted  to  cousin. 

Whether  consanguinei  in  the  second  collateral  line  were  described  by  the 
Roman  or  the  Celtic  method,  or  were  designated  by  special  terms,  does  not  clearly 
appear.  The  form  in  the  table  must,  therefore,  be  taken  as  in  a  great  measure 
conjectural.  The  tendency  to  specialize  the  principal  relationships  is  shown  by 
the  opulence  of  the  nomenclature ;  thus,  for  paternal  uncle  there  are  patros,  patra- 
delphos,  and  patrolcasignetos ;  and  for  maternal  uncle  metro-s,  metr  adelphos,  and 
metrokasignetos  ;  and  also  common  terms,  theios  tJieia  and  nannos  nanne,  for  uncle 
and  aunt,  which  were  used  promiscuously.  Patrolcasignetos  and  nannos  appear  to 
have  fallen  out  of  use  after  the  time  of  Thucydides,  but  theios  and  theia  remained 
in  constant  use  among  the  people,  and  probably  to  the  exclusion  of  the  other  more 
recent  terms.  This  fact  is  noticed  in  the  Institutes  of  Justinian  as  follows : 
"  Patruus  est  patris  frater,  qui  Grsecis  narpa<5e/l$o$  appellatur.  Avunculus  est 
frater  matris,  qui  Greece  MrirpaSehtpos  dicitur ;  et  uterqure  promiscue  Qetog  appel- 
latur. Amita  est  patris  soror,  qua?  Greece  TlaTpaoetyri  appellatur.  Matertera  vero 
matris  soror,  quas  Greece  M^rpa&X^  dicitur;  et  uterquae  promiscue  Qeia  appel- 
latur."1 It  is  worthy  of  mention  that  all  of  these  terms  have  disappeared  from  the 
modern  Greek  language,2  except  theios  tfieia,  which  reappear,  as  has  elsewhere 
been  stated,  in  the  Italian  Tio  Tia,  and  in  the  Spanish  Tis  Tia,  uncle  and  aunt. 
There  was  but  a  single  term  for  cousin,  which  shows  that  the  four  classes  of  persons, 
who  stand  in  this  relationship,  were  generalized  into  one.  The  same  amount  of 
classification  here  indicated  is  found  in  the  system  of  several  of  the  branches  of  the 
Aryan  family.  It  is  evident  that  the  special  terms  were  used  as  far  as  they  were 
applicable,  and  that  the  remaining  kindred  were  described  by  a  combination  of  the 
primary  terms. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  trace  further  the  details  of  the  Grecian  system,  since  it  is 
not  exceptional  to  the  plan  of  consanguinity  of  the  Aryan  family.  The  great  ex- 
pansion of  the  nomenclature  in  the  classical  period,  to  avoid  the  inconvenience  of 

1  Lib.  III.  tit.  vi.  §  1. 

a  Glossary  of  Later  and  Byzantine  Greek,  by  E.  A.  Sophocles.  Memoirs  of  the  American  Aca- 
demy of  Arts  and  Sciences.  New  series,  vol.  vii. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  31 

descriptive  phrases,  tends  to  the  inference  that  the  original  system  was  purely 
descriptive. 

There  are  twenty-two  specific  terms  in  this  language  given  in  the  table  for  blood 
kindred,  and  nineteen  for  marriage  relatives.  These,  by  augmentation  to  express 
decrees  of  the  same  relationship,  and  by  inflection  for  gender,  yield  forty-four 
additional,  making  together  eighty-three  special  terms  for  the  recognized  relation- 
ships. 

2.  Modern  Greek. — The  schedule  in  the  table  was  taken  from  the  glossary,  before 
cited,  of  Prof.  Sophocles.1  It  was  compiled  by  him  according  to  the  Roman 
method.  In  the  later  period  of  the  Empire  the  two  systems,  in  their  legal  form, 
doubtless  became  identical.  It  does  not,  therefore,  require  special  notice.  One 
of  its  interesting  features  is  the  contraction  of  the  nomenclature  which  it  exhibits 
in  the  direction  of  original  terms. 

II.  Eomaic  Nations.     1.  Italian.     2.  French.     3.  Spanish.     4.  Portuguese. 

1.  Italian. — The  Italian  system  is  not  fully  extended  in  the  table.     It  presents 
the  popular  rather  than  the  legal  form,  the  latter  of  which  was  doubtless  based 
upon  the  Roman.     The  collateral  lines  are  maintained  distinct  from  each  other 
and  divergent  from  the  lineal  line,  with  the  exception  of  the  first  collateral,  in 
which  respect  the  Italian  form  agrees  with  the  Holland  Dutch,  Belgian,  Anglo- 
Saxon,  and  early  English.     The  nephew  and  grandson  are  designated  by  the  same 
term,  nipote  ;  in  other  words,  my  nephew  and  grandson  stand  to  me  in  the  same 
relationship.     This  classification  merges  the  first  collateral  line  in  the  lineal,  and 
in  so  far  agrees  with  the  Turanian  form. 

The  readiest  manner  of  showing  the  characteristic  features  of  the  system  of  the 
Aryan  nations  will  be  to  give  illustrations  of  the  method  of  designating  kindred  in 
one  of  the  branches  of  each  of  the  first  three  collateral  lines.  This  will  make  it 
apparent,  first,  that  the  connection  of  consanguine!  is  traced  through  common 
ancestors;  secondly,  that  the  collateral  lines  are  maintained  distinct  from  each 
other,  and  divergent  from  the  lineal  line,  with  some  exceptions ;  thirdly,  how  far 
the  system  is  descriptive,  and  how  far  the  descriptive  form  has  been  modified  by 
the  introduction  of  special  terms ;  and,  lastly,  whether  the  systems  of  these  nations 
are  radically  the  same.  The  illustrations  will  be  from  the  first  collateral  line,  male 
branch,  and  the  male  branch  of  the  second  and  third  collateral  lines  on  the  father's 
side.  For  a  more  particular  knowledge  of  the  details  of  the  system  of  each  nation 
reference  is  made  to  the  table. 

In  the  Italian  the  first  collateral  line  gives  the  following  series,  brother, 
nephero,  and  great-nephew,  and  thus  downward  with  a  series  of  nephews.  This 
is  a  deviation  from  the  Roman  form.  The  second  collateral  runs  uncle,  cousin,  and 
cousin's  son,  which  is  also  a  deviation  from  the  Roman. 

2.  French. — The    French  method  is    also   unlike  the  Roman.      My  brother's 
descendants  are  designated  as  a  series  of  nephews,  one  beyond  the  other,  e.  g., 
neveu,  petit-neveu,    and   arriere-peiii-neveu.     The    second  collateral   line    likewise 
employed  a  different  method,  e.  g.,  oncle,  cousin,  cousin-sous-germain.     In  the  first 

1   Article  BaO/jLi 


32  SYSTEMS   OP   CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 

the  uncle  is  made  the  root  of  this  branch  of  the  line,  and  afterward  the  cousin  is 
made  the  second  starting-point.  As  uncle  and  cousin  are  common  terms,  explana- 
tory words  are  required  to  show  whether  they  belonged  to  the  father's  or  to  the 
mother's  side.  The  following  is  the  series  in  the  third  collateral :  Grand-oncle, 
fils  du  grand-oncle,  and  petit-fils  du  grand-oncle.  In  the  fourth  and  fifth  collateral 
lines  the  descriptive  method  was  necessarily  adopted. 

Among  the  Aryan  nations  the  French  alone,  with  the  exception  of  the  ancient 
Sanskrit  speaking  people  of  India,  possess  original  terms  for  elder  and  younger 
brother,  and  for  elder  and  younger  sister.  It  is  a  noticeable  feature  for  the  reason 
that  in  the  Turanian,  Malayan,  and  American  Indian  families  the  fraternal  and  sororal 
relationships  are  universally  conceived  in  the  twofold  form  of  elder  and  younger. 

3.  Spanish.  4.  Portuguese. — There  is  nothing  in  the  systems  of  these  nations 
which  is  exceptional  to  the  general  plan  of  consanguinity  of  the  Aryan  family,  or 
that  requires'  special  notice. 

III.  Teutonic  Nations.  1.  English.  2.  Prussian,  and  German-Swiss.  3.  Hol- 
land-Dutch. 4.  Belgian.  5.  Westphalian.  6.  Danish  and  Norwegian.  7.  Swedish. 
8.  Icelandic. 

These  nations  possess  the  same  system  of  relationship.  Presumptively  they 
commenced  with  the  same  primitive  form,  wherefore  a  comparison  of  their  several 
forms,  as  they  now  exist  independently  of  each  other,  should  show,  first,  what  is 
still  common  among  them  all,  and  consequently  radical ;  secondly,  that  which  has 
been  developed  independently  in  each ;  thirdly,  the  portion  that  has  been  borrowed 
frorn  the  Roman ;  and,  lastly,  the  true  character  of  the  original  system. 

1.  English. — The  English  legal  method  of  indicating  relationships  is  founded 
upon  the  Roman.  It  has  followed  the  latter  very  closely,  borrowing  a  portion  of 
its  nomenclature,  and  also  its  method.  In  the  Diagram  Plate  III.  this  form  is 
shown  in  detail,  but  limited  to  the  relatives  on  the  father's  side.  A  similar  dia- 
gram, with  slight  changes,  would  show  the  same  lines  on  the  mother's  side. 

In  daily  life,  however,  this  formal  plan  is  not  resorted  to  for  the  near  relation- 
ships. The  common  terms  are  employed  in  all  cases  as  far  as  they  are  applicable; 
while  for  such  kindred  as  are  not  thus  embraced,  descriptive  phrases  are  used. 
The  first  collateral  line  gives  for  the  series  brother,  nephew,  great-nephew,  and 
great-great-nepheio ;  the  second,  uncle,  cousin,  cousin's  son,  and  cousin's  grandson  ; 
the  third  collateral,  great-uncle,  great-uncle's  son,  second  cousin,  and  second  cousin's 
son.  These  illustrations  reveal  a  tendency  to  avoid  the  full  descriptive  phrases. 
If,  however,  the  terms  uncle,  aunt,  and  cousin,  which  are  borrowed,  through 
Norman  sources,  from  the  Latin  speech,  were  struck  out  of  the  nomenclature, 
nephew  alone  of  the  secondary  terms  would  remain ;  and  their  loss  would  render 
compulsory  the  original  descriptive  form  by  a  combination  of  the  primary  terms. 
Of  discarded  Anglo-Saxon  terms  one,  at  least,  earn1,  uncle,  was  in  general  use  before 

1  The  word  nephew,  as  used  by  our  early  English  ancestors,  must  have  had  two  correlatives,  uncle 
and  grandfather,  or  the  difference  in  these  relationships,  as  in  the  case  of  nephew  and  yrandnun,  was 
not  discriminated.  In  King  Alfred's  Orosius  earn  is  used  as  frequently  for  grandfather  as  for  uncle. 
Vide  Bohn's  Ed.,  pp.  297,  284,  497. 


OFT II E    HUMAN    FAMILY.  33 

the  Norman  period.  Whether  federa,  paternal  uncle,  and  fatJie,  aunt,  were  in 
common  use  among  the  Saxons,  or  were  developed  by  scholars  with  the  first 
attempts  at  Saxon  composition,  is  not  so  clear. 

It  is  evident  from  the  present  structure  and  past  history  of  the  English  system, 
that  its  original  form  was  purely  descriptive ;  thus,  an  uncle  was  described  as 
fatliers's  brother,  or  mother's  brotJier  ;  a  cousin  as  a  father's  brother's  son  or  a  motJter's 
brother's  son,  as  the  case  might  be,  these  relationships  in  the  concrete  being  then 
unknown. 

In  the  English  language  there  are  but  eleven  radical  terms  for  blood  relatives, 
of  which  three  are  borrowed;  and  but  two  in  practical  use  for  marriage  relatives. 

2.  Prussian,  and  German-Swiss. — The  German-Swiss  form,  as  given  in  the  table, 
presents  the  legal  system  of  the  people  speaking  the  German  language.  It  is 
founded  upon  the  Roman  form  of  which  it  is  nearly  a  literal  copy,  and,  therefore, 
it  does  not  require  a  special  explanation.1 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Prussian  exhibits  more  nearly  the  common  method  of  the 
German  people  for  designating  their  kindred.  There  are  original  German  terms 
for  uncle  and  aunt,  grandson  and  granddaughter,  and  male  and  female  cousin, 

1  After  receiving  the  carefully  prepared  German-Swiss  Schedule  given  in  the  table,  which  was  filled 
out  by  Mr.  C.  Hunziker,  attorney-at-law  of  Berne,  Switzerland,  I  addressed  to  this  gentleman  some 
questions  in  reference  thereto  through  the  Hon.  Theodore  S.  Fay,  U.  S.  Minister  Resident  in  Switz- 
erland, and  received  from  him  through  the  same  channel  the  following  answers.  The  translation  was 
by  Samuel  J.  Huber,  Esq.,  Attache  of  the  Legation. 

Translation  of  the  Ecport  of  Mr.  Hunziker  by  Sam.  J.  Huber. 

Question  1.  Is  the  wife  of  a  nephew  now  called  a  niece  (Nichte),  in  common  speech ;  and,  in  like 
manner,  is  the  husband  of  a  niece  called  a  nephew  (Neffe)  ? 

Answer.     No. 

Question  2.  Are  the  foreign  terms  Onkel  and  Tante  also  applied  by  a  portion  of  the  people  both 
to  the  paternal  and  maternal  uncles  and  aunts  as  well  as  Oheim  and  Muhme? 

Answer.  Yes.  The  terms  are  identical,  only  the  denominations  Onkel  and  Tante  are  of  more 
recent  [French]  origin,  while  the  terms  Oheim  (abbreviated  Ohm.)  and  Muhme  are  German.  So, 
in  French,  Onkel  is  called  oncle,  in  old  French  uncle,  derived  from  the  Latin  avunculus.  Tante  is 
the  French  word  for  Muhme ;  old  French  ante  from  the  Latin  amita.  Before  the  aforesaid  terms 
Onkel  and  Tante  were  adopted  a  portion  of  the  people,  for  Oheim  and  Muhme,  used  the  term  Vetter 
and  Base.  This  is  still  the  case,  even  at  present,  with  many,  particularly  country  people,  who  not 
unfrequently  apply  the  term  Vetter  and  Base  to  all  collateral  relatives. 

Question  3.  Are  my  father's  sister's  son,  my  mother's  brother's  son,  and  my  mother's  sister's  son 
described  by  the  term  cousin  {Vetter),  the  same  as  marked  on  the  schedule  for  my  father's  brother's 
son?  And,  in  like  manner,  is  each  of  the  four  female  cousins  called  Base? 

Answer.  Yes.  The  terms  Vetter  and  Base  are  often  used  in  common  life  not  in  a  strict  sense 
(in  einem  uneigentlichen  Sinne),  and,  indeed,  their  application  has  nothing  actually  fixed;  the  rule, 
however,  may  be  fixed  that  no  nearer  relative  but  the  descendants  of  brothers  and  sisters  to  each 
other  (Geschwisterkinder)  are  called  Vettern  and  Basen  (cousins),  and  that,  therefore,  these  terms 
embrace  the  first  and  second  cousins,  and,  perhaps,  even  more  remote  collateral  relations. 

Question  4.  Was  the  term  Muhme,  in  ancient  times,  used  to  describe  a  niece  and  a  cousin  as  well 
as  an  aunt,  or  either  of  them  ? 

Answer.     No.     The  term  Muhme  never  described  anything  but  an  aunt. 

Question  5.  Did  the  term  Neffe  originally  signify  a  grandson  as  well  as  a  nephew? 

Answer.     No.     Even  our  most  ancient  legal  sources  contain  but  the  term  Enkel  for  Grosssohn 

5        May,  1868 


34  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

which  appear  to  have  been  developed,  with  the  exception  of  the  first,  after  the 
separation  of  this  dialect  from  the  common  Teutonic  stem.  These  terms  greatly 
improve  the  nomenclature  and  consequently  the  method  of  the  system. 

(grandson),  and  in  no  instance  that  of  Neffe,  Even  this  last  mentioned  term  was  but  recently 
adopted  in  legislative  documents,  having  been  in  former  times  circumscribed  by  the  term  Bruder's 
or  Schwesterkind. 

Question  6.  Desired :  a  list  of  obsolete  terms  of  relationship,  and  the  persons  they  were  employed 
to  describe. 

6.  Report  on  the  obsolete  terms  of  relationship. 

After  the  defeat  of  the  Romans  in  the  fifth  century  ancient  Helvetia  formed  a  part  of  the  great 
Germanic  nation,  and  later  a  part  of  the  Germanic  empire.  Though  the  Helvetian  territory,  and 
particularly  the  towns,  were  governed  by  their  own  national  legislation,  it  is  not  to  be  mistaken 
that,  besides  the  domestic  legal  sources,  the  laws  of  the  Germanic  family  (the  so-called  Leges  Bar- 
barorum,  of  which,  particularly,  the  Lex  Allemannorum  and  the  Lex  Burgundionum,  and,  later, 
the  Sachsen-  and  Schwaben- Spiegel)  enjoyed  a  high  authority,  and  that  the  domestic  law  has  been 
amended  and  completed  from  that  source.  If  we,  therefore,  now  give  a  brief  statement  of  the  views 
of  the  ancient  Germans  with  regard  to  relationship  and  their  terms,  it  is  thereby  to  be  understood 
that  throughout  ancient  Helvetia  the  same  views  had  been  adopted. 

1.  The  term  parenlela,  in  ancient  legal  documents,  is  used  to  describe  the  family  as  a  separate 
fellowship  (geschlossene  Rechtsgenossenschafl)  as  well  as  a  number  (Mchrheit)  of  relatives  united 
under  the  same  pair  of  parents  as  their  next  common  stock  (Stamm).     The  following  expressions 
are  remarkable : — 

2.  Lippschaft,  Magschaft  (kin),  means,  in  its  larger  sense,  the  kindred  in  general ;  in  its  proper 
sense  the  law  distinguishes  between  Busen  (bosom),  comprehending  only  the  descendants  of  a 
deceased, and  the  Magschaft  (kin  proper),  comprehending  only  the  remote  relatives.     (According  to 
the  "  Sachsenspiegel")  the  kin  begins  at  the  cousinship. 

3.  Schwermagen,   Speermagen,  Oermagen  (male  issue),  are  called  the  male  persons  united  by 
but  male  generation  (Zeugung).     In  its  real  sense  it  means  the  blood-cousins  upon  whom  rests  the 
propagation  of  the  family  name  and  of  the  house-coat.     Opposite  to  them  are  the — 

4.  Spillmagen,  Spindelmagen,  Kunkelmagen  (female  issue),  that  is,  all  the  rest  of  kindred  whoso 
consanguinity,  either  in  the  ascending  or  in  the  descending  line,  is  founded  upon  the  birth  from  a 
woman,  or  who,  although  relatives  by  but  male  generation,  for  their  female  issue  are  not  born  for 
the  sword  and  lance,  but  only  for  the  spindle.     (Spillmagen  is  also  called  Niftel ) 

5.  To  count  the  degrees  of  consanguinity  two  different  ways  have  been  used — the  one  representing 
them  by  a  tree  with  branches,  the  other  by  the  form  of  a  human  body.     The  following  representation 
is  from  the  "  Sachsenspiegel :"   Husband  and  wife,  united  in  marriage,  belong  to  the  head ;  the 
children,  born  as  full  brothers  and  sisters  from  one  man  and  one  wife,  to  the  neck.     Children  of  full 
brothers  and  sisters  occupy  that  place  where  the  shoulders  and  arms  join.     These  form  the  first 
kindred  of  consanguinity,  viz.,  the  children  of  brother  and  sister.     The  others  occupy  the  elbow,  the 
third  the  hand,  &c.     For  the  seventh  degree  there  is  an  additional  nail,  and  no  member  and  the  kin, 
which  ends  here,  is  then  called  Nagelmagen. 

6.  Schooss  are  often  called  the  ascendants. 

7.  Lidmagen  is  often  used  for  consanguineous  with 

8.  Vatermagen.     This  term  is  more  comprehensive  than  that  of  Scliwertmagen ,  for  it  embraces 
all  the  relatives  from  the  father's  issue  and  descent,  and  it  also  includes  all  the  women  issuing  from 
the  fathers  immediately,  for  instance,  the  sister  and  the  aunt  from  the  father's  grandfather;  and 
further,  in  the  descending  line,  also  the  degrees  of  consanguinity  arising  from  women,  because,  in  the 
ascending  line,  fathers  are  at  the  head  of  parentelas.     In  certain  cases  this  term  can  even  compre- 
hend all  consanguineous  with  the  father. 

9.  Mullermagen  are  called  the  relatives  from  the  mother's  side,  or,  according  to  circumstances, 
from  a  mother's  side. 


OF   THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  35 

In  the  first  collateral  line,  male,  the  scries  is  as  follows :  Brother,  nephew, 
great-nephew,  and  great-yreat^nephew  ;  or  a  series  of  nephews,  one  beyond  the 
other,  which  is  analogous  to  the  common  English  and  French  usage.  The 
second  collateral  runs  as  follows :  Uncle,  cousin,  cousin 's  son,  and  cousin's  grandson. 
Cousin  is  thus  made  a  second  starting  point,  and  his  descendants  are  referred  to 
him  as  the  root,  instead  of  the  uncle.  In  the  third,  and  more  remote  collateral 
lines,  the  Roman  form  is  followed.  The  German  is  a  very  perfect  system,  but  its 
excellence  is  due  to  its  fidelity  to  its  Roman  model. 

3.  Holland  Dutch.  —  As  presented  in  the  table  the  manner  of  designating 
kindred  is  rather  the  common  form  of  the  people Jhan  the  statutory  method.  It 
will  be  perceived,  by  consulting  the  table,  that  the  system  is  defective  in  arrange- 
ment, and  imprecise  in  the  discrimination  of  relationships.  The  absence  of  Roman 
influence,  which  has  been  so  apparent  in  the  previous  cases,  is  quite  observable. 
The  terms  neef  and  nicht  are  applied  indiscriminately  to  a  nephew  and  niece,  to  a 
grandson  and  granddaughter,  and  to  each  of  the  four  classes  of  cousins.1  These 


1  The  term  nepos,  and  its  cognates,  in  the  dialects  of  the  Aryan  language  has  a  singular  history, 
which  if  fully  elaborated  would  be  found  instructive.  Some  of  the  facts  are  patent.  This  term  exists 
in  nearly  all  the  dialects  of  the  language,  from  which  it  is  inferable  that  it  was  indigenous  in  the  pri- 
mitive speech.  The  terms  for  grandfather  and  uncle  arc  different  in  the  several  stock-languages,  from 
which  it  is  also  inferable  that  the  terms  for  these  relationships,  where  found,  were  developed  subse- 
quently to  the  separation  of  these  nations  from  each  other,  or  from  the  parent  stem.  Consequently 
nepos,  and  its  cognates,  must  have  existed  as  a  term  of  relationship  without  a  correlative.  While  the 
relationships  of  grandfather  and  grandson,  and  of  uncle  and  nephew,  were  in  process  of  being  sepa- 
rated from  each  other,  and  turned  into  proper  correlation,  the  use  of  nepos  must  have  fluctuated. 
Among  the  Romans,  as  late  as  the  fourth  century,  it  was  applied  to  a  nephew  as  well  as  a  grandson, 
although  both  avus  and  avunculus  had  come  into  use.  Eutropius  in  speaking  of  Octavianus  calls 
him  the  nephew  of  Ca;sar,  "Ceesaris  nepos"  (Lib.  VII.  c.  i.).  Suetonius  speaks  of  him  as  sororis 
nepos  (Cajsar,  c.  Ixxxiii.),  and  afterwards  (Octavianus,  c.  vii.),  describes  Cssar  as  his  greater  uncle, 
major  avunculus,  in  which  he  contradicts  himself.  When  nepos  was  finally  restricted  to  grandson, 
and  thus  became  the  strict  correlative  of  OHMS,  the  Latin  language  was  without  a  term  for  nephew, 
whence  the  descriptive  phrase  fratris  vel  sororis  filius.  In  English  nephew  was  applied  to  grand- 
son as  well  as  nephew  as  late  as  1611,  the  period  of  King  James'  translation  of  the  Bible.  Niece  is 
so  used  by  Shakspeare  in  his  will,  in  which  he  describes  his  granddaughter,  Susannah  Hall,  as  "  my 
niece."  But  in  English,  and  likewise  in  French  and  German,  nephew,  neveu,  and  neffe  were  finally 
restricted  to  the  sons  of  the  brothers  and  sisters  of  Ego,  and  thus  became  respectively  the  correlative 
of  uncle.  This,  in  turn,  left  these  dialects  without  any  term  for  grandson,  which  deficiency  was  sup- 
plied by  a  descriptive  phrase,  except  the  German,  which  in  enkel  found  an  indigenous  term.  In 
Greek,  however,  anepsios  appears  to  have  been  applied  to  a  nephew,  a  grandson,  and  a  cousin,  and 
finally  became  restricted  to  the  last.  Neef  in  Holland  Dutch  still  expresses  these  three  relationships 
indiscriminately.  In  Belgian  and  Platt  Dutch  nichte  is  applied  to  a  female  cousin  as  well  as  niece. 
These  uses  of  the  term  tend  to  show  that  its  pristine  use  was  sufficiently  general  to  include  grandson, 
nephew,  and  cousin,  but  without  giving  any  reason  to  suppose  that  it  was  ever  as  general  as  the 
words  relative  or  kinsman.  The  difference  in  the  relationships  of  these  persons  to  Ego  was  undoubt- 
edly understood,  and  each  made  specific  by  description.  A  term  of  relationship  once  invented  and 
adopted  into  use  becomes  the  repository  of  an  idea  ;  and  that  idea  never  changes.  Its  meaning,  as 
indicated  by  its  use,  may  become  enlarged  or  restricted  among  cognate  nations  after  their  separation 
from  each  other,  or  in  the  same  nation  in  the  course  of  ages  ;  but  the  subversion  of  its  meaning  or 
use  is  next  to  impossible.  A  term  invented  to  express  a  particular  relationship  cannot  be  made  to 
express  two  as  distinct  and  dissimilar  as  those  for  grandson  and  nephew  ;  and,  therefore,  its  exclusive 


36  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

several  relationships  were  made  definite,  when  necessary,  by  a  description  of  the 
persons. 

In  the  first  collateral  line,  male,  the  following  is  the  series :  BrotJier,  nepliew, 
and  nephew,  which  is  the  popular  form ;  and  brotJier,  brother's  son,  and  brother's 
grand-child,  which  is  the  formal  method.  The  second  collateral  runs  as  follows : 
Uncle,  nephew,  and  nephew  ;  or  formally  uncle,  uncle's  son,  and  uncle's  grand-child. 
The  novel  feature  here  revealed  of  holding  grandson,  nephew,  and  cousin  in  the 
same  identical  relationship  still  records  the  first  act  in  the  progress  of  the  Aryan 
system  from  a  purely  descriptive  form. 

4.  Belgian. — The  Belgian  system  of  consanguinity  is  closely  allied  to  the  pre- 
ceding.    It  has  the  same  defects  and  nearly  the  same  peculiarities.     Neve  and 
nichte  are  applied  to  the  children  of  the  brothers  and  sisters  of  Ego  ;  but  not  to  his 
grand-children.     Nichte  is  also  applied  to  a  female  cousin  •  and  it  is  probable  that 
neve  was  used  to  designate  a  male  cousin  prior  to  the  adoption  of  Icozyn  into  the 
Belgian  dialect.     Where  terms  are  found  in  a  dialect  cognate  with  our  own, 
which  are  employed  in  a  manner  not  sanctioned  by  our  usage,  it  does  not  follow 
that  it  is  either  a  vague  or  improper  use  of  the  term ;  but  it  shows,  on  the  con- 
trary, that  the  several  relationships  to  which  a  particular  term  is  applied  are  not 
discriminated  from  each  other ;  and  they  are  regarded  as  one  and  the  same  rela- 
tionship.    In  the  primitive  system  of  the  Aryan  family  the  relationship  of  cousin 
was  unknown. 

5.  Westphalian  or  Platt  Dutch. — The  schedule  in  the  table  presents  the  common 
form  of  the  people.     In  the  absence  of  special  terms  for  nephew  and  niece  the  first 
collateral  line  is  described,  e.  g.,  brother,  brother's  son,  and  brother's  grand-child. 
The  second  collateral  gives  the  following  series :    Uncle,  cousin,  cousin's  son,  and 
cousin's  grand-child.     Nichte  still  remains  in  the  Westphalian  dialect;  but  it  is 
restricted  to  female  cousin.     In  the  third  collateral  the  series  is  still  more  irregular 
from  the  absence  of  a  term  for  great-uncle,  e.  g.,  father's  uncle,  father's  cousin, 
and  father's  cousin's  son.       This  is  simply  a  modification  of  the  old  descriptive 
method  by  the  use  of  secondary  terms. 

6.  Danish  and  Norwegian. — The  system  of  these  nations  is  entirely  free  from 
Roman  influence,  from  which  we  have  been  gradually  receding,  and  is,  therefore, 
presumptively  nearer  the  primitive  form  of  the  Aryan  family.     The  presence  of 
German  influence,  however,  is  seen  in  the  use  of  the  term  fatter,  cousin,  which 
introduces  into  the  system  the  only  feature  that  distinguishes  it  from  the  Celtic. 

With  the  exception  of  the  term  last  named  there  are  no  terms  of  relationship  in 
this  dialect  but  the  primary.  For  uncle  and  aunt  on  the  father's  side  it  has  far- 
broder  and  faster  ;  and  on  the  mother's  side  morbroder  and  moster,  which  it  will 
be  noticed  are  contractions  of  the  terms  father,  mother,  brother,  and  sister,  and, 
therefore,  describe  each  person  specifically.  In  the  cities  the  borrowed  terms  onkel 
and  tante  are  employed  to  a  great  extent,  as  they  are  in  all  German  cities ;  but  the 

application  to  one  would  render  it  inapplicable  to  the  other.  It  follows  that  nepos  did  not  originally 
signify  either  a  nephew,  grandson,  or  cousin,  but  that  it  was  used  promiscuously  to  designate  a  class 
of  persons  next  without  the  primary  relationships. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  37 

rural  populations  in  Denmark,  Norway,  and  Germany  as  well,  still  adhere  to  the 
native  term. 

The  first  collateral  line  male  gives  the  series,  brother,  brother's  son,  and  brother's 
grand-child  ;  the  second,  father's  brother,  cousin,  and  cousin's  grand-child  ;  and  the 
third,  far-father's  brother,  father's  cousin,  father's  cousin's  son,  and  father's  cousin's 
grand-child.  These  illustrations  reveal  the  character  of  the  system. 

7.  Swedish. — The  Swedish  form  agrees  so  closely  with  the  Danish  and  Norwegian 
that  it  does  not  require  a  separate  notice. 

8.  Icelandic. — The  insulation  of  the  Icelandic  Teutons  would  tend  to  preserve 
their  form  of  consanguinity  free  from  foreign  influence.     It  has  original  terms  for 
grandfather  and  grandmother  in  afi  and  arnma,  and  a  term  ne.fi  for  nephew,  which 
is  given  in  the  Mithridates,  but  does  not  appear  in  the  Table.     It  has  terms,  also, 
for  first  and  second  cousin,   which   are  used  concurrently  with  the   descriptive 
phrases.     In  form  and  method,  however,  it  approaches  nearer  to  a  purely  descriptive 
system  than  any  yet  presented. 

In  the  first  collateral  line,  male,  the  scries  is  as  follows :  Brother,  son  of 
brother,  son  of  son  of  brother,  and  son  of  son  of  son  of  brother.  It  agrees  with 
the  Celtic  in,  commencing  the  description  at  the  opposite  extreme  from  Ego,  which, 
although  it  may  be  an  idiomatic  peculiarity,  is  yet  significant,  and  will  reappear  in 
the  Armenian  and  also  in  the  Arabic.  For  the  second  collateral  we  have  father's 
brotJier,  son  of  father's  brother,  son  of  son  of  father's  brother,  and  son  of  son  of 
son  of  father's  brother.  The  same  form,  which  is  seen  to  be  purely  descriptive, 
runs  through  the  several  lines.  It  follows  strictly  the  natural  streams  of  descent, 
and  makes  each  relationship  specific.  This  realizes  what  we  understand  by  a 
descriptive  system.  It  is  evidently  nearer  the  primitive  form  of  the  Aryan  family 
than  that  of  any  other  nation  of  the  Teutonic  branch.  The  advances  made  by 
some  of  the  nations,  which  it  is  the  object  of  this  comparison  to  trace,  are  seen 
to  be  explainable.  They  have  not  proceeded  far  enough  to  obscure  the  original 
form  with  which  they  severally  commenced.1 

1  Nomenclatures  of  relationship  develop  from  the  centre  outward,  or  from  the  near  to  the  more 
remote  degrees.  The  primary  terms  would  be  first  invented  since  we  cannot  conceive  of  any  people 
living  without  them;  but  when  the  nomenclature  had  been  carried  to  this  point  it  might  remain 
stationary  for  an  indefinite  period  of  time.  The  Celtic  never  passed  beyond  this  stage.  By  means 
of  these  terms  consanguine!,  near  and  remote,  can  be  described,  which  answered  the  main  end  of  a 
nomenclature.  Further  progress,  or  the  development  of  secondary  terms,  would  result  from  a  desire 
to  avoid  descriptive  phrases.  The  first  of  these  reached  would,  probably,  be  nepos,  as  elsewhere 
stated,  and  made  to  include  several  classes  of  persons.  Next  to  this  would,  probably,  be  terms 
for  grandfather  and  grandmother.  In  the  Romaic,  Hellenic,  and  Slavonic  stock  languages  there  are 
terms  for  these  relationships,  which,  it  is  somewhat  remarkable,  are  distinct  and  independent  of  each 
other.  In  the  other  dialects  they  are  wanting.  It  would  seem  to  follow  that  no  terms  for  these 
relationships  existed  in  the  primitive  speech,  and  that  the  persons  were  described  as  "father's 
father,"  and  so  on. 

Next  in  order,  apparently,  stand  the  relationships  of  uncle  and  aunt.  These  do  not  appear  to 
have  been  discriminated,  in  the  concrete,  in  the  primitive  speech.  A  common  term  for  paternal 
uncle  is  found  in  the  Sanskrit  patroya,  Greek  patros,  and  Latin  patruus;  but  this  term  seems  to  be 


38 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 


IV.  Sanskrit.  Very  naturally  the  Sanskrit  would  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  most 
important  systems  of  consanguinity  in  the  Aryan  connection,  from  the  weight  of  its 
authority  in  determining  what  the  original  form  of  the  family  may  have  been.  It 
is  to  be  regretted  that  the  system,  as  given  in  the  Table,  is  so  incomplete,  although 
it  is  shown  as  fully  as  competent  scholars  were  able  to  reproduce  it  from  the  remains 
of  the  language.  Where  the  special  terms  are "  numerous,  and  their  etymologies 
apparent,  as  in  the  Greek,  it  facilitates  the  attempt;  but  where  the  language  is 
barren  of  radical  terms,  and  the  compounds  are  limited  in  number,  as  in  the 
Sanskrit,  a  failure  to  recover  an  ancient,  after  it  has  ceased  to  be  a  living  system, 
is  not  surprising. 

There  is,  however,  another  view  of  the  case  which  is  not  without  significance. 
The  absence  of  radical  terms  for  collateral  relatives,  and  the  presence  of  a  limited 
number  of  compound  terms  which  are  descriptive  of  particular  persons,  tend  to  show 
that  kindred  were  described,  among  them,  by  a  combination  of  the  primary  terms ; 
and  that  the  system,  therefore,  was  originally  descriptive. 

The  following  diagram  exhibits  a  fragment  of  the  original  method  of  arranging 
and  designating  kindred : — 


LINEAL  LINK. 


Female. 


Male. 


Praplt^mahl. 


PrapitJjaah*. 


2d  Col.  Line. 
Female.  F.  side 
Pitrshvasar. 

PUrahvasriya.  (     C. 


2d  Col.  Line. 
Male.  F.  Bide. 


PitSmahl.         /  a.F.\          'it.'.imilia. 
G.M. 


Pitvoya. 


C.      )  Pitroyapulra. 


It  will  be  observed  that  most  of  these  terms  are  compounded  of  the  primary,  and 
describe  persons.     They  also  indicate  the  line  and  branch,  and  whether  on  the 


made  from  the  term  for  father,  by  the  addition  of  a  termination,  and  might  have  come  into  use 
independently,  after  the  separation  of  these  dialects  from  each  other,  as  faedera,  paternal  uncle, 
from  feeder,  father,  in  Anglo-Saxon.  The  same  remarks  apply  to  mdtula,  metros,  and  matertera, 
for  maternal  aunt.  There  are  also  common  terms  for  uncle  and  aunt  in  the  Greek  theios  theia, 
German  Oheim  and  Muhme,  English  uncle  and  aunt,  derived  the  last  two  from  avunculus  and 
amita.  In  Slavonic  we  have  stryc  and  ujec  for  paternal  and  maternal  uncle,  and  tetka,  common 
for  aunt.  From  the  fact  that  the  same  terms  do  not  run  through  the  several  dialects  of  the  Aryan 
language,  the  inference  is  a  strong  one  that  these  relationships,  in  the  concrete,  were  not  discrimi- 
nated in  the  primitive  language. 

Uncle  is  a  contraction  of  avunculus,  the  literal  signification  of  which  is  a  "little  grandfather." 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY  39 

father's  side  or  on  the  mother's  side.  Naptar  and  naptri  are  restricted  to  grand- 
son and  grand-daughter,  although,  without  much  doubt,  they  were  originally  applied 
to  a  nephew  and  niece  as  well.  From  the  diagram  it  is  a  proper  inference  that  the 
remaining  persons  in  the  several  lines  are  described  in  a  similar  manner.  The 
Sanskrit  system  appears  to  agree  with  the  general  form  prevalent  in  the  Aryan 
family.  In  its  development  it  took  the  same  direction  before  noticed  in  the  Grecian, 
and,  to  a  great  extent,  in  the  other  dialects  of  the  Aryan  language,  but  without 
changing  essentially  its  original  form.1 


This  term,  together  with  that  of  aunt  from  amita,  has  been  adopted  with  dialectical  changes  into 
several  of-  the  branches  of  the  Aryan  family,  and  promises  ultimately  to  displace  indigenous  terms 
developed  since  the  separation  of  its  branches  from  each  other. 

In  the  order  of  time  a  term  for  cousin  would  be  the  last  invented,  on  the  supposition  of  a  growth 
of  the  nomenclature  outward  from  Ego.  It  is  the  most  remote  collateral  relationship  discriminated 
in  any  language  or  dialect  represented  in  the  tables,  unless  the  Slavonic  is  regarded  as  an  exception. 
A  special  term  for  this  relationship  must  be  founded  upon  a  generalization  of  four  different  classes 
of  persons  into  one  class;  and,  therefore,  it  is  more  difficult  than  either  of  those  previously  named. 
This  term  cousin,  which  seems  to  be  from  the  Latin  consobrinus,  was  in  strictness  limited  to  the 
children  of  sisters ;  but  it  became  a  common  term,  and  from  this  source  it  has  been  propagated  into 
several  branches  of  the  Aryan  family.  With  these  facts  before  the  mind  it  becomes  more  and  more 
apparent  that  the  original  system  of  the  family  as  to  its  present  form  was  purely  descriptive. 

1  Note  on  Sanskrit.  Schedule  by  Fitz  Edward  Hall,  D.  C.  L. : — 

1.  The   prescribed  scheme  of  vowel-sounds   being   very  inadequate  for  the    Sanskrit,  I  have 
adhered  to  that  more  usually  followed  by  Orientalists.     According  thereto,  A  is  like  a  in  "father;" 
a,  like  a  in  "America;"  e,  like  our  alphabetic  a;  i,  like  i  in  "pin;"  i,  like  i  in  "machine;"  o,  like 
o  in  "  no  ;"  u,  like  u  in  "  bull ;"  u,  like  oo  in  "  fool ;"  ai  and  au,  as  in  the  Italian.     A  peculiar  vowel 
is  represented  by  ri,  which  is  sounded  somewhat  like  the  ri  in  "rivalry."     Sh,  s',  and  s,  indicate 
three  different  sibilants. 

2.  In  consequence  of  prefixing  mama,  "my,"  to  each  word,  I  have  had  to  give  it  a  case.     I  have 
selected  the  nominative.     The  crude  form,  that  found  in  the  dictionaries,  of  the  words  for  "father," 
"mother,"  "son,"  "brother,"  &c.,  are  pitri,  matri,  bhrdtri,  pvira,  &c. 

3.  It  requires  great  credulity  to  believe  that  the  Hindus  know  much  of  the  origin  of  Sanskrit 
words.     Generally,  they  can  only  refer  words  to  verbal  themes,  which  are,  of  course,  the  invention 
of  the  grammarians.     Putra,  "son,"  for  instance,  is  fancifully  derived  from  pu,  one  of  the  "hells," 
and  the  etymon  "tra,"  "to  draw  out;"  quasi,  "an  extractor  from  hell."     Duhitri,  " daughter,"  is 
thought,  with  more  of  reason,  to  mean  "the  milker."      See  Prof.  Max  Miiller  on  Comparative 
Mythology,  in  the  Oxford  Essays.     Paulra,  "grandson,"  is  from  putra,  "son."     To  paulra,  the 
preposition  pra,   "before,"  is   prefixed  in  prapautra,   "great-grandson."      "Elder  brother"  and 
"younger  brother,"  agraja  and  anuja,  mean,  when  analyzed,   "  foreborn"  and  "after-born."     In 
pitamaha  and  mdtdmaha,  "paternal  grandfather"  and  "maternal  grandfather,"  and  so  of  the  femi- 
nines,  maha  and  mahi  are  inseparable  affixes.    The  vriddha,  in  the  word  for  "  great-great-grandfather," 
imports  "old."     Pali,  "husband,"  "lord,"  we  have  in  the  post-Homeric  Ssajto*^,  the  first  syllable 
of  which  is  the  same  as  the  Sanskrit  drsa,  "country."     The  feminine  of  pati,  patui,  occurs  in  the 
Homeric  and  later  Siartoiva.     Dhara,  "husband,"  is  seen  in  the  Latin  vidua,  in  Sanskrit,  vidhava, 
"  without  husband."    Hence  appears  the  absurdity  of  the  masculine  viduus,  and  so  of  our  "widower." 
Vimatri,   "step-mother,"  means   "a  different  mother;"  for  vi  has  numerous  senses  in   Sanskrit. 
Dattaka,  "adopted  son,"  ="  given."     In  vimatreya,  "half-brother,"  we  seem'  and  matri,  "mother." 

4.  Degrees  of  relationship  representable  only  by  compounds  of  other  degrees  have  been  omitted. 
And  here  I  should  mention  that  pitrivya,  "father's  brother,"  is  the  only  word  for  "paternal  uncle" 
in  Sanskrit.     It  contains  pitri,   "  father,"  and   an  ending.      Compare  bhratrivya  and  bhayineya. 
Matula  is  connected,  not  very  obviously,  with  mdtri. 


40  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

V.  Slavonic  Nations.  1.  Polish.  2.  Slovakian  or  Bohemian.  3.  Bulgarian. 
4.  Russian.  5.  Lithuanian. 

Among  the  nations  of  Slavonic  lineage  the  method  of  designating  kindred  is,  in 
some  respects,  original  and  distinctive.  There  appears  to  be  a  foreign  element  in 
their  system  of  consanguinity  which  finds  no  counterpart  in  those  of  the  remaining 
Aryan  nations.  The  same  ideas,  both  of  classification  and  of  description,  run 
through  all  the  forms  heretofore  presented  in  a  manner  so  obvious  as  to  leave  no 
doubt  that  they  sprang  from  a  common  original.  But  a  new  element  is  found  in 
the  Slavonic  which  is  unexplainable  by  the  hypothesis  that  it  has  departed,  like  the 
Roman,  from  an  original  form  in  all  respects  common.  The  schedules  in  the  Table 
are  neither  sufficiently  numerous  nor  perfect  to  illustrate  the  system  fully  in  its  stages 
of  growth ;  but  enough  may  be  gathered  from  a  comparison  of  them  to  encourage 
belief  that  a  full  knowledge  of  the  system,  in  its  several  forms,  would  tend  to 
explain  the  order  of  the  separation  of  the  Slavonic  nations  from  each  other,  as  well 
as  their  relative  position  in  the  Aryan  family.  It  would  also  demonstrate  a  non- 
Aryan  source  of  a  portion  of  the  Slavonic  blood. 

1.  Polish. — The  Polish  system  has  an  opulent  and  expressive  nomenclature, 
inferior  only  to  the  Roman ;  and  in  the  fulness  of  its  development  it  stands  at  the 
head  of  the  several  Slavonic  forms. 

There  are  two  terms  for  nephew  applied  to  a  brother's  son,  bratanec  and  synowicc, 
with  their  feminine  forms  for  niece ;  also  a  separate  term  siostrzenca  for  nephew 
applied  to  a  sister's  son,  with  its  feminine  for  niece.  The  opulence  of  the  nomen- 
clature is  still  further  shown  by  the  presence  of  special  terms,  evolved  from  the 
foregoing,  for  the  husbands  and  wives  of  these  nieces  and  nephews :  namely, 
bratancowa  and  siostrzencmva,  for  the  two  former ;  and  synowice  and  siostrzenin,  for 
the  two  latter.  In  the  first  collateral  line,  male,  we  have  for  the  scries :  brother, 
nepJtew,  son  of  nepliew,  and  grand-son  of  nephew.  In  so  far  there  is  nothing 
peculiar  in  the  Polish  system. 

There  are  separate  terms  for  uncle  on  the  father's  and  on  the  mother's  side,  and 
a  common  term  for  aunt.  The  members  of  the  second  collateral  line  are  thus 
indicated:  stryj,  paternal  uncle,  stryjecznybrat,  "brother  through  paternal  uncle;" 
and  stryjecznywnulc,  "  grandson  through  paternal  uncle."  That  is  to  say ;  my 
father's  brother's  son  is  not  my  cousin,  for  there  is  no  term  in  the  Slavonic 

5.  All  Sanskrit  dictionaries  hitherto  published,  whether  Indian  or  European,  are  very  defective ; 
and  the  Pundits  of  the  present  day  are,  ordinarily,  most  indifferent  scholars.     For  some  of  the  words 
I  have  given,  I  am  indebted  to  neither  of  these  sources.     My  own  reading  has  furnished  them  to  me; 
and  I  dare  say  I  might,  at  a  future  time,  fill  up  a  number  of  the  many  blanks  which  the  paper  still 
exhibits.     Among  words  indicative  of  kin  which  I  have  met  with  in  Hindu  law-books,  but  which 
you  do   not  require,  are  atydryas'was'ura,  "paternal  great-grandfather  of  a  woman's  husband;" 
atydryavriddhaprapitamaha,  "paternal  great-grandfather's  paternal  great-grandfather;"  &c.  &c. 

6.  The  remarriage  of  widows  not  having  been  current  in  old  times  in  India,  a  number  of  words 
expressive  of  relationship  that  might  be  counted  on,  do  not  exist  in  the  Sanskrit. 

7.  Should  any  further  information  be  required  in  connection  with  the  accompanying  table,  I  would 
refer  you  to  Prof.  W.  D.  Whitney,  of  Yale  College.     Mr.  Whitney's  knowledge  of  the  Sanskrit 
is  acknowledged,  by  the  best  of  living  Sanskrits,  to  entitle  him  to  rank  fully  on  a  level  with  them- 
selves. 


OF   THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


41 


stock-language  for  this  relationship :  but  he  is  my  brotJier  through  this  uncle — my 
brother  in  a  particular  way.  The  son  of  this  collateral  brother  is  my  nephew,  and 
the  son  of  the  latter  is  my  grandson  in  the  same  peculiar  sense,  since  these  terms 
express  the  relationship  which  comes  back  to  Ego.  But  for  the  qualification  here 
placed  upon  the  terms  for  brother,  nephew,  and  grandson,  the  mode  of  classification 
would  be  identical  with  one  of  the  Asiatic  forms  hereafter  to  be  presented.  How 
the  Polish  made  such  a  wide  departure  from  the  primitive  descriptive  method  is  a 
suggestive  question. 

The  following  diagram  will  make  more  familiar  the  lineal  and  first  three  collateral 
lines  on  the  father's  side : — 


LIKEAL  LIKE. 


3d  Collateral,  Kale 


Frawnflk        •     1   COS    I    V.  nfik  Synowca 


G  U     1    ZImny  Dziadek 


8         }   Zirancy  StryJ 


Slryjcczny  Brat 


Bratan«o 


Wnttk 


Prawnttk 


Having  no  term  for  great  uncle,  my  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather; 
but  to  distinguish  him  from  the  real  ancestor,  and  to  express,  at  the  same  time,  the 
difference  in  the  relationship,  the  word,  zimny  =  cold,  is  prefixed,  which  qualification 
is  continued  to  each  of  his  descendants.  This  gives  for  the  series,  in  the  third 
collateral,  as  shown  in  the  diagram,  cold  grandfather,  cold  paternal  uncle,  brother 
through  cold  paternal  uncle,  nephew  through  cold  paternal  uncle,  and  grandson 
through  cold  paternal  uncle.  For  a  further  knowledge  of  this  interesting  system 
reference  is  made  to  the  Table. 

2.  Slovaldan  or  Bohemian. — The  Bohemian  schedule  seems  to  have  been  imper- 
fectly filled  in  consequence  of  following  a  variant  translation  of  the  questions  from 
English  into  German,  by  means  of  which  the  learned  Professor  it  would  seem  was 
misled  in  all  the  branches  of  the  second  collateral  line.  In  this  line  the  most  re- 
markable features  of  the  Slovakian  system  appear.  It  exhibits  the  nomenclature, 
and  some  portion  of  each  line  in  agreement  with  the  Polish  or  Russian,  and  it  is 
given  entire  in  the  Table  as  furnished,  as  it  is  at  least  possible  that  it  may  be  correct. 
Since  the  Bohemians  and  Poles  are  of  the  western  Slavonic  branch,  and  the  Bulga- 
rians and  Russians  of  the  eastern,  the  forms  of  consanguinity  that  now  prevail  in  these 

6       December,  1868. 


42 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 


nations  would  probably  exhibit  all  the  diversities  in  the  system  of  the  Slavonic  na- 
tions. For  this  reason  the  incompleteness  referred  to,  and  which  is  true,  to  nearly 
the  same  extent,  of  the  Bulgarian,  is  the  more  to  be  regretted.  The  Bohemian  form, 
as  it  appears  in  the  Table,  is  nevertheless  Avorthy  of  a  careful  examination. 

3.  Bulgarian. — Two  schedules  of  the   Bulgarian  are  given  in  the  Table.     It 
agrees  with  the  Polish  in  a  part  of  the  first  and  second  collateral  lines.     When 
both  forms  are  fully  investigated,  they  will  doubtless  be  found  in  full  agreement. 
The  series  of  the  first  collateral  line,  male,  is  as  follows :  Brother,  nephew,  little 
grandson,  and  little  great-grandson.     In  the  second  collateral  is  found  the  same 
extraordinary  series  before  given  in  the  Polish ;  namely,  chicha,  "  paternal  uncle ;" 
otchicha  brat,   "brother   through   paternal   uncle;"    otchiclia  bratanetz,   "nephew 
through  paternal  uncle ;"  and  otchicha  vnoolc,  "  grandson  through  paternal  uncle." 
this  remarkable  classification  -of  kindred,  and  which  is  the  same  in  the  other 
branches  of  these  lines,  is  peculiar  to  the  Slavonic  nations  within  the  limits  of  the 
Aryan  family.1     In  the  remaining  branches  of  this  line  the  persons,  as  shown  in 
the  Table,  are  described,  which  was  not  to  have  been  expected.     It  probably  indi- 
cates that  both  forms  are  used.2 

4.  Rmsian. — In  some  respects  the  Russian  differs  from  the  Polish  and  Bohemian. 
The  following  diagram  exhibits  these  differences,  as  well  as  all  that  is  peculiar  in 
the  Russian  method : — 

LINEAL  LINE. 

MALE. 
G  G.  G.  F.  Q  Prapradjed 


G.G.F.  Apradjed 


4th  Collateral, 
Male,  F.  S. 


Itt  Collateral. 

Male. 
QBrat 

.          I 

Son  O  Svn         O  Pljemjannik 


I  Djadja 

|  Dvojurodnyi  Brst 


Dvojurodnyi  Djodja 
Trojurodnyi  Brat 


Q  Trojurodnyi  Djadja 
)  Tchetverojnrodnyi  Brat 


)  Dvojnrodnyi  Pljemjannik  Q  Trojurodnyi  Pljemjannik   Q  Tchetverojurodnyi  Pljemjannik 


G.  8.  QVnuch   O  Vnntchatnyi  Pljemjannik  O  Dvojurodnyi  Vnutchatnyi  O  Trojnrodnyi  Vnutchatnyi   Q  Tchotverojnrodnyi  Vnutchatnyi 

Pljemjannik  Pljemjaunik  Pljetnjanuik 


1  The  fulness  of  the  Bulgarian  nomenclature  is  further  shown  by  the  possession  of  terms  not  called 
out  by  the  questions  in  the  Table :  as  bratetz,  "  husband's  younger  brother ;"  malina  and  sestritza, 
"husband's  younger  sister;"  nahranenitz,  "adopted  son;"  nahraneitza,  "adopted  daughter;" 
streekovi,  "  the  children  of  brothers. 

•  Mr.  Morse,  in  his  letter  to  the  author,  remarks :  "  The  only  things  peculiar  which  I  have  noticed 
are  the  three  following :  First,  otchicha  brat,  brother  from  paternal  uncle,  for  father's  brother's  son, 
or  cousin  ;  but  in  eastern  Bulgaria  uncle's  son  is  used ;  second,  vnook  is  used  both  for  one's  grand- 
son, and  for  a  brother's  and  sister's  grandson  ;  third,  deda  is  both  grandfather  and  great-uncle.  This 
is  the  reciprocal  of  the  preceding.  If  I  call  my  brother's  grandson  my  grandson,  it  is  proper  that 
he  should  call  me  grandfather."  Elsewhere  he  states  that  vnook  was  used  in  the  twofold  sense  of 
grandson  and  nephew,  and  that  the  distinction,  in  the  last  use,  was  sometimes  made  by  prefixing 
mal  =  little. 


OF    THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  43 

The  first  collateral  line,  male,  gives  the  following  series :  Brother,  nepliew,  and 
nephew-grandson.  The  second:  Paternal  uncle,  double-birth  brotlier,  double- 
birth  nephew,  and  double-birth  nephew-grandson.  The  same  peculiarity  runs 
through  the  other  branches  of  this  line,  and  also  through  the  several  branches 
of  the  third  and  more  remote  collateral  lines.  Thus,  in  the  third  we  have  for  the 
series,  grandfather,  double-birth  uncle,  triple-birth  brother,  trifle-birth  nephew, 
and  triple-birth  nephew-grandson.  A  reference  to  the  Table  will  show  that  the 
same  form  of  designation  runs  through  the  entire  system.  It  will  be  observed  that 
in  the  Russian,  as  in  the  Polish,  the  terms  for  brother  and  sister  are  applied  to  first, 
second,  third  and  fourth  cousins,  male  and  female :  thus  the  double-birth  brother 
is  in  the  second  collateral  line,  the  triple  in  the  third,  and  the  quadruple  in  the 
fourth.  The  son  of  each  of  these  collateral  brothers  is  a  nephew  of  Ego,  and  the 
son  of  each  of  these  nephews  is  his  nephew-grandson  of  a  certain  birth.  This 
realizes,  in  part,  the  classification  of  consanguinci  which  is  found  in  the  Hindi  and 
Bengali,  and  in  other  forms  in  the  several  dialects  of  the  Gaura  language.  It 
appears  to  be  its  object  to  bring  collateral  kindred  within  the  near  degrees  of  rela- 
tionship, instead  of  describing  them  as  persons;  leaving  the  relationship  to  be 
implied  from  the  force  of  the  description.  The  same  idea  repeats  itself  in  calling 
a  grandfather's  brother  a  grandfather,  which  he  is  not,  instead  of  great-uncle,  or 
describing  him  as  grandfather's  brother. 

Special  features,  such  as  these,  incorporated  in  a  system  of  relationship,  are  of 
great  value  for  ethnological  purposes.  Where  not  essentially  foreign  to  the  system 
they  may  be  explained  as  deviations  from  uniformity  which  sprang  up  fortuitously 
in  a  particular  branch  of  a  great  family  of  nations,  after  which  they  were  trans- 
mitted with  the  blood  to  the  subdivisions  of  such  branch ;  or,  if  fundamentally 
different  from  the  original  system  of  the  family,  they  may  have  resulted  from  a 
combination  of  two  radically  distinct  forms,  and,  therefore,  indicate  a  mixture  of 
the  blood  of  two  peoples  belonging  to  different  families.  These  special  features 
of  a  system,  when  as  marked  as  in  the  Polish  and  the  Russian,  have  a  history 
capable  of  interpretation  which  reaches  far  back  into  the  past.  They  are  worthy 
of  investigation  for  the  possible  information  they  may  yield  upon  the  question  of 
the  blood  affinities  of  nations  which  concur  in  their  possession,  however  widely 
separated  they  may  be  from  each  other.  If  the  divergent  element  is  unexplainable 
as  a  development  from  the  materials  of  the  common  system  of  the  family,  its  foreign 
origin,  through  mixture  of  blood,  will  become  a  strong  presumption.  The  peculiar 
features  of  the  Sclavonic  system  cannot  be  explained  as  arising  by  natural  growth 
out  of  a  form  originally  descriptive.  There  is  a  distinct  element  of  classification 
of  kindred  applied  to  collaterals  which  does  not  seem  to  spring  by  logical  develop- 
ment from  the  ideas  that  underlie  the  common  system  of  the  Aryan  family.  It 
falls  far  below  the  comprehensive  method  of  classification  which  distinguishes  the 
Turanian  system;  but  it  finds  its  counterpart  to  some  extent,  as  before  stated,  in 
the  Hindi  and  Bengali  forms,  which  have  been  placed  in  the  Turanian  connection. 

5.  Lithuanian. — The  Lithuanian  system  of  relationship  is  not  fully  extended  in 
the  Table.  So  much  of  it  only  is  given  as  could  be  drawn  from  the  lexicon  or 
vocabulary  of  the  dialect.  It  is  therefore  limited  to  the  special  terms.  The 


44  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 

method  of  designating  collateral  kindred,  which  is  the  most  important  part  of  the 
system,  is  wanting.  It  is  for  this  reason  of  but  little  value  for  comparison.  Since 
both  the  Lithuanian  and  Lettish  dialects  are  still  spoken,  the  system  of  relationship 
of  each  of  these  nations  is  still  a  living  form.  The  absence  of  the  Lithuanian, 
therefore,  is  the  more  to  be  regretted,  since  it  might  have  shown  the  original 
Slavonic  form,  and  thus  tended  to  explain  its  peculiar  features.  • 

VI.  Celtic  Nations.     1.  Erse.     2.  Gaelic.     3.  Manx.     4.  Welsh. 

1.  Erse. — The  forms  in  the  Gaelic  and  Manx  are  in  so  near  agreement  with  the 
Erse  that  they  will  be  considered  together ;  but  the  illustrations  will  be  taken  from 
the  latter. 

The  Celtic  system,  as  it  appears  in  the  forms  of  these  three  nations,  is  purely 
descriptive.  It  is  more  strictly  the  typical  form  of  the  Aryan  family  than  the 
Roman,  and  on  some  accounts  should  have  been  first  presented.  But  as  the  Roman 
was  based  upon  the  same  original,  and  embodies  all  the  developments  from  it  sub- 
sequently made,  it  furnished  a  better  starting-point  for  the  exposition  of  the 
descriptive  system.  Whilst  the  Turanian  and  American  Indian  systems  employ 
special  terms  for  every  recognized  relationship,  and  are  therefore  non-descriptive, 
the  Celtic,  possessing  no  special  terms  except  the  primary,  is  descriptive,  pure  and 
simple ;  and  thus  holds  the  opposite  extreme.  The  difference,  as  will  appear  in 
the  sequel,  is  fundamental.  There  is  every  probability  that  the  Erse  and  Gaelic 
forms  have  remained  as  they  now  are  from  a  very  early  period. 

Where  relatives  by  blood  and  marriage  are  described,  without  exception,  by  a 
combination  of  the  primary  terms,  it  might  be  supposed  to  indicate  the  absence  of 
any  positive  system  of  relationship ;  but  this  would  be  an  erroneous  inference. 
Such  a  form  is  essentially  affirmative.  To  describe  kindred  in  this  manner  we 
must  ascend  step  by  step,  by  the  chain  of  consanguinity,  from  Ego  to  the  common 
ancestor,  and  then  descend  in  the  same  definite  manner  in  each  collateral  line  to 
the  particular  person  whose  relationship  is  sought;  or,  we  must  reverse -the  process, 
and  ascend  from  this  person  to  the  common  ancestor,  and  then  down  to  Ego.  By 
this  means  the  natural  outflow  of  the  generations  is  recognized,  the  several  colla- 
teral lines  are  preserved  distinct  from  each  other  and  divergent  from  the  lineal,  and 
absolute  precision  in  the  description  of  kindred  is  reached.  So  far  it  contains  a 
positive  element.  In  the  second  place,  to  resist  for  ages  the  invention  or  adoption 
of  special  terms  for  the  near  collateral  relationships  which  are  so  constantly  needed 
in  domestic  life,  evinces  a  decisive,  not  to  say  pertinacious,  preference  for  the 
descriptive  method.  Although  this  form  suggests  from  within  itself  a  certain  num- 
ber of  generalizations  of  kindred  into  classes,  with  the  use  of  special  terms  for  these 
relationships  in  the  concrete,  yet  a  system  must  be  developed  up  to  and  beyond  the 
Roman  standard  form  to  render  the  use  of  these  common  terms  definitely  expres- 
sive ;  or,  in  other  words,  to  secure  the  precision  of  the  purely  descriptive  method. 
As  a  domestic  institution  the  system  necessarily  possesses  the  elements  of  perma- 
nence ;  and  its  modifications  are  the  slow  products  of  time  and  growth.  Beside 
the  adoption  of  the  Roman  as  our  legal  form,  the  only  changes  in  the  English  sys- 
tem within  the  last  five  centuries,  so  far  as  the  writer  is  aware,  is  the  restriction 
of  the  terms  wpliew  and  niece  to  the  children  of  the  brother  and  sister  of  Ego,  and 


OF   THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


45 


the  substitution  of  grandson  and  granddaughter  in  their  places  in  the  lineal  line. 
It  is  not  probable  that  it  will  be  changed  as  much  as  this  within  the  same  period 
of  time  in  the  future. 

The  following  diagram  exhibits  the  Erse  form : — 


LINEAL  LINE. 


FEMALE 


MALE 


FATHER'S  Sins 
V  Collateral,  FemaU 

Driffur   nmhar  ' 
Mac  driffer  mahar 
Mac  mic  driffer  mahar 
Mac  mic  mic  driffer  mahar 
.lac  mic  mic  mic  d 


Shan  vahair  mahar  Q  Shan  ahair  mahar 

Mohair  mo  han  ahair  Q  Ahair  mo  ban  ahu 

Mo  han  Tahair  (~)  Mo  ban  ahair 


1st  Collateral,  Female 
Mo  yriffur  I 
Mac  mo  driffer  ( 


I 

Mo  vahair^  Q  M 


o  ahair 


Euo  O  Eao 


Ho  ineean  O  Mo  Tac 


FATHER'S  SIDE. 
2°  Collateral,  Male 
\st  Collateral,  Male         O  Drihair     mahar 

O  Ma<>  drihar  mahar 


~O  Mo  yrlhair 

I 


Mac  mo  drihar  O 


Mac  mic  drihar  mahar 


riffer  mahar  O     Mac  mic  mic  mo  dri 

.1 


Mac  mic  mo  driffer  O          lueean  mo  iueeaa  O  Mac  mo  T^c 

ffer  O       Ineean  mic  mo  vie  O  Mac  mic  mo  Tic 


Mac  mic  mo  driha  O  Mac  mic  m'c  irinar  mahar 

Mac  mic  mic  mo  drihair  O  Mac  mic  mic  mic  drihar  mahar 


>ir  O 
O  Ma 


ilac  mic  mic  mic  mic  driffer  Q       Mac  mic  mic  mic  mo  O  In««an  mic  mic  mo  Tic  Q  Mac  mic  mic  mo  Tic       Q  Mac  mic  mic  mic  mo      O  Mac  ""'"  mlc  m'c  mlc  drihar 
mahar  driffer  drihar  mahar 

For  consanguinei  and  marriage  relatives  the  Erse  and  Gaelic  have  but  eight,  and 
these  the  primary  terms.1  By  means  of  these  terms,  which  exhaust  the  nomencla- 
ture, all  of  their  kindred,  near  and  remote,  are  described.  The  diagram  represents 
the  lineal  line,  male  and  female,  and  the  first  and  second  collateral  lines,  male  and 
female.  Each  relationship  is  made  personal  to  EGO  by  the  use  of  the  pronoun  my 
in  the  description. of  each  person. 

In  the  first  collateral  the  series  is  as  follows :  Brotlier,  son  of  my  brother  and 
son  of  son  of  my  brother  ;  the  second  collateral,  brotJier  of  my  father,  son  of  brotJier 
of  my  father,  and  son  of  son  of  brother  of  my  father.  In  the  third  collateral  the 
description  is  modified  by  the  use  of  shan  ahair,  "  old  father,"  in  the  place  of 
"  father  of  father,"  which  gives  for  the  series,  brother  of  my  old  father,  son  of 
brother  of  my  old  father  and  son  of  son  of  brother  of  my  old  father,  and  so  downward 
as  far  as  the  line  is  followed.  The  description,  as  in  the  Icelandic,  commences 
at  the  opposite  extreme  from  Ego.  In  the  Table,  the  Erse,  Gaelic  and  Manx  forms 
will  be  found  fully  extended. 

4.  Welsh. — It  is  probable  that  the  Welsh  form  of  describing  kindred  was  origi- 
nally the  same  as  the  present  Erse ;  but  it  is  now  distinguished  from  it  by  the 


1  The  term  uncle  has  been  naturalized  in  the  Erse  dialect  in  uncail,  pronounced  Oonchail. 


46 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 


possession  of  several  special  terms  for  collateral  relations,  which  were  evidently 
indigenous  in  the  Welsh  dialect.  The  use  of  these  terms,  as  a  part  of  the  nomen- 
clature, modified  the  method  of  describing  kindred  in  the  same  manner  as  it  did 
in  other  Aryan  dialects.  They  were  evolved  by  generalizing  certain  persons  into 
classes,  and  were  used  as  common  terms  to  express  the  corresponding  relationships. 

In  the  first  collateral  line,  male,  the  series  is  as  follows :  brother,  nephew,  and 
grandson  of  brother ;  in  the  second,  uncle,  male  cousin,  son  of  male  cousin,  and 
grandson  of  male  cousin.  The  cousin,  as  in  other  forms,  is  made  a  second  start- 
ing-point. Which  uncle,  or  which  cousin  is  intended,  does  not  appear ;  and  the 
defect  in  the  statement  could  only  be  corrected  by  resorting  to  the  Erse  method, 
or  general  words  explaining  the  line  and  branch  to  which  each  person  belonged. 
The  prevalence  of  a  concurrent  as  well  as  anterior  descriptive  method,  is  plainly 
inferrible.1 

VII.  Persian.  The  modern  Persian  dialect  of  the  Aryan  language  has  a  remark- 
able history :  not  so  much  from  the  changes  through  which  it  has  passed,  as  from 
its  having  been  a  literary  language  from  the  earliest  period,  nearly,  of  authentic 
history.  After  passing  through  several  forms  of  speech,  the  Zend,  the  Pahlevi, 
and  the  Parsee,  each  of  which  is  permanent  in  written  records,  it  still  remains  a 
lineal  descendant  of  the  Zend,  as  well  as  a  closely  allied  dialect  of  the  Sanskrit. 

1  In  the  "  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  Wales,"  there  is  a  curious  diagram  illustrative  of  the 
Welsh  system  of  consanguinity,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy.  (Vide  British  Records,  Com- 
mission Series,  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  Wales,  book  xi,  ch.  iv,  p.  605.) 


If  Ego  is  placed  between  the  father  and  son  the  lineal  and  first  collateral  lines  would  become 
intelligible,  and  would  be  in  the  same  form  as  the  Holland  Dutch ;  but  the  remainder  would  bo 
unintelligible.  The  same  result  follows  each  change  of  Ego  upon  the  lineal  line.  But  it  shows  that 
the  arrangement  of  the  lines  was  correctly  apprehended. — G.  =  {?orAenc?«(Z=great-grandfatlier ;  II.  = 
Hendad  =  grandfather  ;  T.  =  Tad  =  father ;  M.  =  j)fo6  =  son  ;  W.  =  Wyr  =  grandson  ;  ~B.=Braivl  = 
brother;  K.  probably  represents  either  Nai,  nephew,  or  Nghfnder  (pronounced  hevendcr),  cousin, 
under  a  different  orthography.  C.  probably  Ooroyr  =  great-grandson. 


OP    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


47 


It  is  the  only  Aryan  dialect  which  can  point  to  more  than  one  antecedent  form  in 
which  it  was  established  by  a  literature,  and  from  which  it  successively  broke 
away.  It  still  retains  its  grammatical  structure  as  an  Aryan  dialect,  whilst  it  has 
drawn  its  vocables  so  largely  from  Semitic  and  other  sources  as  to  seriously  alter  its 
family  complexion. 

For  many  reasons  the  Persian  system  of  relationship  was  very  desirable  for  com- 
parison with  those  of  the  remaining  branches  of  the  family.  It  is  given  with  toler- 
able fulness  in  the  table.  Its  nomenclature  has  been  augmented  by  the  adoption 
of  several  terms  from  the  Arabic,  which  in  turn  have  introduced  a  change  in  the 
mode  of  designating  kindred ;  but  it  is  still  evident,  notwithstanding  the  foreign 
element,  that  its  original  form  was  descriptive.  The  following  diagram  exhibits  the 
material  parts  of  the  system. 


LINEAL  LINE. 


FEMALE 


MALE 


FiTHEB'8  SlDB 

td  Collateral,  Female 


FATHER'S  Sins 

M  Collateral,  Malt 


Ami 


Poosari  hahar  (      S     '  Dflhktarf      g      1  Poosar 


NaTadai  hahar  I    »>    1  Navada       GS    KN'avada 


Poosari  amoo 


Navadai  «moo 


GGS  )NiliJ *•«"">• 


There  is  no  term  in  the  Persian  for  grandfather ;  he  is  described  as  an  "  elder 
father."  The  term  ndtija,  great-grandchild,  was  either  borrowed  from  the  Nesto- 
rian,  or  the  latter  obtained  it  from  the  former.  In  the  Persian  terms  for  paternal 
uncle  and  aunt  amoo,  ama,  are  recognized  the  Arabic  'amm,  'ammet,  for  the  same 
relationships ;  and  in  hdloo,  hdla,  maternal  uncle  and  aunt,  the  Arabic  'Khdl, 
'.Khdlet,  also  for  the  same.  From  the  presence  of  these  foreign  terms  in  the  Persian 
it  is  inferrible  that  these  relationships  were  not  discriminated  either  in  the  Zend, 
Pahlevi  or  Parsee,  nor  in  the  Persian  until  after  they  were  borrowed.  These  several 
persons,  therefore,  must  have  been  described  by  the  Celtic  method. 

In  the  first  collateral  line,  male,  the  series  is  as  follows :  brotJier,  son  of  brotJter 
and  grandchild  of  brother ;  and  in  the  second:  paternal  uncle,  son  of  paternal  uncle, 
grandchild  of  paternal  uncle,  and  great-grandchild  of  paternal  uncle.     The  other 
branches  follow  in  a  similar  form.1 


1  The  pronoun  my  is  a  suffix  in  the  Persian,  as  it  is  in  the  Finn  and  also  in  the  Arabic. 

Father.  Mother.  Son.  Daughter.  Paternal  Uncle. 

My   Poodiiriim,  Madaram,  Poosaam,  Duhktaram,  Amooyam. 

Our  Poodarima,  Madarima,  Poosaima,  Dfihktarima,  Amooyama. 

His  Poodarioo,  Madiirioo,  Poosaioo,  Duhktaroo,  Amooyaoo. 


48  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

VIII.  Armenian.  The  great  antiquity  of  the  Armenians  as  a  people,  and  their 
intimate  connection,  at  different  periods,  with  members  of  the  three  great  families 
of  mankind,  which  have  held  dominion  in  Asia  Minor,  invests  their  system  of  consan- 
guinity with  some  degree  of  interest.  It  is  a  simple  and  yet  complete  system.  In 
its  radical  features,  and  in  its  minute  details,  it  is  substantially  identical  with  the 
Erse  and  Gaelic  forms.  One  more  term  is  found  in  its  nomenclature  than  the  Erse 
contains,  namely,  tor,  grandson ;  but  this  was  probably  borrowed  either  from  the 
Osmanli-Turkish,  or  the  Nestorian,  in  both  of  which  it  is  found.  The  Armenian 
system  is  purely  descriptive,  the  description  of  kindred  being  effected  by  a  combi- 
nation of  the  primary  terms. 

In  the  first  collateral  line,  male,  the  .  following  is  the  series :  brother,  son  of  my 
brotJier,  and  son  of  son  of  my  brother  ;  in  the  second  collateral :  brother  of  my  fatfter, 
son  of  brotlier  of  my  father,  and  son  of  son  of  brother  of  my  father  ;  and  in  the  third 
collateral :  brother  of  my  old-father,  son  of  brother  of  my  old-father  ;  and  son  of  son 
of  brother  of  my  old-fatlier.  These  illustrations  are  sufficient  to  exhibit  the  cha- 
racter of  the  system,  and  also  to  show  its  identity  of  form  with  the  Erse  and 
Gaelic.  There  is  also  a  seeming  identity  of  some  of  the  terms  in  their  nomencla- 
tures of  relationship.  With  the  Armenian  the  series  of  Aryan  nations  represented 
in  the  Table  is  closed. 

Very  little  reference  has  been  made  to  the  marriage  relationships  as  they  exist 
in  the  several  nations  of  this  family.  They  are  not  material  in  the  descriptive  sys- 
tem, except  for  comparison  of  the  terms  as  vocables.  They  will  be  found  in  the 
Table  to  which  the  reader  is  referred  for  further  information. 

From  this  brief  review  of  the  more  prominent  features  of  the  system  of  relation- 
ship of  the  Aryan  nations  it  has  been  rendered  apparent  that  the  original  form  of  each 
nation,  with  the  possible  exception  of  the  Slavonic  nations,  was  purely  descriptive. 
It  is  also  evident  that  it  is  a  natural  system,  following  the  streams  of  the  blood,  and 
maintaining  the  several  collateral  lines  distinct  from  each  other,  and  divergent  from 
the  lineal  line.  In  several  of  the  subdivisions  of  this  great  family  it  is  still  exclu- 
sively descriptive  as  in  the  Armenian,  the  Erse,  and  the  Icelandic,  while  in  others, 
as  the  Roman,  the  German,  and  the  English,  it  is  a  mixture  of  the  descriptive, 
with  a  limited  amount  of  classification  of  kindred  by  means  of  common  terms. 
These  terms  embrace  but  a  fraction  of  our  kindred.  Their  use,  in  describing  more 
distant  relations,  in  combination  with  the  primary  terms  is  but  a  further  expansion 
of  the  original  system.  The  origin  of  these  secondary  terms,  which  represent  the 
extent  of  the  modification  made,  must  be  found  in  the  constantly  recurring  desire 
to  avoid  the  inconvenience  of  descriptive  phrases.  Such  modifications  as  have  been 
made  are  neither  inconsistent  with  the  inference  that  the  original  form  of  each 
nation  was  descriptive,  nor  such  a  departure  from  it  as  to  render  it  other  than  a 
descriptive  system  at  the  present  time.  This  general  conclusion,  I  think,  must  be 
considered  established. 

It  may  be  farther  remarked  that  certain  persons  who  stand  in  the  same  degree 
of  nearness  to  Ego  were  classed  together,  and  a  common  term  invented  to  express 
the  relationship ;  but  some  of  these  terms,  as  olieim  and  uncle,  vedder  and  cousin, 
are  radically  distinct,  and  are  yet  applied  to  the  same  persons.  At  the  same  time 


OF   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  49 

descriptive  phrases  are  used  concurrently  to  designate  each  respectively.  It  might 
be  a  reasonable  supposition  that  an  elaborate  nomenclature  of  relationships  was 
developed  in  the  formative  period  of  the  primitive  speech  of  the  family,  yielding 
synonyms  more  or  less  in  number ;  and  that  some  of  these  terms  had  fallen  out  of 
certain  dialects  of  the  language  after  their  separation,  and  had  been  retained  by 
others.  But  the  constancy  of  the  primary  terms  in  all  these  dialects,  and  the 
ascertained  subsequent  development  of  several  of  the  secondary,  such  as  uncle  and 
cousin,  forbid  this  supposition.  There  is  nothing  in  the  original  nomenclature,  or 
in  its  subsequent  growth,  which  seems  to  favor  an  assumption  that  the  present  has 
advanced  or  receded  from  a  primitive  form  that  was  radically  different.  On  the 
contrary,  the  evidence  from  the  Sanskrit  and  Scandinavian,  and  conclusively  from 
the  Celtic  and  Armenian,  tends  to  show  that  the  system  of  the  Aryan  family,  im- 
mediately before  its  subdivision  commenced,  was  purely  descriptive,  whatever  it 
might  have  been  at  an  anterior  epoch.  The  changes  that  have  occurred  are  ex- 
plainable by  the  changes  of  condition  through  which  the  branches  of  this  family 
have  passed.  And  when  the  amazing  extent  of  these  changes  is  considered  it  is 
chiefly  remarkable  that  the  primitive  system  of  consanguinity  should  still  so  clearly 
manifest  itself. 

If  each  distinct  idea  or  conception  embodied  in  the  common  system  of  relation- 
ship of  the  Aryan  family  were  detached  by  analysis  from  its  connections,  and  placed 
as  a  separate  proposition,  the  number  would  not  be  large  ;  and  yet  when  associated 
together  they  are  sufficient  to  create  a  system,  and  to  organize  a  family  upon  the 
bond  of  kindred.  A  system  thus  formed  became,  when  adopted  into  practical  use, 
a  domestic  institution,  which,  after  its  establishment,  would  be  upheld  and  sustained 
by  the  ever-continuing  necessities  that  brought  it  into  being.  Its  mode  of  trans- 
mission, like  that  of  language,  was  through  the  channels  of  the  blood.  It  becomes, 
then,  a  question  of  the  highest  moment  whether  its  radical  forms  are  stable ;  and 
whether  they  are  capable  of  self-perpetuation  through  indefinite  periods  of  time. 
The  solution  of  these  problems  will  decide  the  further,  and  still  more  important 
question,  whether  or  not  these  systems,  through  the  identity  of  their  radical  features, 
can  deliver  any  testimony  concerning  the  genetic  connection  of  the  great  families 
of  mankind,  as  well  as  of  the  nations  of  which  these  families  are  severally  com- 
posed. Without  entering  upon  the  discussion  of  these  topics,  which  is  reserved 
until  the  facts  with  reference  to  the  systems  of  other  families  have  been  presented, 
it  may  be  observed  that  the  perpetuation  of  the  descriptive  system  through  so  many 
independent  channels,  and  through  the  number  of  centuries  these  nations  have 
been  separated  from  each  other,  was  neither  an  accidental  nor  a  fortuitous  occur- 
rence. There  are  sufficient  reasons  why  the  Erse,  the  Icelandic,  and  the  Armenian 
forms  are  still  identical  down  to  their  minute  details ;  why  the  system  of  the  re- 
maining nations  of  this  family  has  departed  so  slightly  from  the  original  common 
form ;  and  why  it  has  moved  independently,  in  each  dialect  and  stock-language, 
in  the  same  definite  direction. 

The  systems  of  the  Semitic  and  Uralian  families  remain  to  be  noticed,  which,  as 
they  are  also  descriptive,  properly  precede  the  classificatory. 

7         January,  1839. 


50  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


CHAPTER  V. 

SYSTEM    OF    RELATIONSHIP    OF    THE    SEMITIC    FAMILY. 

Arabic  System — Illustrations  of  its  method — Nearly  identical  with  the  Celtic — Druse  and  Maronite — Agrees  with 
the  Arabic — Hebrew  System — Restoration  of  its  Details  difficult — Illustrations  of  its  Method — Agrees  with 
the  Arabic — Neo-Syriac  or  Nestorian — Illustrations  of  its  Method — Agrees  with  the  Arabic — System  presump- 
tively follows  the  Language — Comparison  of  Aryan  and  Semitic  Systems — Identical  in  their  Radical  Charac- 
teristics— Originally  Descriptive  in  Form — Probable  Inferences  from  this  Identity. 

THE  Semitic  language,  in  its  three  principal  branches,  is  represented  in  the 
Table,  with  the  system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  peculiar  to  each.  First,  the 
Arabic,  by  the  Arabic  and  Druse  and  Maronite ;  second,  the  Hebraic,  by  the 
Hebrew;  and  third,  the  Aramaic,  by  the  Neo-Syriac  or  Nestorian.  Since  the 
Arabic  and  Nestorian  are  spoken  languages,  and  their  systems  of  relationship  are  in 
daily  use,  and  as  the  Hebrew  exhibits  the  Jewish  form  as  it  prevailed  when  this 
language  ceased  to  be  spoken,  the  schedules  in  the  Table  present,  without  doubt, 
the  ancient  plan  of  consanguinity  of  that  remarkable  family  which  has  exercised 
such  a  decisive  influence  upon  the  destiny  of  mankind.  Although  the  influence  of 
the  Semitic  family  has  been  declining  for  centuries,  before  the  overmastering 
strength  of  the  Aryan  civilization,  the  family  itself  will  ever  occupy  a  conspicuous 
position  in  human  history.  These  schedules  are  the  more  interesting  because  they 
reveal,  with  so  much  of  certainty,  not  only  the  present  but  also  the  ancient  system 
which  prevailed  in  the  Semitic  kingdoms  of  Babylon,  Nineveh  and  Jerusalem,  and 
in  the  Commonwealth  of  Carthage.  They  are  likewise  important  for  comparison 
for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  nature  and  ethnic  boundaries  of  the  descriptive 
form  of  consanguinity,  and  its  relations  to  the  forms  in  other  families  of  mankind. 

The  two  distinguishing  characteristics  of  the  system  of  the  Aryan  family  are 
present  in  the  Semitic.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  substantially  descriptive  in  form, 
with  the  same  tendency  to  a  limited  number  of  generalizations  to  relieve  the  bur- 
densomeness  of  this  method ;  and  in  the  second,  it  maintains  the  several  collateral 
lines  distinct  from  each  other  and  divergent  from  the  lineal  line.  In  other  words, 
it  follows  the  streams  of  the  blood,  as  they  must  necessarily  flow  where  marriage 
exists  between  single  pairs. 

Whilst  the  Semitic  system  separates  the  family  by  a  distinct  and  well  defined 
line  from  the  Asiatic  nations  beyond  the  Indus,  it  places  it  side  by  side  with  the 
Aryan  and  Uralian.  So  far  as  the  descriptive  system  of  relationship  can  deliver 
any  testimony  through  identity  of  radical  forms,  which  is  worthy  of  acceptance,  it 
tends  to  show,  that  while  there  is  no  traceable  affinity  from  this  source  between  the 
Semitic  and  Turanian  families,  there  is  a  positive  convergence  of  the  Aryan,  Semitic 


OF   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  51 

and  Uralian  families  to  a  common  point  of  unity,  the  evidence  of  which  is  still 
preserved  (if  it  can  be  said  to  amount  to  evidence)  in  their  several  modes  of  indi- 
cating the  domestic  relationships. 

I.  Arabic  Branch.     1.  Arabic.     2.  Druse  and  Maronite. 

1.  Arabic  Nation. — There  are  original  terms  in  this  language  for  grandfather 
and  grandmother,  which  is  the  more  singular  as  there  are  none  in  Hebrew. 
Ascendants  above  these  degrees  are  described  by  a  combination  of  these  terms 
with  those  for  father  and  mother,  in  which  respect  the  Arabic  is  variant  from  the 
Aryan  form.  While  we  would  say  grandfather's  father  or  great-grandfather,  an 
Arab  would  say,  father  of  grandfather.  It  is  a  slight  difference,  and  yet  it  reveals 
a  usage  with  respect  to  the  manner  of  expressing  this  relationship.  There  are  no 
terms  in  Arabic  for  grandson  or  granddaughter,  nephew  or  niece,  or  cousin.  These 
persons  are  described  by  the  Celtic  method. 

The  following  is  the  series  in  the  first  collateral  line,  male :  brother,  son  of  my 
brother,  son  of  son  of  my  brother,  and  son  of  son  of  son  of  my  brotlier.  It  is  in 
literal  agreement  with  the  Roman  and  Erse. 

It  is  a  noticeable  feature  of  the  Arabic  system  that  it  has  separate  terms  in  'amm 
'ammet  for  paternal  uncle  and  aunt,  and  in  'Midi  'khdlet  for  maternal  uncle  and 
aunt.  By  means  of  these  terms  the  manner  of  describing  the  four  branches  of  the 
second  collateral  line  was  carried  up  fully  to  the  Roman  standard  in  convenience 
and  precision,  and  became  identical  with  it  in  form.  It  also  tends  to  show  that 
the  development  of  a  system  originally  descriptive  has  a  predetermined  logical 
direction.  With  the  exception  of  the  discrimination  of  the  relationships  named, 
and  the  changes  thereby  introduced  in  the  method  of  indicating  consanguinei,  the 
Arabic  form  is  identical  with  the  Erse. 

In  the  second  collateral  line,  male  branch,  the  series  gives  paternal  uncle,  son 
of  paternal  uncle,  and  son  of  son  of  paternal  uncle.  The  third,  which  is  variant 
from  the  Roman,  is  as  follows :  paternal  uncle  of  father,  son  of  paternal  uncle  of 
father,  and  son  of  son  of  paternal  uncle  of  father.  This  line  is  described  as  a  series 
of  relatives  of  the  father  of  Ego.  In  like  'manner  the  fourth  collateral  line  is 
described  as  a  scries  of  relatives  of  the  grandfather  of  Ego,  e.  g.,  paternal  uncle 
of  yrandfatlver,  son  of  paternal  uncle  of  grandfather,  and  so  downward  as  far  as 
the  line  was  traceable.  For  a  further  knowledge  of  the  details  of  the  Arabic  system 
reference  is  made  to  the  Table. 

No  attempt  is  made  in  this  system  to  classify  kindred  by  the  generalization  of 
those  who  stand  in  the  same  degree  of  nearness  to  Ego  into  one  class,  with  the  use 
of  a  special  term  to  express  the  relationship.  On  the  contrary,  the  four  special 
terms  for  collateral  kindred,  above  named,  are  each  applied  to  a  single  class  of  per- 
sons who  are  brothers  and  sisters  to  each  other,  which  is  the  lowest  form  of  gene- 
ralization in  any  system  of  consanguinity.  It  is  the  same  as  the  generalization  of 
the  relationship  of  brother  or  son,  each  of  which  terms  is  applied  to  several  persons 
who  stand  in  an  identical  relationship.  Nephew,  in  our  sense,  on  the  contrary, 
involves  the  generalization  of  two  classes  of  persons  into  one  class,  and  cousin  that 
of  four  into  one.  Neither  does  the  Arabic  employ  the  Sanskritic  or  Grecian  method 
of  compounding  terms  by  contraction  to  express  specific  relationship ;  but  it  adheres 


52  SYSTEMS   OP   CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

closely  to  a  purely  descriptive  method  by  the  use  of  the  primary  terms.  The 
Erse  and  Gaelic  are  nearer  to  the  Arabic  in  their  minute  forms  than  they  are  to 
any  form  of  any  Aryan  nation,  except  the  Armenian  and  the  Scandinavian. 

It  is  quite  probable  that  the  words  for  uncle  and  aunt  are  of  comparatively 
modern  use  in  Arabic  as  terms  of  relationship,  as  they  have  other  meanings,  which 
for  a  period  of  time  may  have  been  exclusive.  In  answer  to  an  inquiry  upon  this 
point  the  distinguished  American  missionary  Dr.  C.  V.  A.  Van  Dyck,  of  Beirut, 
Syria,  writes :  "  The  Arabic  words  for  uncle  and  aunt,  'amm  'ammet,  'khdl  'khdlet, 
are  derived  from  pure  Arabic  roots,  but  are  not  necessarily  of  very  ancient  use  in 
the  above  meanings,  as  they  have  several  other  meanings.  Their  use  in  describing 
degrees  of  relationship  may  be  somewhat  later  than  the  early  history  of  the 
language,  yet  they  are  found  as  far  back  as  we  have  any  remains  of  the  language. 
If  the  Himyaritic  were  sufficiently  restored  to  be  of  use,  it  might  throw  some  light 
upon  what  you  remark  concerning  the  Erse  and  Gaelic." 

The  presence  of  two  of  these  terms  in  the  Hebrew,  and  of  the  four  in  the  Nes- 
torian,  gives  to  them  necessarily  a  very  great  antiquity  as  terms  of  relationship ; 
but  it  may  be  possible  to  reach  beyond  the  period  of  their  first  introduction. 

The  marriage  relationships  are  quite  fully  discriminated,  and  reveal  some  pecu- 
liarities. For  an  inspection  of  them  reference  is  again  made  to  the  Table. 

2.  Druse  and  Maronite. — This  form  is  so  nearly  identical  with  the  last  that  it 
does  not  require  a  separate  notice.  The  fact  of  its  identity,  both  in  form  and  terms, 
is  important,  however,  since  it  furnishes  a  criterion  for  determining  the  stability  of 
the  system  during  the  period  these  nations  have  been  politically  distinct. 

II.  Hebraic  Branch.  Hebrew  Nation.  The  same  difficulty  that  prevented  the 
restoration  of  the  Sanskrit  system  of  relationship  in  its  full  original  form  exists  also 
with  reference  to  the  Hebrew.  It  ceased  to  be  a  living  form  when  the  language 
ceased  to  be  spoken,  and  from  the  remains  of  the  language  it  can  only  be  restored 
conjecturally  beyond  the  nearest  degrees. 

In  the  lineal  line  all  persons  above  father  and  below  son  must  have  been  described 
by  a  combination  of  the  primary  terms.  This  is  inferable  also  from  the  general 
tenor  of  the  Scripture  genealogies.  There  are  special  terms  for  descendants  of  the 
third  and  fourth  generation  which  were  applied  to  each  specifically. 

The  series  in  the  first  collateral  line,  male,  as  given  in  the  Table,  is  limited  to  two 
persons,  namely,  brother  and  son  of  brother.  It  is  to  be  inferred  that  the  remain- 
ing descendants  were  described  as  son  of  son  of  IrotJier,  and  so  downward  as  far  as 
the  relationship  was  to  be  traced. 

In  this  language  the  term  for  paternal  uncle  is  dodhi,  the  literal  signification  of 
which  is  "  beloved."  Is  it  to  be  inferred  that  this  relationship  was  not  discrimi- 
nated until  after  the  Hebrew  became  a  distinct  dialect,  or  that  it  superseded  the 
original  of  the  Arabic  'amm?  The  first  two  members  of  this  branch  of  the  line 
only  are  given  in  the  table,  namely,  paternal  uncle  and  son  of  paternal  uncle. 
Without  doubt  the  remaining  persons  were  described  as  in  the  Arabic.  The  ana- 
logy of  the  system  suggests  this  inference.  In  akhi  and  "kliotli,  maternal  uncle  and 
aurt,  we  find  words  from  the  same  root  as  Mdl  and  khdlet  for  the  same  relation- 
ships. The  description  of  persons  in  these  branches  is  the  same  as  in  the  last  case, 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  53 

namely,  maternal  uncle  and  son  of  maternal  uncle;  maternal  aunt  and  son  of 
maternal  aunt.  This  fragment  is  all  that  remains  of  the  Hebrew  system  as  it  is 
shown  in  the  table.  The  nature,  and  to  some  extent  the  form,  of  the  system  may 
be  gathered  from  the  Scripture  genealogies,  in  which  it  is  found  to  be  descriptive. 

So  far  as  the  characteristic  features  of  the  Hebrew  form  of  consanguinity  are 
given  in  the  Table,  they  are  seen  to  be  identical  with  the  Arabic  substantially. 
This  fact  becomes  important  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  Hebrew  system  is 
shown  as  it  existed  when  the  language  ceased  to  be  spoken,  which  event  is  gene- 
rally placed  at  the  period  of  the  Babylonian  captivity  720  B.  C.  At  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Christian  era  the  Aramaic  dialect  of  the  Semitic  language  had  become 
substituted  for  the  Hebrew  among  the  Jews.  The  slight  differences  between  the 
Arabic  of  to-day  and  the  Hebrew  form  of  twenty  centuries  and  upwards  ago,  is  a 
fact  of  some  significance  in  its  bearing  upon  the  question  of  the  stability  of  the 
radical  features  of  descriptive  systems  of  relationship. 

There  are  several  points  concerning  the  use  of  terms  of  consanguinity  in  the 
New  Testament  Scriptures,  as  well  as  in  the  Old,  which  it  would  be  instructive  to 
investigate.  This  is  particularly  the  case  with  reference  to  the  term  for  brother, 
which  appears  to  have  been  applied  to  a  cousin  as  well,  and  which  use  finds 
its  parallel  in  the  Turanian  form.  But  with  the  radical  features  of  the  Hebrew 
system  before  us,  these  uses  of  the  term  must  either  find  their  explanation  in  some 
particular  custom ;  or  point  to  a  different  and  still  more  primitive  form. 

III.  Aramaic  Branch.     Neo-Syriac,  or  Nestorian. 

The  Syriac  and  Chaldee  are  the  two  principal  dialects  of  the  Aramaic  branch  of 
the  Semitic  language.  Of  these,  the  Nestorian  is  the  modern  form  of  the  Syriac, 
and  stands  to  it  in  the  same  relation  Italian  does  to  Latin.  It  is  a  lineal  descend- 
ant of  the  ancient  language  of  Babylon  and  Nineveh.  We  are  indebted  to  the 
American  missionaries  for  rendering  the  dialect  accessible. 

The  Nestorian  nomenclature  of  relationships  has  been  developed  slightly  beyond 
the  Arabic  and  the  Hebrew.  It  has  original  terms  for  grandfather  and  grand- 
mother, by  means  of  which,  and  in  combination  with  the  terms  for  father  and 
mother,  ascendants  are  described  in  the  same  manner  as  in  the  Arabic ;  also,  origi- 
nal terms  for  grandson  and  granddaughter,  and  for  the  next  degree  beyond,  by 
means  of  which  descendants  are  distinguished  from  each  other.  This  is  the  extent 
of  the  difference,  but  it  introduces  a  slight  variation  in  the  method  of  describing 
kindred. 

The  first  collateral  line,  male,  gives  the  following  series :  Brother,  son  of 
brother,  grandson  of  brother,  and  great  grandson  of  brother.  The  form  is  the 
same  as  in  the  Arabic,  but  with  the  substitution  of  the  new  terms.  In  the  second 
collateral  we  have  paternal  uncle,  son  of  paternal  uncle,  and  grandson  of  paternal 
uncle ;  and  in  the  third,  brottier  of  grandfather,  son  of  brotfier  of  grandfather, 
and  grandson  of  brother  of  grandfather.  The  remaining  branches  of  these  lines 
are  described,  with  corresponding  changes,  in  the  same  manner. 

In  the  Nestorian  there  are  no  terms  for  nephew  or  niece  or  cousin,  consequently 
dmuwee  and  umte,  KMluwee  and  Kdhleh,  uncle  and  aunt,  and  which  are  from  the 


54'  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

same  root  as  the  corresponding  Arabic  words,  were  without  any  correlatives  except 
in  the  form  of  descriptive  phrases.  Notwithstanding  the  slight  deviations  between 
the  Nestorian  and  the  Arabic  forms,  after  an  independent  and  separate  existence 
of  many  centuries,  they  are  still  identical  in  their  radical  characteristics. 

Terms  for  the  marriage  relationships  are  less  numerous  in  the  Semitic  than  in  the 
Aryan  language.  From  their  limited  number  and  the  manner  of  their  use  they 
are  of  but  little  importance  as  a  part  of  the  general  system  of  relationship,  except 
for  comparison  as  vocables.  In  the  systems  of  the  Turanian  and  American  Indian 
families  they  enter  more  essentially  into  their  framework,  and  are  of  much  greater 
significance  from  the  manner  of  their  use. 

The  system  of  relationship  of  the  Semitic  family  has  a  much  wider  range  than 
is  indicated  in  the  Table.  It  will  doubtless  be  found  wherever  the  blood  and  lan- 
guage of  this  family  have  spread.  Among  the  Abyssinians,  who  speak  a  Semitic 
dialect,  it  probably  prevails ;  and  most  likely  among  the  people  who  speak  the  Ber- 
ber dialects  of  North  Africa,  which  are  said  to  be  Semitic.  Traces  of  it  exist  in 
the  system  of  the  Zulus  or  Kafirs  of  South  Africa,  which,  Malayan  in  form,  has 
adopted  Semitic  words  into  its  nomenclature.  The  Himyaritic  dialect,  if  investi- 
gated with  reference  to  this  question,  would  probably  disclose  some  portion  of  the 
primitive  form. 

A  comparison  of  the  systems  of  relationship  of  the  Semitic  and  Aryan  families 
suggests  a  number  of  interesting  questions.  It  must  have  become  sufficiently  obvi- 
ous that  in  their  radical  characteristics  they  are  identical.  Any  remaining  doubt 
upon  that  point  is  removed  by  the  near  approach  of  the  Arabic  and  Nestorian  to 
the  Erse  and  Icelandic.  It  is  rendered  manifest  by  the  comparison  that  the  sys- 
tem of  the  two  families  was  originally  purely  descriptive,  the  description  being 
effected  by  the  primary  terms ;  and  that  the  further  development  of  each  respec- 
tively, by  the  same  generalizations,  limited  to  the  same  relationships,  was,  in  each 
case,  the  work  of  civilians  and  scholars  to  provide  for  a  new  want  incident  to 
changes  of  condition.  The  rise  of  these  modifications  can  be  definitely  traced. 
Whether  the  system  in  its  present  form  is  of  natural  origin,  and  the  two  families  came 
by  it  through  the  necessary  constitution  of  things ;  or  whether  it  started  at  some 
epoch  in  a  common  family  and  was  transmitted  to  such  families  as  now  possess  it 
by  the  streams  of  the  blood,  are  the  alternative  questions.  Their  solution  involves 
two  principal  considerations :  first,  how  far  the  descriptive  system  is  affirmative, 
and  as  such  is  a  product  of  human  intelligence ;  and  secondly,  how  far  its  radical 
forms  are  stable  and  self-perpetuating.  It  is  not  my  purpose  to  do  more  than  make 
a  general  reference  to  the  elements  of  those  propositions  which  will  require  a  full 
discussion  in  another  connection. 

The  descriptive  system  is  simple  rather  than  complex,  and  has  a  natural  basis  in 
the  nature  of  descents,  where  marriage  subsists  between  single  pairs.  For  these 
reasons  it  might  have  been  framed  independently  by  different  families,  starting 
with  an  antecedent  system  either  differing  or  agreeing;  and  its  perpetuation  in 
such  a  case  might  be  in  virtue  of  its  foundation  upon  the  nature  of  descents.  And 
yet  these  conclusions  are  not  free  from  doubt.  With  the  fact  established  that  the 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  55 

plan  of  consanguinity  of  the  two  families  is  identical  in  Avhatever  is  radical,  and  with 
the  further  fact  extremely  probable  that  it  had  become  established  in  each  at  a 
time  long  anterior  to  their  civilization,  the  final  inference  is  encouraged  that  it  pre- 
vailed in  the  two  original  nations  from  which  these  families  were  respectively 
derived.  Standing  alone,  without  any  contrasting  form,  the  descriptive  system  of 
the  two  families  would  scarcely  attract  attention.  But  it  so  happens  that  in  other 
portions  of  the  human  family  a  system  of  relationship  now  exists  radically  different 
in  its  structure  and  elaborate  and  complicated  in  its  forms,  which  is  spread  out  over 
large  areas  of  human  speech,  and  which  has  ^perpetuated  itself  through  equal 
periods  of  time  as  well  as  changes  of  condition.  The  conditions  of  society,  then, 
may  have  some  influence  in  determining  the  system  of  relationship.  In  other 
words,  the  descriptive  form  is  not  inevitable  ;  neither  is  it  fortuitous.  Some  form 
of  consanguinity  was  an  indispensable  necessity  of  each  family.  Its  formation 
involved  an  arrangement  of  kindred  into  lines  of  descent,  with  the  adoption  of 
a  method  for  distinguishing  one  kinsman  from  another.  Whatever  plan  was 
finally  adopted  would  acquire  the  stability  of  a  domestic  institution  as  sodn  as 
it  came  in  general  use  and  had  proved  its  sufficiency.  A  little  reflection  will  dis- 
cover the  extreme  difficulty  of  innovating  upon  a  system  once  established.  Founded 
upon  common  consent,  it  could  only  be  changed  by  the  influence  of  motives  as  uni- 
versal as  the  usage.  The  choice  of  a  descriptive  method  for  the  purpose  of  special- 
izing each  relationship,  by  the  Semitic  family,  and  the  adoption  of  the  classificatory 
by  the  Turanian,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  consanguine!  into  groups,  and 
placing  the  members  of  each  group  in  the  same  relationship  to  Ego,  were  severally 
acts  of  intelligence  and  knowledge.  A  system  of  relationship  is  to  a  certain  extent 
necessarily  affirmative.  Those  parts  which  embody  definite  ideas  and  show  man's 
work  are  capable  of  yielding  affirmative  testimony  concerning  the  ethnic  connection 
of  nations  among  whom  these  ideas  have  been  perpetuated.  The  descriptive  sys- 
tem is  simple  in  its  elements,  and  embraces  but  a  few  fundamental  conceptions.  It 
is  therefore  incapable  of  affording  such  a  body  of  evidence  upon  these  questions  as 
the  classificatory :  but  it  does  not  follow  that  it  is  entirely  without  significance.  It 
is  something  that  the  Aryan  and  Semitic  families  have  a  system  which  can  be  defi- 
nitely traced  to  the  same  original  form,  and  to  a  period  of  time  when  each  family, 
in  all  probability,  existed  in  a  single  nation.  It  is  something  more  that  this  sys- 
tem has  positive  elements  as  a  product  of  human  intelligence ;  and  that  it  has 
perpetuated  itself  through  so  many  centuries  of  time,  in  so  many  independent 
channels,  and  under  such  eventful  changes  of  condition.  To  these  may  be  added 
the  further  fact  that  the  several  systems  of  the  Aryan  nations,  taken  in  connection 
with  the  terms  of  relationship  as  vocables,  demonstrate  the  unity  of  origin  of  these 
nations,  and  their  descent  from  the  same  stem  of  the  human  family.  In  like 
manner,  the  systems  of  the  several  Semitic  nations,  considered  in  connection  with 
the  terms  as  vocables,  demonstrate  the  unity  of  origin  of  the  latter  nations,  and 
perform  this  work  in  the  most  simple  and  direct  way.  Upon  the  present  showing 
it  will  not  be  claimed,  against  the  testimony  of  the  vocables,  and  in  the  face  of 
the  radical  differences  in  the  grammatical  structure  of  the  Aryan  and  Semitic  lan- 
guages, that  it  affords  any  positive  evidence  of  the  unity  of  origin  of  the  two 


5&  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

families.1  It  will  be  sufficient  to  say  that  the  descriptive  system  separates  these 
families  and  the  Uralian  from  all  the  other  families  of  mankind  by  a  clearly  defined 
line ;  and  that  it  seems  to  point  to  a  nearer  connection  among  them  than  either 
has  with  any  other  family  of  man. 

1 "  It  is  impossible  to  mistake  a  Semitic  language,  and  what  is  more  important,  it  is  impossible  to 
imagine  an  Aryan  language  derived  from  a  Semitic,  or  a  Semitic  from  an  Aryan  language.  The  gram- 
matical framework  is  totally  distinct  in  these  two  families  of  speech.  This  does  not  preclude,  however, 
the  possibility  that  both  are  divergent  streams  of  the  same  source;  and  the  comparisons  that  have  been 
instituted  between  the  Semitic  roots,  reduced  to  their  simplest  form,  and  the  roots  of  the  Aryan  lan- 
guages, have  made  it  more  than  probable  that  the  material  elements  with  which  both  started,  were  ori- 
ginally the  same." — Muller's  Science  of  Language,  Lee.  viii.  p.  282. 


OF   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  57 


CHAPTER   VI. 

SYSTEM   OP  RELATIONSHIP   OF    THE   TJRALIAN   FAMILY. 

Reasons  for  Detaching  Ugrian  and  Turk  Nations  frorff  the  Turanian  Connection— Their  System  of  Relationship 
Descriptive  — Uralian  proposed  as  a  Name  for  the  New  Family  — I.  Ugrian  Nations  —  Their  Subdivisions  — 
System  of  the  Finns — Illustrations  of  its  Method — Marriage  Relationships — Limited  Amount  of  Classification 
— System  of  the  Esthonians — Purely  Descriptive — System  of  the  Magyars — Illustrations  of  its  Method — 
Peculiar  Features— Chiefly  Descriptive— II.  Turk  Nations— Closely  Allied  to  the  .Ugrian— Their  Subdivisions 
— Area  of  Uralian  Family— Osmanli-Turks— An  Extreme  Representative  of  the  Turkic  Class  of  Nations — 
Relative  Positions  of  the  Aryan,  Semitic,  and  Uralian  Families— Osmanli-Turkish  System  of  Relationship- 
Illustrations  of  its  Form — Kuzulbashi — A  Turkic  People — System  of  Relationship  —  Illustrations  of  its 
Form — Descriptive  in  Character — Identity  of  System  in  the  Branches  of  this  Family — Its  Agreement  with  that 
of  the  Aryan  and  Semitic  Families— Objects  gained  by  Comparisons— Ascertainment  of  the  Nature  and  Prin- 
ciples of  the  Descriptive  System — Ethnic  Boundaries  of  its  Distribution — Concurrence  of  these  Families  in 
its  Possession— Subordinate  in  Importance  to  the  Classificatory— Exposition  of  the  Classificatory  System  the 
Main  Object  of  this  Work. 

IT  is  proposed  to  detach  from  the  assemblage  of  nations,  distinguished  as  the 
Turanian  family,  the  Ugrian  and  Turk  branches,  and  to  erect  them  into  an  inde- 
pendent family  under  the  name  of  the  Uralian.  All  of  the  Asiatic  dialects  which 
fell  without  the  Aryan  and  Semitic  connections,  have  been  gathered  into  the  Tura- 
nian family  of  languages,  with  the  exception  of  the  Chinese  and  its  cognates. 
This  classification,  however,  philologists  have  regarded  as  provisional.  These 
dialects  are  not  parts  of  a  family  speech  in  the  same  sense  as  are  the  Aryan  and 
Semitic  dialects.1  The  latter  respectively  agree  with  each  other  in  their  minute  as 
well  as  general  grammatical  forms,  and  this,  in  turn,  is  corroborated  by  the  iden- 
tity of  a  large  number  of  vocables  in  the  several  branches  of  each.  On  the  other 
hand,  in  the  Turanian  dialects,  in  addition  to  morphological  similarities,  which  are 
inconclusive,  there  is  a  partial  identity  of  grammatical  forms,  and  also  of  vocables 
which  serve  to  connect  particular  groups,  but  fail  to  unite  the  several  groups  as 
a  whole.  In  other  words,  the  Turanian  family  of  languages,  as  now  constituted, 
cannot  hold  together  if  subjected  to  the  same  tests  upon  which  the  Aryan  and 
Semitic  were  established ;  or  upon  which  a  new  dialect  would  now  be  admitted 
into  either. 

The  introduction  of  this  new  family  does  not  contravene  any  established  philo- 
logical conclusion.  In  the  formation  of  a  family  of  languages  the  method  of  the 
philologists  was  rigidly  scientific.  Such  dialects  as  were  derived  from  the  same 
immediate  source,  the  evidence  of  which  was  preserved  in  the  vocables,  were  first 
brought  together  in  a  stock-language,  such  as  the  Slavonic.  A  further  comparison 

1  Science  of  Language,  p.  289. 

8       January,  1869, 


58  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

of  these  stock  languages  with  each  other  was  then  made,  to  find  how  far  the  root 
forms  of  their  vocables  were  identical ;  and  also  to  discover  another  class  of  affini- 
ties which  the  grammatical  structure  of  these  stock  languages  might  reveal.  It 
was  early  ascertained  that  grammatical  structure  was  the  ultimate  criterion  by 
which  the  admission  of  a  doubtful  language  must  be  determined,  since  the  number 
of  constant  vocables  became  smaller  in  the  extreme  branches  of  a  family  ethnically 
connected,  and  the  subtile  process  of  naturalization  might  explain  their  presence  in 
each  without  being  indigenous  in  either.  In  this  manner  a  true  family  of  lan- 
guages was  bound  together  by  common  grammatical  forms,  and  by  the  more  simple 
and  conclusive  bond  of  common  vocables.  The  Turanian  dialects,  so  called,  have 
been  much  less  investigated,  and  are  less  thoroughly  known  than  the  Aryan  or 
Semitic,  in  consequence  of  their  great  numbers,  their  inaccessible  position,  and  the 
vast  extent  of  the  areas  over  which  they  are  spread.  It  is  not  claimed  that  the 
same  coincidences  in  grammatical  forms,  or  identity  of  vocables  exist  in  the  several 
branches  of  the  Turanian  speech.  A  limited  number  of  common  words  and  of 
common  roots,  running,  not  through  all  the  branches  of  the  Turanian  speech,  but 
here  and  there  through  certain  portions,  furnished  some  evidence  of  original  unity, 
but  not  enough,  standing  alone,  to  sustain  the  classification.  These  dialects  also 
agree  with  each  other  with  respect  to  their  articulation.  They  are  agglutinated  in 
their  structure,  and  this  common  feature  has  entered,  to  some  extent,  into  the  basis 
upon  which  they  have  been  organized  into  a  family  of  languages.  If,  however, 
agglutination  is  a  stage  of  growth  or  development  through  which  all  languages 
must  pass  after  emerging  from  the  monosyllabic  and  before  reaching  the  inflectional, 
which  is  the  received  opinion,  it  does  not  furnish  any  basis  for  the  organization  of 
these  dialects  into  a  family  of  speech.  Beside  this,  the  use  of  this  common  feature 
of  agglutination,  as  a  ground  of  classification,  forces  the  Chinese  and  its  cognate 
dialects  into  a  position  of  isolation,  and  interposes  a  barrier  between  them  and  the 
proper  Turanian  dialects  where  none  such  may  exist.  For  these  reasons  the  reduc- 
tion of  this  great  body  of  languages,  under  a  Northern  and  Southern  division,  into 
one  common  family,  the  Turanian,  could  not  be  other  than  a  provisional  arrange- 
ment. The  science  of  language  is  impeded  rather  than  advanced  by  raising  to  the 
rank  of  a  family  of  languages  such  an  incongruous  assemblage  of  dialects  as  are 
now  included  in  the  Turanian.  The  Aryan  and  Semitic  standard  is  much  to  be 
preferred. 

Upon  the  basis  of  the  systems  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  of  the  Asiatic 
nations,  they  divide  themselves  into  at  least  two  distinct  families,  each  of  which, 
it  seems  probable,  will  ultimately  become  as  clearly  distinguished  from  the 
other  as  the  Aryan  now  is  from  the  Semitic.  A  comparison  of  the  systems  of  a 
limited  number  of  these  nations  has  led  to  singular  and  rather  unexpected 
results.  The  system  of  the  Turanian  family  proper,  Avhich  will  be  presented  in 
a  subsequent  part  of  this  work,  separates  it  from  the  Aryan  and  Semitic  by  a 
line  of  demarcation  perfectly  distinct  and  traceable.  Such  a  result  furnishes  no 
occasion  of  surprise.  On  the  other  hand,  it  excludes  from  the  Turanian  connec- 
tion, by  a  line  not  less  distinct  and  unmistakable,  the  Ugrian  and  Turk  stocks, 
which  are  the  principal  members  of  the  Northern  division  of  the  family,  as  now 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  59 

constituted.  In  other  words,  the  Ugrian  and  Turk  nations  detach  themselves, 
through  their  system  of  relationship,  from  the  Turanian  family,  and  stand  indepen- 
dent. Such  a  result  was  not  to  have  been  expected.  Their  system  of  consanguin- 
ity is  not  classificatory,  but  descriptive.  If  any  inference  can  be  drawn  from  the 
joint  possession  of  such  a  system  it  would  be  that  these  nations  are  nearer  akin  to 
the  Aryan  and  Semitic  nations  than  they  are  to  the  Turanian ;  and  that-  the  blood 
of  the  Finn,  the  Magyar,  and  the  Turk,  if  traced  back  to  its  sources,  will  be  found 
to  revert  to  the  common  stream  from  which  issued  the  Semitic  and  Aryan  currents 
before  it  can  approach  the  still  older  Turanian  channel. 

The  Ugrian  and  Turk  nations  represented  in  the  Table  are  few  in  number.  A 
much  larger  number  is  fairly  necessary  to  substantiate  the  claims  of  these  nations 
to  the  rank  of  a  family ;  but  nevertheless,  the  indications  revealed  in  their  system 
of  relationship  are  unmistakable.  It  will  be  quite  satisfactory  to  leave  the  final 
recognition  of  the  Uralian  family  dependent  upon  the  concurrence  of  the  unrepre- 
sented nations  in  the  possession  of  the  same  system  of  consanguinity.  For  the 
present  it  will  suffice  to  present  the  system  as  it  now  exists  in  some  of  the  branches 
of  the  proposed  family  as  a  justification  of  their  removal  from  the  Turanian  con- 
nection. 

The  term  Uralian,  which  is  suggested  for  this  family,  has  some  advantages  of  a 
positive  character.  Ugrian  and  Turkic  have  definite  significations  in  ethnology ; 
and  Mongolian,  which  was  formerly  applied  to  both,  as  well  as  to  other  and  more 
Eastern  nations,  includes  stocks  not  represented  in  the  Table,  whose  system  of  rela- 
tionship when  procured  may  be  variant.  Uralian  has  been  used  in  various  connec- 
tions, but  without  becoming  limited  to  any  exclusive  use.  The  Ural  chain  of 
mountains  traverses  the  areas  of  the  Ugrian  and  Turk  nations,  and  with  it  they 
have  been  territorially  associated  from  time  immemorial.  Uralian,  therefore,  as  an 
unappropriated  term,  is  not  only  free  from  objection,  but  there  are  general  reasons 
commending  it  to  acceptance. 

I.  Ugrian  Nations.     1.  Finn.     2.  Esthonian.     3.  Magyar. 

Under  the  general  name  of  Ugrians  are  now  included  the  Laps,  Samoyeds,  Yenis- 
cians,  and  Yukahiri ;  the  several  subdivisions  of  the  Permians,  and  of  the  Finns  of 
the  Baltic  and  the  Volga;  and  the  Voguls,  Ostiaks,  and  Magyars.1  They  hold  the 
chief  part  of  the  polar  area  both  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  spreading  southward 
through  several  parallels  of  latitude,  they  are  confronted  on  the  south  by  the  Sla- 
vonic and  Turk  nations.  The  Ugrians  are  believed  to  be  older  occupants  of  North- 
eastern Europe  than  the  Slavonians,2  and  stand  to  this  area  in  the  same  relation 
that  the  Celts  do  to  Western  Europe.  The  southern  portion  of  their  area  lies 
between  that  of  the  Turk  stock  on  the  east,  and  the  Slavonic  on  the  west,  by 
both  of  whom  it  has  been  encroached  upon  and  reduced  from  century  to  century. 
It  seems  probable  that  they  have  been  forced  northward  to  the  Arctic  region  from 
a  much  lower  primitive  area ;  and  that  they  have  become  a  polar  people  from  neces- 
sity rather  than  choice.  They  are  still  a  numerous,  and,  in  many  respects,  an 

1  For  the  systematic  classification  of  these  nations,  see  Latham's  Descriptive  Ethnology,  I,  461. 
"  Latham's  Native  Races  of  the  Russian  Empire,  p.  5. 


60  SYSTEMS    OP    CONSANGUINITY  AND    AFFINITY 

interesting  race  of  men.  Their  capabilities  for  future  improvement  may  be  inferred 
from  the  progress  made  by  the  Magyars  and  Finns.  The  system  of  relationship 
of  the  Ugriari  nations,  so  far  as  it  is  given  in  the  Table,  is  limited  to  that  form  of  it 
which  now  prevails  among  the  Finns  of  Finland,  the  Esthonians,  and  the  Magyars. 
Of  these,  the  first  two  belong  to  the  same  and  the  third  to  a  different  subdivision 
of  the  Ugrian  stock.  Presumptively,  the  system  of  the  remaining  nations  is  the 
same  in  fundamental  characteristics ;  but  a  knowledge  of  their  forms  is  necessary 
to  the  determination  of  that  fact. 

1.  Finns. — Two  schedules  were  received,  fully  and  minutely  filled  out  with  the 
system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  of  the  Finns.  One  of  them  was  prepared  by 
Mr.  G.  Selin,  a  student  in  the  University  of  Helsingfors,  at  the  request  of  the  late 
President  Retzius ;  and  the  other  by  Dr.  Urjo  Koskinen,  one  of  the  Faculty  of  the 
University  of  Jacobstad,  both  of  them  Finns.  The  differences  between  the  two 
schedules  were  so  slight,  although  made  without  any  knowledge  of  each  other's 
work,  that  they  are  given  in  the  Table  as  one  under  their  joint  names.  A  special 
notation  was  furnished  with  each  schedule,  but  the  pronunciation  of  the  words  is 
indicated  by  the  common  characters.1 

As  it  is  important  to  know  the  precise  character  of  the  Finn  system,  it  will  be 
presented  with  more  fulness  than  in  previous  cases. 

There  are  no  terms  in  this  language  for  ancestors  above  father  and  mother, 
except  eulclco,  grandmother;  or  for  descendants  below  son  and  daughter.  They 
are  described,  with  the  exception  named,  by  an  augmentation  or  reduplication  of 
the  primary  terms.  Among  the  Turanian  nations  the  relationship  of  brother  and 
sister  is  conceived  in  the  twofold  form  of  elder  and  younger,  as  is  shown  by  the 
possession  of  separate  terms  for  these  relationships,  and  the  absence,  usually,  of 
terms  for  brother  and  sister  in  the  abstract.  The  Finns,  in  this  respect,  foUow  the 
usage  of  the  Aryan  and  Semitic  families. 

In  the  first  collateral  line  male,  the  scries  is  as  follows :  Brother,  son  of  trotJier, 
son  of  son  of  brotJwr,  and  son  of  son  of  son  of  brother.  There  is  a  term  for  nephew, 
nepaa,  but  none  for  niece ;  while  the  female  branch  of  this  line  necessarily  employs 
the  descriptive  method,  the  male  has  the  same,  and  also  a  second  form,  as  follows : 
Brother,  nephew,  son  of  nephew,  and  son  of  son  of  nephew. 

There  are  separate  terms  for  paternal  and  maternal  uncles,  a  common  term  for 
aunt,  and  two  terms  for  cousin,  which  give  to  the  Finn  nomenclature  quite  a  full 
development,  and  to  its  form  a  sensible  approach  to  the  Roman. 

1  Mr.  Selin,  in  his  letter,  remarks  :  "  The  information  relating  to  the  ancient  condition  of  the  Fin- 
nish nation  is  scarce  and  defective,  which  is  not  surprising,  the  nation  having  been  for  seven  centu- 
ries subjected  to  foreign  influence  and  subdued,  before  they  had  brought  forth  a  history  of  their 
own,  or  reached  any  high  degree  of  culture.  The  ancient  national  songs,  proverbs,  and  fables,  which 
have  been  gathered  of  late,  with  great  zeal  and  application,  are  almost  the  only  source  from  which  we 
derive  any  knowledge  of  the  life,  customs,  and  institutions  of  our  ancestors.  Among  these  monu- 
ments of  times  gone  by,  the  celebrated  cycle  of  songs  called  "Kalevala"  stands  foremost.  Concern- 
ing most  of  the  circumstances  of  which  you  desire  to  be  informed,  all  positive  knowledge  is  wanting. 
.  .  .  .  No  division  into  tribes  has  as  yet  been  traced  among  the  Finns.  We. call  ourselves 
Susmalaisct," 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  (jl 

The  second  collateral  line  male  on  the  father's  side  runs  as  follows :  Paternal 
uncle,  son  of  paternal  uncle,  and  son  of  son  of  paternal  uncle.  Another,  and  perhaps 
more  common  form,  is  the  following:  Paternal  uncle,  cousin,  son  of  cousin,  and 
son  of  son  of  cousin.  The  other  branches  of  this  line  show  the  same  forms  with  cor- 
responding changes  of  terms. 

Assuming  that  the  Finn  system  was  originally  purely  descriptive,  it  will  be  seen 
that  it  has  developed  in  the  precise  direction  of  the  Roman  form  and  of  the  forms 
among  some  other  Aryan  nations.  In  this  respect  the  comparison  is  instructive,  as  it 
tends  to  show:  first,  that  however  simple  the  ideas  may  be  which  express  the  connec- 
tion of  consanguinci,  they  serve  to  organize  a  family  upon  the  bond  itself,  and  thus 
assume  the  form  of  a  domestic  institution ;  secondly,  that  it  is  extremely  difficult 
to  change  essentially  an  established  system,  whether  descriptive  or  classificatory ; 
thirdly,  that  the  inconvenience  of  the  descriptive  form  tends  to  suggest  the  use  of 
the  common  terms  found  in  the  Finn,  and  English  as  well,  which  arise  out  of  the 
system  by  logical  development;  and  lastly,  that  the  direction  this  development 
would  take  was  predetermined  by  the  logical  trend  of  the  ideas  embodied  in  the 
system.  The  phrase  "  father's  brother"  describes  a  person,  but  it  also  implies,  as 
elsewhere  remarked,  a  bond  of  connection  between  that  person  and  myself,  which 
is  real  and  tangible.  When  the  idea  suggested  by  the  phrase  found  a  new  birth 
in  patruus  or  seta,  these  terms  superseded  the  former,  and  became  the  living 
embodiment  of  the  idea  itself.  It  was  not  so  much  an  overthrow  of  the  descrip- 
tive method  as  the  realization  of  the  conception  it  suggested  in  an  improved  as  \vell 
as  concrete  form.  Centuries  of  time  may  have  elapsed  before  this  much  of  advance 
was  made.  Having  thus  gained  the  relationship  of  paternal  uncle,  the  Finns  could 
say,  setani  polled,  "  son  of  my  paternal  uncle,"  instead  of  "  son  of  my  father's 
brother,"  which  is  slightly  more  convenient.  The  same  remarks  apply  to  the  rela- 
tionships of  nephew  and  cousin. 

The  third  collateral  line  gives  the  following  series:  Paternal  uncle  of  my  father, 
son  of  paternal  uncle  of  my  father,  and  son  of  son  of  the  same  ;  or,  in  another  form, 
brother  of  my  great  father,  cousin  of  my  father,  and  son  of  cousin  of  my  father.  The 
relatives  of  Ego  in  the  remaining  branches  of  this  line  are  designated  in  a  similar 
manner. 

The  marriage  relationships  are  quite  fully  discriminated.  There  are  special 
terms  for  husband  and  wife,  father-in-law,  and  mother-in-law,  son-in-law  and 
daughter-in-law ;  and  also  three  different  terms  for  the  several  brothers-in-law,  and 
two  for  the  several  sisters-in-law.  Its  nomenclature,  therefore,  is  nearly  equal  to 
the  Roman.  Fulness  in  the  discrimination  of  the  marriage  relationships  is  also  a 
characteristic  of  the  Turanian  system. 

There  are  but  five  generalizations  in  the  system  of  relationship  of  the  Finns. 
First,  the  several  brothers  of  a  father  are  generalized  into  a  class,  and  the  term 
seta,  parental  uncle,  is  used  to  express  the  relationship ;  secondly,  the  several 
brothers  of  the  mother  of  Ego  are  generalized  into  another  class,  and  a  different 
term,  eno,  maternal  uncle,  is  employed  to  distinguish  it  from  the  former ;  thirdly, 
the  several  sisters  of  his  father  and  mother  are  generalized  into  a  class,  and  a  com- 
mon term,  idle,  aunt,  is  used  to  indicate  the  relationship ;  fourthly,  the  sons  of  the 


62  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND    AFFINITY 

brothers  and  sisters  of  Ego  are  brought  into  a  common  class,  and  the  term  nepdci, 
nephew,  indicates  the  relationship ;  and  lastly,  the  children  of  these  several  uncles 
and  aunts  are  generalized  into  one  class,  and  the  common  term  serkku,  and  another, 
orpdnd,  cousin,  were  used  to  express  this  relationship.  Such  an  amount  of  classi- 
fication, and  following  so  closely  in  the  direction  of  the  lloman,  suggests  a  pre- 
sumption of  influence  from  that  source.  But  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  it  can  be 
sustained.  '  At  the  same  time  there  is  a  striking  similarity,  not  to  say  affinity, 
between  several  of  the  Finnish  terms  of  consanguinity,  and  the  corresponding 
terms  in  the  Aryan  dialects :  for  example,  sisar,  sister ;  tytar,  daughter ;  pol7ca, 
son ;  nepdd,  nephew ;  tdte,  aunt ;  seta,  parental  uncle ;  and  eno,  paternal  aunt.  The 
terms  for  collateral  consanguine!  may  have  been  borrowed  from  Aryan  sources, 
which  is  not  improbable,  but  this  could  not  be  affirmed  of  sisar,  tytar,  and  pmka. 
What  the  explanation  of  these  affinities  may  be,  I  am  unable  to  state.  As  the 
Turanian  system  has  not  yet  been  presented,  it  cannot  be  contrasted  with  that 
here  shown.  It  may  be  premised,  however,  that  the  Finn  system  does  not  contain 
a  single  characteristic  of  the  Turanian,  the  two  former  being  the  reverse  of  each 
other  in  every  respect,  as  will  appear  in  the  sequel. 

From  what  has  been  seen  of  the  gradual  development  of  special  terms  in  the 
Aryan  languages,  and  of  the  modification,  by  means  of  them,  of  the  descriptive 
form ;  and  from  what  now  appears  on  the  face  of  the  Finnish  system,  it  is  a  reason- 
able, if  not  a  necessary  inference,  that  the  latter  was  also  originally  descriptive, 
and  that  the  special  terms  for  collateral  consanguine!  were  of  comparatively  modern 
introduction.  This  view  will  be  materially  strengthened-  by  the  present  condition 
of  the  Esthonian  form. 

2.  Esthonians. — The  system  of  relationship  of  the  Esthonians  was  furnished  by 
Charles  A.  Leas,  Esq.,  United  States  Consul  at  Revel,  Russia.  It  is  the  more 
valuable  and  interesting  from  the  fact  that  this  people  are  rude  and  uncultivated, 
and  still  possess  their  native  language,  usages,  and  customs,  although  surrounded 
by  Slavonic  and  German  populations.1  It  is,  therefore,  presumptively  nearer  to  the 

1  From  the  instructive  letter  of  Mr.  Leas,  which  accompanied  the  schedule,  the  following  extracts 
are  taken.  "  The  Esthonians  who  inhabit  this  province,  and  who  for  the  past  seven  hundred  years 
have  constituted  its  peasantry,  were  found  a  comparatively  wild  and  uncultivated  people  by  the 
German  Knights,  when  they  invaded  and  took  possession  of  the  country,  A.D.  1219.  This  people 
were  at  that  time  divided  into  a  number  of  tribes,  each  being  governed  by  a  chief.  At  that  period 
they  had,  to  some  extent,  abandoned  their  nomadic  life,  and  a  portion  of  them  had  commenced  the 
cultivation  of  the  land,  by  making  farms  ;  but  they  have  preserved  no  traditions,  nor  have  they  the 
slightest  conception  as  to  their  origin,  or  from  whence  they  came.  And  although  they  have  lived 
among  a  highly  intelligent  and  cultivated  people  (the  Germans)  for  the  past  six  hundred  years,  they 
have  persistently  and  obstinately  refused  to  adopt  or  learn  their  language,  habits,  customs,  or  dress  ; 
but  to  this  day  have  preserved  with  tenacity  the  language,  habits,  customs,  and  even  dress  of  their 
fathers,  living  in  the  same  condition  substantially  in  which  they  were  found  in  1219.  No  traditions 
are  known  or  related  among  them  which  throw  any  light  upon  their  origin  or  ancient  history  ;  nor 
have  the  Germans  preserved  any  knowledge  of  their  civil  organization  or  mode  of  government,  beyond 
the  simple  fact  that  they  were  divided  into  tribes,  and  that  these  tribes  were  governed  by  chiefs. 
From  1219  to  about  fifty  years  ago,  this  people  were  held  as  slaves  by  the  German  nobility;  and 
they  now  constitute  the  peasantry  of  that  province.  Until  lately  they  had  no  written  language  ;  and 


OF   THE   HUMAN    FAMILY.  63 

primitive  form  of  consanguinity  of  this  branch  of  the  Uralian  family  than  that  of 
the  Finns.  The  two-  peoples  speak  closely  allied  dialects  of  the  same  stock  lan- 
guage. 

Mr.  Leas  remarks  upon  the  system  as  follows :  "  The  system  of  relationship  now 
in  use  among  the  Esthonians  is  nearly  the  same  as  our  own,  the  terms  being  few, 
and  extending  only  to  the  nearest  kindred.  You  will  notice  from  the  annexed 
schedule  that  the  native  Esthonian  has  no  condensed  form  of  expression,  as  with 
us,  for  the  principal  relationships.  For  example,  instead  of  calling  his  father's 
brother  his  uncle,  he  says,  'my  father's  brother  ;'~and  instead  of  calling  his  father's 
or  his  mother's  sister  his  aunt,  he  says,  '  my  father's  sister,'  or  '  my  mother's 
sister ;'  and  instead  of  condensing  the  phrase,  '  mother's  sister's  husband'  into 
uncle,  he  says,  'my  mother's  sister's  husband.'  In  like  manner,  instead  of  calling 
his  son's  wife  his  daughter-in-law,  he  would  say,  minu  poeg  naine,  that  is,  '  my 
son's  wife ;'  and  so  on  with  the  other  relationships." 

He  thus  gives,  in  a  few  words,  the  substance  and  the  characteristics  of  the 
Esthonian  system.  Having  no  terms  in  their  language  for  uncle  or  aunt,  nephew 
or  niece,  or  cousin,  and  no  classification  of  kindred  of  any  kind,  they  describe  them 
by  a  combination  of  the  primary  terms.  It  is,  therefore,  the  Erse  and  Gaelic 
method,  pure  and  simple,  and  the  only  instance  in  which  it  has  been  found  without 
the  circle  of  the  Aryan  family.  The  terms  of  relationship  are,  for  the  most  part, 
the  same,  under  dialectical  changes,  as  the  Finnish;  from  which  the  inference 
arises  that  the  system,  with  the  terms,  came  down  to  each  from  the  same  original 
source.  Since  the  Esthonian  form  is  the  simpler  of  the  two,  it  seems  to  be  a 

even  now  are  extremely  ignorant  and  uneducated,  abounding  in  superstitions,  and  bitterly  opposed 
to  all  modern  improvements.  That  the  line  of  succession  in  their  original  chiefs  was  from  the  father 
to  his  eldest  son  (and  not  elective),  seems  probable  from  the  fact  that  to  this  day  all  the  property 
of  the  father  descends  to  the  eldest  son,  the  other  children  inherited  nothing ;  and  this  rule  prevails 
outside  of  the  Russian  law.  The  people  are  'hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,'  having  no 
part  whatever  cither  in  making  laws,  or  in  the  administration  of  the  general  or  provincial  govern- 
ment. The  old  German  nobility  make  and  execute  all  the  laws  of  the  province,  under  the  Emperor, 
who  permits  them  to  do  so  ;  nor  are  the  peasantry  possessed  of  any  wealth  worth  mentioning.  The 
land  of  the  province  is  owned  by  the  German  nobles,  who  have  divided  it  into  estates  of  immense 
dimensions,  called  Knights'  Estates,  some  of  which  are  twenty  and  thirty  miles  square ;  and  none, 
I  believe  has  less  than  eight  or  ten  miles  square.  These  estates  can  neither  be  reduced  below  what 
is  called  a  Knight's  estate,  which  is  some  three  or  four  thousand  acres ;  nor  can  any  man  purchase 
an  estate  in  the  province  except  he  be  an  Esthonian  nobleman.  The  most  distinguished  Russian, 
of  whatever  rank,  could  not  purchase  an  Esthonian  estate,  unless  the  Esthonian  nobility  first  admitted 
him  as  a  member  of  their  body ;  and  as  the  Esthonians  proper  are  peasants,  and  none  of  them  noble- 
men, so  none  possess  estates.  They  rent  the  land  and  cultivate  it,  and  in  payment  give  either  work 
or  money.  Each  estate  has  one,  two,  or  three  thousand  acres  of  land  immediately  around  the  resi- 
dence of  the  nobleman,  which  he  cultivates  himself  through  the  labor  of  the  peasants,  the  balance 
being  parcelled  out  in  peasant  farms  of  one  or  two  hundred  acres.  The  peasant  farmers,  if  they  pay 
in  work,  which  is  generally  the  case,  send  their  sons,  wives,  and  daughters  to  work  for  the  nobleman, 
who,  in  this  manner,  without  personal  labor,  secures  the  ample  cultivation  of  that  part  of  the  estate 
which  remains  for  his  own  use,  as  first  stated.  The  peasants  live  in  small  wood  houses  without 
chimneys,  which  are  filled  with  smoke  the  entire  winter,  and  live  on  black  bread,  milk,  and  salt 
They  have  stoically  resisted  all  the  kind  efforts  of  the  nobility  to  give  them  chimneys  to  their  houses, 
declaring,  as  they  do,  that  it  is  a  destructive  innovation,  only  tending  to  destroy  their  lives." 


64  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

further  necessary  inference  that  it  still  exhibits  the  system  of  the  original  stock 
from  which  both  were  derived ;  thus  tending  to  confirm,  by  an  independent  argu- 
ment, a  conclusion  previously  formed,  that  the  system  of  the  Finns  was  originally 
purely  descriptive.  The  two  forms  are  identical  in  their  radical  conceptions,  the 
difference  consisting  in  the  limited  amount  of  classification  of  kindred  which  is 
found  in  the  latter.  In  like  manner,  the  absence  from  the  Esthonian  dialect 'of 
several  of  the  terms  of  relationship  now  existing  in  the  Finnish,  tends  to  show  that 
the  latter  have  been  developed  in  the  Finnish,  or  introduced  from  external  sources, 
with  the  modifications  of  form  thereby  produced,  since  the  separation  of  these 
nations  from  each  other,  or  from  the  parent  stem.  The  same  system  of  consan- 
guinity being  thus  found  in  two  parallel  streams  of  descent,  carries  back  its  exist- 
ence, as  a  distinct  system,  to  the  time  when  the  Finns  and  Esthonians,  or  their 
common  ancestors,  were  one  people.  It  can  therefore  claim  an  antiquity  in  the 
Uralian  family  of  many  centuries. 

It  will  not  be  necessary  to  take  up  the  Esthonian  system  in  detail  after  this  gene- 
ral explanation  of  its  character.  For  a  further  knowledge  of  its  form  reference  is 
made  to  the  Table.  Although  not  fully  extended,  the  remainder,  from  what  is 
given,  can  be  readily  inferred. 

3.  Magyars. — The  ethnic  connection  of  the  Magyars  with  the  Ugrian  nations  is 
well  established.  Since  their  irruption  into  Hungary  they  have  been  surrounded 
by  Slavonic  populations,  of  whose  progress  they  have,  to  some  extent,  partaken ; 
but  their  system  of  consanguinity  appears  to  have  remained  uninfluenced  from  this 
source.  The  schedule  in  the  Table,  by  some  misconception,  was  filled  out  as  far 
only  as  special  terms  are  used,  leaving  all  the  remaining  questions  unanswered. 
Of  this  omission  the  following  explanation  was  given  in  a  note.  "  The  degrees  of 
relationship  left  unfilled,  or  marked  with  [a  wave  line]  have  no  popular  nouns 
[terms]  in  the  Hungarian  or  Magyar  language,  and  are  circumscribed  [described] 
as  in  English."  It  would  have  been  more  satisfactory  to  have  had  the  full  details 
of  the  system,  since  the  method  of  description  is  material ;  but  yet  it  will  be  suffi- 
cient for  general  purposes  to  know  that  it  is  descriptive  in  all  cases  where  special 
terms  are  not  used. 

Grandfather  is  expressed  by  prefixing  oreg,  old,  to  the  term  for  father,  and 
great-grandfather  by  prefixing  tied,  the  signification  of  which  is  not  given.  A 
grandson  is  described  as  "  son  of  my  son." 

The  relationships  of  brother  and  sister  are  concieved  in  the  twofold  form  of  elder 
and  younger,  and  not  in  the  abstract.  It  is  one  of  the  remarkable  features  of  the 
Magyar  system,  and  one  which  may  be  expected  to  reappear  in  the  forms  of  other 
nations  belonging  to  this  branch  of  the  family.  The  four  terms  are  radically  dis- 
tinct from  each  other,  and  as  follows:  batyam,  "my  elder  brother;"  ocsem,  "my 
younger  brother;"  nenem,  "my  elder  sister;"  and  hugom,  "my  younger  sister." 
This  is  the  first,  and  the  only  Turanian  characteristic  in  the  Magyar  system. 

I  call  my  brother's  son,  Ids  ocsem,  kis  =  little,  literally, "  my  little  younger  brother ;" 
and  my  brother's  daughter,  kis  hugom,  "my  little  younger  sister."  My  brother's 
grandson  and  great-grandson  are  described,  but  the  form  of  description  is  not  given. 


OFTHEHUMANFAMILY.  65 

In  the  second  collateral  line  the  same  peculiarity  reappears.  I  call  my  father's 
brother,  nagybatyam,nagj  —  grand,  literally,  "my  grand  elder  brother,"  and  my 
father's  sister,  nac/y  nenem,  "  my  grand  elder  sister."  My  mother's  brother  and 
sister  are  designated  by  the  same  phrases ;  and  therefore,  which  branch  was  intended 
must  be  indicated,  when  necessary,  by  additional  words.  In  what  way  the  child- 
ren and  descendants  of  these  several  uncles  and  aunts  are  described,  does  not 
appear. 

No  explanation  is  given  in  the  schedule  of  the  manner  of  indicating  the  series 
of  relatives  in  the  third,  and  more  remote  collateral  lines,  except  that  they  are 
described. 

The  novel  method  found  in  the  Magyar  system  for  expressing  the  relationships 
of  uncle  and  nephew,  aunt  and  niece,  has  not  before  appeared,  and  does  not  appear 
again  in  the  system  of  any  nation  represented  in  the  Tables.  The  nearest  approach 
to  it  occurs  in  the  system  of  the  Minnitaree  and  Upsaroka  Indian  nations  of  the 
Upper  Missouri,  among  whom  uncle  and  nephew  stand  in  the  relation  of  elder  and 
younger  brother.  This  form,  however,  is  exceptional,  and  confined  to  these  cases 
in  the  Indian  family.  Such  deviations  as  these  from  the  common  form  are 
important,  since  they  are  apt  to  reappear  in  other  branches  of  the  same  stock,  and 
thus  become  threads  of  evidence  upon  the  question  of  their  ethnic  connection,  and 
also  with  reference  to  the  order  of  their  separation  from  each  other,  or  from  the 
parent  stem.  When  such  a  method  of  indicating  particular  relationships  comes 
into  permanent  use  to  the  displacement  of  a  previous  method,  the  offshoots  of  the 
particular  nation  in  which  it  originated,  are  certain  to  take  it  with  them,  and  to 
perpetuate  it  as  an  integral  part  of  their  system  of  consanguinity.  A  feature  of 
the  same  kind  has  been  noticed  in  the  Slavonic,  and  still  others  will  appear  in  the 
systems  of  other  families.  The  most  unexpected  suggestions  of  genetic  connection 
present  themselves  through  such  deviations  from  uniformity,  when  it  reappears  in 
the  systems  of  other  nations. 

In  Magyar,  the  marriage  relationships  are  not  fully  discriminated  by  special 
terms.  There  are  terms  for  husband  and  wife,  father-in-law  and  mother-in-law, 
son-in-law  and  daughter-in-law,  and  one  term  for  sister-in-law.  All  others  are 
described. 

Notwithstanding  the  absence  of  full  details  of  the  Magyar  system  of  relation- 
ship, enough  appears  to  show  that  it  is  not  classificatory  in  the  Turanian  sense, 
but  chiefly  descriptive.  The  generalizations  which  it  contains  are :  first,  that  of 
brothers  and  sisters  into  elder  and  younger ;  secondly,  that  of  the  brothers  of  the 
father  and  of  the  mother  into  one  class,  as  grand  elder  brothers ;  thirdly,  that  of 
the  sisters  of  the  father  and  of  the  mother  into  one  class,  as  grand  elder  sisters ;  and 
fourthly,  that  of  the  children  of  the  brothers  and  sisters  of  Ego  into  two  classes, 
as  his  little  younger  brothers  and  little  younger  sisters.  The  last  three,  while  they 
exhibit  a  novel  method  of  description,  failed  to  develop  in  the  concrete  form  the 
relationships  of  uncle  and  aunt,  or  nephew  and  niece.  It  gives  to  the  system  a 
certain  amount  of  classification ;  but  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the 
descriptive  form. 

9         February,  1869. 


66  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

II.  Turk  Nations.     1.  Osnianli-Turks.     2.  Kuzabbashi. 

The  Turk  stock  is  allied  to  the  Ugrian.1  It  is  one  of  the  most  important  in 
Asia,  both  with  respect  to  its  past  history  and  its  future  prospects.  More  highly 
endowed,  and  more  energetic  in  impulse  than  other  Asiatic  nomades,  their  migra- 
tory movements,  and  military  and  civil  achievements  have  been  more  conspicuous 
than  those  of  other  nomadic  nations.  The  principal  subdivisions  of  the  Turk 
stock  are  the  Kirgiz,  the  Bashkers,  and  the  Nogays,  on  the  north  and  west ;  the 
Yakuts,  or  Sokhalars,  detached  geographically  and  established  on  the  Lena  within 
the  Arctic  circle;  the  Osmanli-Turks  on  the  west;  and  the  inhabitants  of  Bokhara, 
Chinese  Tartary,  and  Turkistan  on  the  east  and  south.2  The  differences  among 
the  several  dialects  of  these  nations  are  said  to  be  less  than  among  the  Ugrian. 

It  is  thus  seen  that  the  Uralian  family,  in  its  several  branches,  occupies  an  immense, 
a  compact,  and  a  continuous  area,  extending  from  the  Arctic  Sea  to  the  Mediter- 
ranean and  Caspian,  and  from  China  and  Mongolia  to  the  territories  of  the  Aryan 
family.3  This  fact  is  equally  true  of  all  the  great  linguistic  families  of  mankind. 
Reasons  for  this  are  found  in  the  causes  which  control  the  migrations  of  nations, 


1  "  Those  writers,  in  short,  who  adopt  the  nomenclature  of  Blumenbach,  place  the  Ugrians  and 
Turks  in  the  same  class,  that  class  being  the  Mongol.  So  that,  in  the  eyes  of  the  anatomist,  the 
Turks  and  the  Ugrians  belong  to  the  same  great  division  of  mankind." — Latham's  Native  Races  of 
the  Russian  Empire,  p.  30. 

a  "  It  suggests  the  idea  of  the  enormous  area  appropriated  to  the  Turkish  stock.  It  is  perhaps 
the  largest  in  the  world,  measured  by  the  mere  extent  of  surface  ;  not,  however,  largest  in  respect 
to  the  number  of  inhabitants  it  contains.  In  respect  to  its  physical  conditions,  its  range  of  difference 
is  large.  The  bulk  of  its  surface  is  a  plateau — the  elevated  table-land  of  Central  Asia — so  that, 
though  lying  within  the  same  parallels  as  a  great  part  of  the  same  area,  its  climates  are  more  extreme. 
But  then  its  outlying  portions  are  the  very  shores  of  the  icy  sea ;  whilst  there  are  other  Turks  as 
far  south  as  Egypt." — Native  Races  of  Russian  Empire,  p.  29. 

8  Lamartine  describes  the  prairie  or  table-lands  of  Asia  between  the  Caspian  Sea  and  the  frontiers 
of  China,  the  home  country  of  the  pastoral  tribes  of  the  Turks,  as  follows.  "  This  basin,  which  ex- 
tends, uncultivated,  from  the  frontiers  of  China  to  Thibet,  and  from  the  extremity  of  Thibet  to  the 
Caspian  Sea,  produces,  since  the  known  origin  of  the  world,  but  men  and  flocks.  •  It  is  the  largest 
pasture-field  that  the  globe  has  spread  beneath  the  foot  of  the  human  race,  to  multiply  the  milk 
which  qoenches  man's  thirst,  the  ox  that  feeds  him,  the  horse  that  carries  him,  the  camel  that  follows 
him,  bearing  his  family  and  his  tent,  the  sheep  that  clothes  him  with  its  fleece.  Not  a  tree  is  to  be 
seen  there  to  cast  its  shade  upon  the  earth,  or  supply  a  covert  for  fierce  or  noxious  animals.  Grass 
is  the  sole  vegetable.  Nourished  by  a  soil  without  stones,  and  of  great  depth,  like  the  slimy  and 
saline  bottom  of  some  ocean,  emptied  by  a  cataclysm  ;  watered  by  the  oozings  of  the  Alps  of  Thibet, 
the  loftiest  summits  of  Asia ;  preserved  during  the  long  winters  by  a  carpet  of  snow,  propitious  to 
vegetation ;  warmed  in  spring  by  a  sun  without  a  cloud ;  sustained  by  a  cool  temperature  that  never 
mounts  to  the  height  of  parching,  grass  finds  there,  as  it  were,  its  natural  climate.  It  supplies  there 
all  other  plants,  all  other  fruits,  all  other  crops.  It  attracted  thither  the  ruminant  animals — the 
ruminant  animals  attracted  man.  They  feed,  they  fatten,  they  give  their  milk,  they  grow  their  hair, 
their  fur,  or  their  wool  for  their  masters.  After  death  they  bequeath  their  skin  for  his  domestic 
uses.  Man,  in  such  countries,  needs  no  cultivation  to  give  him  food  and  drink,  nor  fixed  dwellings, 
nor  fields  inclosed  and  divided  for  appropriation.  The  immeasurable  spaces  over  which  he  is  obliged 
to  follow  the  peregrinations  of  his  moving  property,  leads  him  in  its  train.  He  takes  with  him  but 
his  tent,  which  is  carried  from  steppe  to  steppe,  according  as  the  grass  is  browsed  upon  a  certain 
zone  around  him ;  or  he  harnesses  his  ox  on  to  his  leather-covered  wagon,  the  movable  mansion  of 
his  family."— History  of  Turkey,  I,  181  (Book  II,  S.  xix.)  Appleton's  edition,  1355. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  67 

of  which  the  principal  are  physical ;  but  among  the  moral  are  those  relating  to 
the  sympathy  and  mutual  protection  which  flow  from  community  of  blood. 

1.  Osmanli-Turks. — In  many  respects  the  Osmanli-Turks  are  an  extreme  repre- 
sentative of  the  Turkic  class  of  nations.  Their  language,  originally  scant  in 
vocables,  has  drawn  largely,  as  is  well  known,  from  Persian,  Arabic,  and  other 
incongruous  sources,  but  without  yielding  its  primitive  grammatical  forms.  Their 
blood,  also,  has  become  intermixed,  in  the  course  of  centuries,  with  that  of  the 
Semitic  and  Aryan  families,  without  disturbing,  however,  the  influence  of  the 
preponderating  Turk  element,  or  infusing,  to  any  perceptible  extent,  Aryan  or 
Semitic  ideas.  As  a  people  they  are  still  under  the  guidance  of  the  same  impulses 
and  conceptions  which  existed  in  their  brains  when  they  left  the  table-lands  of  Asia 
to  enter  upon  their  eventful  migration  for  the  possession  of  one  of  the  ancient  seats 
of  Aryan  civilization.  Their  civil  and  domestic  institutions,  which  are  still  oriental, 
have  proved  incapable  of  developing  a  State  of  the  Aryan  type,  because  the  ele- 
ments of  such  a  political  organism  did  not  exist  in  the  conceptions  of  the  Turk 
mind.  It  is  impossible  to  develop  from  the  primary  ideas  deposited  in  the  intel- 
lectual and  moral  life  of  a  people,  and  transmitted  with  the  blood,  a  series  of  institu- 
tions which  do  not  spring  logically  from  them.  There  is  a  fixed  relation  between 
rudimentary  institutions  and  the  State  which  rises  out  of  them  by  the  growth  of 
centuries.  These  institutions  are  developments  from  pre-existing  ideas,  conceptions, 
and  aspirations,  and  not  new  creations  of  human  intelligence.  Man  is  firmly  held 
under  their  control,  and  within  the  limits  of  expansion  of  which  they  are  suscep- 
tible. It  is  by  the  free  admixture  of  diverse-  stocks,  or,  better  still,  of  independent 
families  of  mankind,  that  the  breadth  of  base  of  these  primary  ideas  and  concep- 
tions is  widened,  and  the  capacity  for  civilization  increased  to  the  sum  of  the  original 
endowments  and  experiences  of  both.  Where  the  intermixture  of  blood  is  greatly 
unequal,  the  modifications  of  institutions  are  relatively  less  than  the  quantum  of 
alien  blood  acquired ;  since,  in  no  case,  will  the  preponderating  stock  adopt  any  con- 
ceptions that  do  not  assimilate  and  become  homogeneous  with  the  prevailing  ideas. 
Hence,  the  most  favorable  conditions  for  a  new  creation,  so  to  express  it,  of  mental  and 
moral  endowments  is  the  consolidation  of  two  diverse  and  linguistically  distinct  peoples 
into  one,  on  terms  of  equality,  that  they  may  become  fused  in  an  elementary  union. 

The  Aryan  family  unquestionably  stands  at  the  head  of  the  several  families  of 
mankind.  Next  to  the  Aryan  stands  the  Semitic,  and  next  to  the  latter  the  Ura- 
lian ;  and  they  are  graduated  at  about  equal  distances  from  each  other.  Each  has 
its  points  of  "distinguishing  excellence ;  but  taken  in  their  totalities,  the  Aryan 
family  has  the  greatest  breadth  and  range  of  intellectual  and  moral  powers,  and 
has  made  the  deepest  impression  upon  human  affairs.  By  what  combination  of 
stocks  this  immense  mental  superiority  was  gained  we  are  entirely  ignorant.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  the  Semitic  as  compared  with  the  Uralian,  and  of  the  Uralian, 
though  in  a  less  degree,  as  compared  with  the  Turanian. 

In  the  light  of  these  suggestions  the  failure  of  the  Osmanli-Turks  to  reach  or 
even  to  adopt  the  Aryan  civilization  is  not  remarkable.  Six  hundred  years  of  expe- 
rience, of  civilizing  intercourse  with  Aryan  nations,  and  of  localized  government  have 
failed  to  raise  them  to  the  necessary  standard  of  intelligence.  Instead  of  working 


68  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

their  way  up  to  civilization  by  the  slow  process  of  internal  growth,  as  each  of  the 
Aryan  nations  has  done  independently  of  each  other,  they  attempted  to  seize  it 
ready-formed  at  the  point  of  the  scimitar.  .It  cannot  be  won  in  this  manner ;  neither 
can  it  be  acquired  by  formal  attempts  to  practise  its  arts  and  usages.  It  has  an 
older  and  deeper  foundation  in  the  mental  constitution  of  the  people.  These 
suggestions  have  a  direct  bearing  upon  systems  of  relationship,  which  are  under  the 
same  law  as  to  their  development,  and  share  the  same  elements  of  permanence  which 
inhere  in  domestic  institutions. 

The  Osmanli-Turkish  system,  having  borrowed  a  portion  of  the  Arabic  nomen- 
clature, is  not  the  best  type  of  the  system  of  this  branch  of  the  family.  That  of 
the  Kirgiz  or  Bashkirs  would  have  been  much  better  had  it  been  procured.  It  is 
inferior  to  the  Kuzulbashi  which  follows. 

There  are  terms  in  this  language  for  grandfather  and  grandmother,  and  a  term 
in  common  gender  for  grandchild.  Ascendants  and  descendants  beyond  these  are 
described  by  a  combination  of  terms. 

I  call  my  brother's  son  and  daughter  yeyenim,  which  is  a  term  in  common  gender 
for  nephew  and  niece.  The  children  of  the  latter  are  described. 

The  term  for  paternal  uncle,  ammim  or  amujam,  and  paternal  aunt,  lialam,  appear 
to  be  from  the  Arabic.  It  has  terms  also  for  maternal  uncle,  dayem,  and  for  pater- 
nal aunt,  diazam.  These  terms  determine  the  form  for  the  designation  of  kindred 
in  the  second  collateral  line,  at  least  in  part.  The  series,  in  the  male  branch  used 
for  illustration,  is  as  follows :  paternal  uncle,  son  of  paternal  uncle,  and  son  of  son 
of  paternal  uncle.  Of  the  next  degree  below  this,  Dr.  Pratt  remarks  in  a  note 
that  "  the  same  form  of  description,  if  any,  is  employed."  This  is  a  novel  feature 
in  the  system,  since  it  appears  that  all  the  descendants  of  an  uncle,  near  and  remote, 
are  designated  as  uncle's  sons  and  uncle's  daughters,  and  all  the  descendants  of  an 
aunt  as  an  aunt's  soiis  and  daughters. 

Of  the  third  collateral  line  Dr.  Pratt  remarks,  "  that  no  account  is  made  of  these 
degrees,"  which  is  repeated  as  to  each  of  its  branches.  This  is  a  significant  state- 
ment, as  it  shows  that  they  are  not  classified,  and  thus  brought  within  the  near 
degrees  of  relationship,  as  in  the  Turanian  system ;  but  are  left  without  the  sys- 
tem, and  to  the  descriptive  method  for  their  designation. 

It  would  seem  from  the  present  features  of  the  Osmanli-Turkish  system,  barren 
as  it  is  in  its  details,  that  it  must  have  been  originally  purely  descriptive.  The 
changes  that  have  occurred  are  limited  to  the  same  generalizations  which  have 
been  found  in  those  of  the  Aryan  and  Semitic  families.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Turanian  form  does  not  admit  of  the  description  of  a  solitary  kinsman,  however 
remote  in  degree  he  may  stand  from  Ego.  Each  and  all,  so  far  as  the  connection 
can  be  traced,  are  brought  into  one  of  the  recognized  relationships  for  the  indica- 
tion of  which  a  special  term  exists.  It  will  be  found  in  the  sequel  that  the 
Osmanli-Turkish  form  separates  itself,  by  a  clearly-defined  line,  from  the  Turanian 
in  its  fundamental  characteristics.  The  degree  of  importance  which  rightfully 
attaches  to  this  radical  difference  will  be  hereafter  considered. 

2.  Kuzulbasfd. — Our  knowledge  of  this  people,  and  of  their  proper  linguistic 
position,  is  not  altogether  definite,  if  they  are  identical  with  the  Tajicks  referred 


OP   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  69 

to  by  Dr.  Prichard,  who  speaks  of  them  as  "  genuine  Persians."1  Max  Miiller  sets 
them  down  as  a  Turkish  nation.  The  latter  remarks :  "  The  northern  part  of 
Persia,  west  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  Armenia,  the  south  of  Georgia,  Sherwan  and 
Dagestan,  harbor  a  Turkic  population  known  by  the  general  name  of  Kisel-batih 
(Red  Caps).  They  are  nomadic  robbers,  and  their  arrival  in  these  countries  dates 
from  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries."2 

The  late  Kev.  George  W.  Dunmore,  formerly  a  missionary  of  the  American 
Board  at  Diarbekir,  in  Turkey,  speaks  of  them  in  his  letter  which  accompanied 
the  schedule,  as  Kuzulbashi-Koords.  He  remarks,  "  Not  being  myself  familiar 
with  the  language  of  the  Kuzulbashi,  I  am  indebted  [for  the  filling  out  of  the 
schedule]  chiefly  to  an  educated  native,  whose  vernacular  may  be  said  to  be  that 
of  the  Kuzulbashi-Koords,  among  whom  he  spent  his  early  days.  *  *  *  None 
of  the  missionaries,  however,  know  the  language  of  the  Kuzulbashi,  and  all  inter- 
course with  them  is  through  converted  Armenians  familiar  with  their  language,  or 
by  means  of  the  Turkish,  which  many  of  them  know."3 

There  are  special  terms  in  this  language  for  grandfather  and  grandmother,  and 
for  grandchild. 

In  the  first  collateral  line  male,  the  series  is  as  follows :  brother,  son  of  my 
brother,  grandchild  of  my  brother,  and  son  of  grandchild  of  my  brother.  There 
is  a  special  term  for  nephew,  which  is  applied  by  a  man  to  the  children  of  his  sis- 
ter, and  restricted  to  that  relationship. 

The  Arabic  terms  for  uncle  and  aunt  reappear  in  the  Kuzulbashi  language  in 
apli,  ammeh,  for  those  on  the  father's  side,  and  in  kdlleh,  a  term  in  common  gender, 
for  those  on  the  mother's.  From  the  presence  of  these  terms  it  is  inferable  that 
the  relationships  named  were  not  discriminated  among  this  people  until  a  compara- 
tively recent  period.  The  series  in  the  branch  of  the  second  collateral  line,  usually 
cited,  is  the  following :  paternal  uncle,  son  of  paternal  uncle,  grandchild  of  paternal 
uncle,  and  son  of  grandchild  of  paternal  uncle. 

In  the  third  collateral  line  the  form  is  similar,  namely :  brother  of  grandfather, 
son  of  brother  of  grandfather,  and  grandson  of  brother  of  grandfather.  The  per- 
sons in  the  fourth  collateral  line,  in  the  several  branches,  are  similarly  described. 

From  these  illustrations  it  is  evident  that  the  system  of  relationship  of  the  Kuzul- 
bashi is  descriptive.  With  the  exception  of  the  terms  borrowed  from  Arabic 
sources,  and  the  term  for  nephew,  applied  to  a  sister's  son,  it  is  purely  descriptive. 
The  method  of  description  is  such,  both  in  this  and  in  the  Osmanli-Turkish,  as  to 
imply  the  existence  of  an  earlier  form  substantially  identical  with  the  Celtic. 

1  "  The  modern  Tajicks,  or  genuine  Persians,  called  by  the  Turks  Kuzulbashes,  are  well  known  as  a 
remarkably  handsome  people,  with  regular  features,  long  oval  faces,  black,  long,  and  well-marked  eye- 
brows, and  large  black  eyes." — Prichard's  Nat.  Hint,  of  Man,  173,  c.  f.   Latham's  Descrip.  Eth.  II,  191. 

2  Science  of  Language,  Lee.  VIII.  p.  302. 

3  I  cannot  forbear  to  mention  the  manner  in  which  this  estimable  missionary  laid  down  his  life. 
At  the  date  of  his  letter  (July,  1800)  he  was  at  Constantinople,  but  he  returned  to  his  native  country 
the  following  year,  and  in  April,  1862,  enlisted  as  a  chaplain  in  the  Union  army.     In  August  of  that 
year  he  fell  mortally  wounded  at  Helena,  Arkansas,  in  an  engagement  in  which  he  participated,  and 
while  defending  the  place  against  an  assault  of  the  rebel  forces.    Thus  perished,  in  the  prime  of  life, 
a  brave,  patriotic,  and  Christian  citizen,  in  the  service  of  his  country. 


70  SYSTEMS    OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY. 

The  Kuzulbashi  closes  the  series  of  nations  comprised  in  the  Uralian  family, 
whose  system  of  consanguinity  is  given  in  the  Table.  A  comparison  of  their 
several  forms  shows  them  to  agree  in  their  fundamental  characteristics.  Upon  the 
basis  of  this  agreement,  but  more  particularly  upon  the  ground  of  total  variance 
between  the  system  of  the  Turanian  family  proper  and  that  of  the  Ugrian  and 
Turk  nations,  the  Uralian  family  has  been  constituted.  Although  the  number  of 
nations,  whose  system  has  been  procured,  is  small  in  comparison  with  the  number 
unrepresented,  and  for  this  reason  may  seem  inadequate  to  establish  properly  the 
foundations  of  a  new  family,  it  will  be  found,  in  the  sequel,  that  they  are  entitled 
to  an  independent  position. 

The  system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  of  the  Aryan  and  Semitic  families,  and 
of  the  Uralian,  so  far  as  it  is  given  in  the  Table,  is  one  and  the  same  in  general 
plan  and  in  fundamental  conceptions.  In  each  family,  the  system,  as  it  now  pre- 
vails, is  in  accordance  with  the  nature  of  descents  where  marriage  subsists  between 
single  pairs,  and  the  family  in  its  proper  sense  exists.  It  recognizes  the  distinction 
between  the  several  lines,  and  the  perpetual  divergence  of  those  which  are  col- 
lateral from  that  which  is  lineal,  together  with  the  bond  of  connection  through 
ascertainable  common  ancestors.  Advancing  a  step  beyond  this,  such  generaliza- 
tions of  kindred  into  classes  as  it  contains,  limit  the  members  of  each  class  to 
such  persons  as  stand  in  the  same  degree  of  nearness  to  Ego.  These  generaliza- 
tions are  suggested,  with  more  or  less  distinctness,  by  the  principles  of  the  system 
with  which  they  are  in  harmony,  and  out  of  which  they  rise  by  natural  develop- 
ment. In  so  far  as  nature  may  be  said  to  teach  this  form  of  consanguinity,  the 
nations  comprised  in  each  of  these  great  families  have  read  her  lessons  alike.  It 
is  not,  however,  a  necessary  inference  that  the  descriptive  system  springs  up  spon- 
taneously, and  consequently  that  all  nations  must  inevitably  gravitate  toward  this 
form ;  since  it  is  known  that  much  the  largest  portion  of  the  human  family,  numeri- 
cally, have  a  system  radically  different,  the  forms  of  which  have  stood  permanently 
for  ages  upon  ages.  It  is  far  easier  to  conceive  of  the  formation  of  the  descriptive 
than  of  the  classificatory  system ;  but  when  once  formed  and  adopted  into  use, 
each  is  found  to  possess,  to  an  extraordinary  degree,  the  power  of  self-perpetuation. 

In  the  foregoing  exposition  of  the  descriptive  system  of  relationship,  the  utmost 
brevity,  consistent  with  an  intelligible  presentation  of  the  subject,  has  been  sought. 
At  best  it  is  but  a  superficial  discussion  of  the  materials  contained  in  the  Table. 
It  was  necessary  to  show:  first,  the  nature  and  principles  of  the  system;  secondly, 
the  ethnic  boundaries  of  its  distribution ;  and  thirdly,  the  concurrence  of  these 
three  great  families  in  its  possession.  To  these  propositions  the  discussion  has  been 
chiefly  confined.  The  bearing  which  the  joint  possession  of  the  descriptive  system 
by  these  families  may  have  upon  the  question  of  their  ethnic  connection,  and 
which  is  believed  to  be  deserving  of  consideration,  is  entirely  subordinate  to 
another,  and  that  the  main  object  of  this  work,  to  which  attention  will  now  be 
directed.  It  is  to  present  the  classificatory  system  of  relationship  of  the  American 
Indian  and  Turanian  families,  to  show  their  identity,  and  to  indicate  some  of  the 
conclusions  which  result  therefrom.  Having  ascertained  the  nature  and  limits  of 
the  descriptive  system,  it  will  be  much  easier  to  understand  the  classificatory, 
although  it  rests  upon  conceptions  altogether  different. 


APPENDIX  TO  PART  I. 

TABLE  OF  CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY  OF  THE  SEMITIC  ARYAN 

AND  URALIAN  FAMILIES. 


(71) 


APPENDIX  TO  PART  I. 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLE  or  THE  SEMITIC,  ARYAN,  AND  URALIAN  NATIONS,  WHOSE  SYSTEM  or  CONSAN- 
GUINITY AND  AFFINITY  is  CONTAINED  IN  THE  TABLE  HERETO  ANNEXED. 


Families. 

Classes. 

Branches. 

Peoples. 

ARABIC     .     .  j  SOUTHERN   .    .     .  j     g' 

Arabic, 
Druse  and  Maronite. 

SEMITIC     .  ' 

HEBRAIC  .     .       MIDDLE  ....         3. 

Hebrew. 

ARAMAIC  .     .       NORTHERN  ...         4. 

Neo-Syriac,  or  Nestorian. 

5' 

A   rtrvtf,nin  n 

\                                    [     6. 

ArulvUi&H. 

Erse,  or  Irish, 

GAELIC  .     .     .     .  j      i 
CELTW           .  J 

I     8" 

Gaelic,  or  Highland  Scotch, 
Manx. 

1    CYMRIC  ....         9. 

Welsh. 

IRANIC                                                      1  0 

Persian. 

INPIC                                                           11 

Sanskrit 

f   12. 

Danish  and  Norwegian, 

SCANDINAVIAN.     .  J    13 

Icelandic. 

I   M. 

Swedish. 

'    15. 

Anglo-Saxon, 

16. 

English, 

TEUTONIC.     .  • 

Low  GERMAN  .     .  -^    17. 

Holland  Dutch, 

18. 

Belgian. 

.  19- 

Westphalian,  or  Platt  Dutch. 

ARYAN  .     .  ' 

f     Ofl 

HIGH  GERMAN      .  •] 
(.  21. 

German  (Prussian), 
German  (Swiss). 

!22. 

French, 

ROMAIC    .    .  < 

23. 
24. 

Spanish, 
Portuguese, 

I    25. 

Italian. 

1   26. 

Latin. 

(  ANCIENT      ...       27 
HELLENIC  . 
I  MODERN  ....       28. 

Ancient  Greek. 
Modern  Greek. 

'   LETTIC     ,         .     .        29. 

Lithuanian. 

30. 

Polish, 

SLAVONIC  .     .  < 

31. 

QO 

Slovakian,  or  Bohemian, 
Bulgarian, 

33. 

Bulgarian, 

34. 

Russian. 

TURKIC     .     .  . 

f                                    I*5' 

Osmanli-Turk, 
Kuzulbashi. 

I                                    1  36. 

URALIAN  .  . 

QIT 

Magyar. 

UORIC  .     .     .  J                                   f  QO 
1    FINNIC    . 

Esthonian, 

1  39. 

Finn. 

10       February,  1869. 

(  "73  ) 

APPENDIX. 


LIST  OP  SCHEDULES  IN  TABLE  I. 


Nations. 


Names  of  Persons  by  whom,  and  places  where  Schedules  were  filled. 


1.  ARABIC  .     .     . 

2.  DRUSE  and 

MARONITE 

3.  HEBREW    .     . 

4.  NEO-SYRIAC  or 

NESTORIAN 

5.  ARMENIAN 

6.  ERSE     .     .     . 

7.  GAELIC. 

8.  MANX  .     .     . 

9.  WELSH  .     .     . 

10.  PERSIAN    .     . 

11.  SANSKRIT  .     . 

12.  DANISH  and 

NORWEGIAN 

13.  ICELANDIC  .     . 

14.  SWEDISH    .    . 

15.  ANGLO-SAXON 

16.  ENGLISH    .     . 

17.  HOLLAND 

DUTCH 

18.  BELGIAN    .    . 

19.  WESTPHALIAN 
or  PLATT  DUTCH 

20.  GERMAN 
(PRUSSIAN) 

21.  GERMAN 

(Swiss) 

22.  FRENCH     .     . 

23.  SPANISH    .     . 

24.  PORTUGUESE  . 

25.  ITALIAN     .  . 

26.  LATIN  .     .  . 

27.  CLASSICAL 

GREEK 

28.  MODERN 

GREEK 


Rev.  C.  V.  A.  Van  Dyck,  D.  D.,  Missionary  of  the  American  Board  of  Com- 
missioners for  Foreign  Missions,  Beirut,  Syria,  May,  1860. 
Hon.  J.  Augustus  Johnson,  U.  S.  Consul  at  Beirut,  Syria,  May,  1860. 

Prof.  W.  Henry  Green,  D.  D.,  Theological  Seminary,  Princeton,  New  Jersey, 

June,  1861. 
Austin  K.  Wright,  M.  D.,  Missionary  of  the  American  Board  above  named, 

Ooromiah,  Persia,  July,  1860. 
Lewis  H.  Morgan,  with  the  aid  of  John  D.  Artin  and  James  Thomason,  native 

Armenians,  residents  of  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  1859. 
Prof.  D.  Foley,  D.  D.,  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  Ireland,  March,  1860.    Procured 

through  Hon.  Samuel  Talbot,  U.  S.  Consul  at  Dublin. 
Rev.  Duncan  McNab,  Glasgow,  Scotland,  April,  1860,  through  Hon.   George 

Tail,  U.  S.  Consul,  Glasgow. 

John  Moore,  Esq.,  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  December,  1864. 
Evan  T.  Jones,  Esq.,  Palmyra,  Portage  Co.,  Ohio,  August,  1861. 
Rev.  G.  W.  Coan,  D.  D.,  Missionary  of  the  American  Board,  Ooromiah,  Persia, 

April,  1863. 

1.  Prof.  W.  D.  Whitney,  Yale  College,  New  Haven,  March,  1860. 

2.  Fitz  Edward  Hall,  D.  C.  L.,  Saugor,  North  India,  August,  1861. 

Hon.  W.  De  Rasloff,  Charge  d'Affairs  of  Denmark  in  the  United  States.     At 

New  York,  April,  1861. 
Prof.  Sigwrdsson,  Copenhagen,  Denmark,  May,  1862,  through  Prof.  C.  C.  Raffn, 

Secretary  of  the  Royal  Society  of  Northern  Antiquarians,  Copenhagen. 
Edward  Count  Piper,  Minister  Resident  of  Sweden  in  the  United    States, 

Washington,  February,  1864. 
Compiled  from  Bosworth's  Anglo-Saxon  Dictionary,  from  Orosius  and  other 

sources. 

Lewis  H.  Morgan,  Rochester,  N.  Y. 
Gerard  Arink,  M.  D.,  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  January,  1861. 

Rev.  P.  J.  De  Smet,  S.  J.     St.  Louis,  Missouri,  June,  1862. 

Lewis  H.  Morgan,  with  the  aid  of  M.  Wischemier,  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  April, 

1862. 
Joseph  Felix,  Esq.,  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  May,  1860. 

C.  Hunziker,  Attorney  at  Law,  Berne,  Switzerland.  Prepared  at  the  request  of 
the  Hon.  Theodore  S.  Fay,  U.  S.  Minister  Resident  at  Berne,  March,  1860. 

Lewis  H.  Morgan,  Rochester,  N.  Y. 

The  Counsellor  Senhor  Miguel  Maria  Lisboa,  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  Brazil 
in  the  United  States.  Washington,  December,  1862. 

The  Counsellor  Senhor  M.  M.  Lisboa,  above  named.     December,  1862. 

Lewis  H.  Morgan,  Rochester,  N.  Y. 


Glossary  of  Later  and  Byzantine  Greek,  by  Prof.  E.  A.  Sophocles.     Memoirs 
Am.  Acad.  N.  S.,  vol.  vii.     Article 


APPENDIX. 


75 


LIST  OF  SCHEDULES  IN  TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


Nations. 


Names  of  Persons  by  whom,  and  places  where  Schedules  were  filled. 


29.  LITHUANIAN  . 

30.  POLISH  .     .     . 

31.  SLOVAKIAN  or 

BOHEMIAN 

32.  BULGARIAN     . 

33.  BULGARIAN     . 

34.  RUSSIAN    .     . 

35.  OSMANLI- 

TURK 

36.  KUZULBASHI  . 

37.  MAGYAR 


38.  ESTHONIAN     . 

39.  FINN 


Prof.  Francis  Bopp,  Berlin,  Prussia,  April,  1860.     Procured  through  Hon. 

Joseph  A.  Wright,  U.  S.  Minister  Resident  in  Prussia. 
Augustus  Plinta,  Esq  ,  Civil  Engineer,  Albany,  N.  Y.,  January,  1861. 
Prof.   Kanya,  Pesth,  Hungary,  ^February,  1861.     Procured  through  Hon.  J. 

Glancy  Jones,  U.  S.  Minister  Plenipotentiary  in  Austria.     Vienna. 
Rev.  Elias  Riggs,  D.  D.,  Missionary  of  the  American  Board  at  Constantinople, 

Turkish  Empire,  February,  1862. 
Rev.  Charles  F.  Morse,  Missionary  of  same  Board,  Sophia,  Turkey,  January, 

1863. 

By  a  Russian  gentleman. 
Rev.  Andrew  T.  Pratt,  Missionary  of  the  American  Board,  Aleppo,  Syria, 

August,  1860. 

Rev.  George  W.  Dunmore,  Missionary  of  the  same  Board,  at  Kharpoot,  Turk- 
ish Empire.     July,  18CO. 
Prof.  Paul  Hunfalvy,  Member  of  the  Hungarian  Academy,  Pesth,  Hungary, 

January,  1861.     Procured  through  Hon.  J.  Glancy  Jones,  U.  S.  Minister 

Plenipotentiary  in  Austria. 
Hon.  Charles  A.  Leas,  U.  S.  Consul  Revel,  Russia,  February,  1861. 

1.  G.  Seliu,  Student  of  the  Physico-Mathematical  Faculty  in  the  University  of 
Helsingfors,  Russia,  April,  1860.     Prepared  at  the  request  of  President  A. 
Retzius,  President  of  the  Academy  of  Sciences,  Stockholm,  Sweden. 

2.  Urjo  Koskinen,  Prof,  in  the  University  of  Jacobstad,  Finland,  September, 
1860.     Procured  through  Hon.  B.   F.  Angel,  U.  S.  Minister  Resident  in 
Sweden. 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY. 


TABLE  I. — SYSTEMS  OF  CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY. 


Families. 

Classes. 

Branches. 

Dialects. 

Author  of  Schedule. 

Pronoun  Mj 

SEMITIC    . 

ARABIC     . 
UFBRAIC 

<  Southern  .     . 
Middle 

I  i 

3 

Arabic  
Druse  and  Maronite     .     .     . 
Hebrew     

C.  V.  A.  Van  Dyck,  D.D.     . 
Hon.  J.  A.  Johnson    .     .     . 
Prof.  W.  Henry  Green    . 

Suffix  i. 
"      i. 
"      i. 

ARAMAIC    . 

Northern  .     . 

4 
5 

Neo-Syriac  or  Nestorian  .     . 
Armenian            

Austin  H.  Wright,  M.D.  .     . 
John  De  Artin  (Native  Arm  ) 

"     e. 
Im 

r 

f      6 

Erse  or  Irish  

D.  Foley,  D.  D  

Mo. 

CELTIC      .  < 

Gadhelic   .     .  - 

! 

Gaelic  or  Highland  Scottish, 
Manx    

Rev.  Duncan  McNab  .     .     . 
John  Moore  

Mo. 
My. 

Cymric 

9 

Welsh  

Evan  T.  Jones  Esq 

Fy. 

10 

Rev  George  W  Coan  D  D 

Suffix  am 

INDIC 

11 

Sanskrit    

(Prof.  W.  D.  Whitney  |  „„ 

Mama 

Sciindiiitiviiui    •< 

12 
13 

Danish  and  Norwegian     .     . 
Icelandic    

(FitzEd.  Hall,  D.C.L.j 
Hon.  W.  Raasloff  .... 

Prof.  I.  Sigwrdson 

Post  im!nn  \ 
(mm     ( 

„     1  mini   J 

14 

Swedish     

Edward  Count  Piper  . 

^niin     ( 
Min. 

"    15 

Anglo-Saxon  

Lewis  H.  Morgan   .... 

16 

English     

it       u         it 

My 

TECTONIC  .  •< 

17 

Holland  Dutch  

Gerard  Arink,  M.  D.    . 

(  My          (  m 

Low  German.  •< 

18 

Father  P   J   De  Srnet   S  J 

(Myne      (fe 
<  Myn        (  m 

19 

Platt-Deutsh  

Lewis  H.  Morgan  . 

(  Myuen    (  fe 
(Me           (n 

20 

German     

Joseph  Felix  Esq  . 

(  Mene      (  fe 
J  Mein         in 

LRYAN     .  • 

High  German    - 

» 

German-Swiss    

Herr  C.  Hunziker  .... 

|  Meine       fe 
(  Mein         IE 

i   • 
'    22 

French  

Lewis  TT.  Morgan  .... 

]  Meine       fe 
JMon          re 

23 

Spanish     

Senhor  Miguel  Maria  Lisboa 

|Ma            fe 
Mi 

Modern     .     .  - 

24 

Portuguese.     

it             tt           ti          tt 

(  Min         (  n 

ROMAIC     .  - 

25 

Italian  

Prof.  Paul  Marzolo 

(Mia        jf( 
(Mio         (ir 

26 

Latin    

Lewis  H.  Morgan  .... 

jMia         (fe 
j  Meus      (  m 

Ancient 

27 

Classical  Greek  

a      u         it 

(Mea        (fe 
(Emos     f  ra 

HELLENIC    - 

Modern     . 

28 

Modern  Greek    

Glossary  of  Prof.  Sophocles  . 

(Erne       {  fe 

Lettic  .     .     . 

29 

Lithuanian     .... 

Prof.  F   Bopp     

'   30 

Polish  

Augusta  Plinta,  Esq.  . 

(  Moj        f  m 

31 

Slovakian  or  Bohemian     . 

Prof.  Kanya  

(Moja      (fe 
{Moj        }  m 

SLAVONIC  .  < 

Moja       (  fe 

32 

Bulgarian  

Elias  Riggs,  D.  D  

Post          mi. 

33 

Bulgarian  

Rev.  Charles  F.  Morse    . 

"             mi. 

34 

Russian     

By  a  Russian     

(  Moi         (  m 

• 

f   35 

Osmanli-Turk     

Rev.  Andrew  T.  Pratt     .     . 

(Maja       (fe 
Suffix       m. 

TURKIC 

i    36 

Kuzulbashe    

Rev.  George  W.  Dunmore    . 

Post         mu 

37 

Magyar 

Prof  Paul  Hunfalvy 

Suffix       m 

JRALIAN  •< 

f   38 

Estboniau      ...          .     . 

Hon.  Chas.  A.  Leas     .     . 

Minn. 

UGRIC  .     . 

Finnic  .     .     .  - 

\ 
)    39 

Finn     

(Dr.  Urio  Koskinen')  „  r,  , 

Suffix       ni. 

( 

(Mr.  G.  Selm           j 

NOTATION  IN  TABLE  I. 


VOWEL   SOUNDS. 

a  as  a  in  ale.  o  as  o  in  tone. 

a  "  "  "  father.  6  "  "  "  got. 
a  "  "  "  at.  u  "  11  "  unit. 

e  "  e  "  mete.  u  "  oo  "  food. 

g  u  u  u  mek  fe  and  o  in  Greek 

i  "  i   "  ice.  (are  long  e  and  o. 
I  "  "  "  it. 


The  literary  languages  represented  in  the  Table,  with  two  or  three  exceptions, 
have  their  own  diacritical  marks. 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND    AFFINITY. 


79 


TABLE  I. — SYSTEMS  OF  CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY  OF  THE  SEMITIC,  ARYAN,  AND  UBALIAN  FAMILIES. 


1.  Great-grandfather's  great-grandfather. 


Translation. 


2.  Great-grandfather's  grandfather. 


Translation. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

S 

9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36. 
37 
38 
39 


Jidd  jidd  jiddi... 
Jadd  jadd  jaddi . 


Sawuna  d'sawua  d'sawunee 


Tip  tip  tip  olde  fader., 


Farfars  farfars  farfar 

Eald  eald  eald  eald  eald  faeder  ... 
Gt.  grandfather's  gt.  grandfather.. 
Over  over  over  oud  groot  vader. ... 
Groot  groot  groot  groot  groot  vader 

Antke  vader's  antke  vader 

Urururur  grossvater 

Urnrumrgrossvater 

L'a'ieul  de  1'a'ieul  de  mon  ai'eul. ... 


Tritavus.... 
Tripappos .. 
Trispappos  . 


Moj  prapraprapra  dziadek., 


Moi  prapraprapradjed . 


Grandfather  of  g.  f.  of  g.  f.  my. 


Bavkaleh  bavkaleh  bavkaleh  mun 


Great  gd.  father's  gt.  gd.  father. 

Grandfather's  grandfather's  grandfather 
Gt.  gd.  father's  gt.  gd.  father. 


Gt.  gt.  gt.  gt.  grandfather. 

((  u  ft 

The  grandfather  of  the  gd.  f.  of  my  g.  f. 

Great  grandfather's  great  grandfather, 
(i  it  a  ft 

n  n  a  ti 

My  great  gt.  gt.  gt.  grandfather. 

My  great  gt.  gt.  gt.  grandfather. 
Grandfather  of  g.  f.  of  g.  f.  my. 


Jidd  jidd  abi... 
Jadd  jadd  abi . 


Sawuna  d'sawunii  d'babee . 


Tip  tip  oldefader., 


Farfars  farfars  far 

Eald  eald  eald  eald  faeder 

Great  grandfather's  grandfather 

Over  over  oud  groot  vader 

Groot  groot  groot  groot  vader.... 

Antke  vader's  bess  vader 

Ururur  grossvater 

Urururgrossvater 

La  pere  de  1'a'ieul  de  mon  a'ieul. 


Atavus 

Dispappos  . 
Dispappos.. 


Moj  praprapra  dziadek . 


Moi  praprapradjed 

Bavkaleh  bavkaleh  baveh  mun. 


Grandfather  of  g.  f.  of  father  my. 


Great  grandfather's  grandfather. 

Grandfather's  grandfather's  father. 
Gt.  grandfather's  grandfather 


Great  gt.  gt.  grandfather, 
it         a  a 

The  father  of  the  g.  f.  of  my  g.  f. 

Great  grandfather's  grandfather. 
K  it  it 

it  tt  it 

My  great  gt.  gt.  grandfather. 

My  great  gt.  gt.  grandfather. 
Grandfather  of  g.  f.  of  father  my. 


3.  Great  grandfather's  father. 


Translation. 


4.  Great  grandfather's  mother. 


Translation. 


Ill 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
Hi 
17 
IS 
19 
20 
21 
22 

2-; 

24 
2f> 
-i 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
33 
29 


Jidd   jiddi., 
Jad  jaddi.., 


Sawuna  d'sawunee 

Metzhorus  metzliorii  hira. 

Shan  ahair  mahar 

Mo  shin  sin  seanair 


Fy  ngororhendad  , 


Vriddhaprapitamahah1 

Tip  oldefader 

Langalangafi  minn 

Farfars  farfar 

Kald  eald  eald  faeder 

Great-grandfather's  father. 

Over  oud  groot  vader 

Groot  groot  groot  vader 

Autke  vaders  vader 

Ururgrossvater 

Ururgrossvater 

Mou  trisa'ieul 

Tatarabuelo 

Tataravo 


Aba vug 

Epipappos  . 
Apopappos  . 


Moj  prapra  dziadek . 

Muj  prapraded 

Prepredyed 

Preprededa 

Moi  prapradjed 


Bavkaleh  Bavkaleh  mun. 


Grandfather  of  grandfather  my. 


Grandfather  of  grandfather  my. 

u  tt  tt  tt 

I  The  old  father  of  my  father. 
My  great  grandfather's  father. 


My  great  great  grandfather. 
Great  great  grandfather. 

"        "  "  my. 

Grandfather's  grandfather. 
Great  grandfather's  father. 


u  tt  tt 

Great  great  grandfather. 
it         t(  (t 

My  great  great  grandfather. 

((  U  tt  ft 

Great  great  grandfather. 
Great  great  grandfather. 


it  u 


My  great  great  grandfather. 


Grandfather  of  grandfather  my. 


Sitt  sitti. 
Sitt  sitti. 


Nana  d'nanee 

Metzmorus  metziuora  mira 

Sliau  vahair  mahar 

Mo  shin  sin  sear  mhathair 


Fy  Ngororhenfam. 


Vriddhaprapit&mahi 

Tip  oldemoder 

Langalangamma  inin 

Farfars  mormor 

Eald  eald  eald  modor 

Great  grandfather's  mother. 

Over  ond  groot  moeder 

Groot  groot  groot  moeder  .... 

Antke  vader's  mohder 

Ururgrossmutter 

Ururgrossmutter 

Ma  trisai'eule 

Tatarabuela 

Tataravo 


Abavia .  . 
Epitethe  . 
Apomme. 


Moj  a  praprababka. 

Ma  praprababa 

1'reprebaba  mi 

Preprebaba  mi 

Moja  praprababka. 


Dapeei  eh  dapeerch  mun. 


Grandmother  of  grandmother  iny. 


Grandmother  of  grandmother  my. 

tt  tt  tt  tt 

The  old  mother  of  my  father. 
My  great  grandfather's  mother. 


My  gt.  gt.  grandfather's  mother 
Great  grandfather's  mother. 

"  "  "        my. 

Grandfather's  grandmother. 
Great  grand  father's  mother. 


Great  great  grandmother. 

it         it  tt 

My  great  great  grandmother. 

tt         ti         it  ti 

Great  grandfather's  mother. 

Great  great  grandmother, 
tt        ti  u 

tt        tt  (i 

My  great  great  grandmother. 

ft  U  ft  ft 

Great  great  grandmother  my. 


tt         tt 


tt  tt 


Grandmother  of  grandmother  my. 


1  The  Sanskrit  terms  are  in  the  nominative  case.     "  Mama,"  my  is  omitted. 


80 


SYSTEMS    OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

fl.  Greatgrandfather. 

Translation. 

6.  Great  grandmother. 

Translation. 

I 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Jidd  abi  

Grandfather  of  father  my. 

(1                      ft              U              ft 

u               n         it         tt 

ft                    li             11             if 

Father  of  my  old  father. 
My  ancestral  old  father. 
My  old  ancestor. 
My  great  grandfather. 

it           U                     tt 

Great  grandfather. 
Great  grandfather  my. 

a                 it                     tt 

Great  grandfather, 
tt 

u 
<t 
a 
H 

a                t 

My  great  grandfather. 

it          tt                  u 

Great  grandfather. 

ft                  it 

n             ft 
a               ft 
t(               tt 

My  great  grandfather. 

tt       «             tt 

Great  grandfather  my. 

tt                   tt                        it 

My  great  grandfather. 
My  grandfather's  father. 

Grandfather  of  father  my. 

tt            tt       tt         tt 

My  father's  father's  father. 

Sitt  abi  

Grandmother  of  father  my. 

it               tt              tt 

ft               tt              tt 

tt               ti              ti 

My  old  father's  mother. 
My  ancestral  old  mother. 
Mother  of  mother  of  my  mother. 
My  great  grandmother. 

li            Cl                         f( 

Great  grandmother. 

Great  grandmother  my. 
tt               tt               a 

Great  grandmother. 

tt 

ft 
tt 
u 
tt 
u               tt 
My  great  grandmother. 

if                 it                                      ft 

Great  grandmother. 

tf              tt 

it              tt 

it              ti 
it              n 

My  great  grandmother. 

tt       tt              tt 

Great  grandmother  my. 
ft               tt                tt 

My  great  grandmother. 
My  grandmother's  mother. 
Grandmother  of  father  my. 
Grandfather's  mother  my. 
My  mother's  mother's  mother. 

Jad  abi  

Sitt  abi  

Sawfina  d'  bab&  

Langamma  minn.     b  Edda  min 

Over  groot  moeder  

Grossgrossmutter  

Moj  a  prababka  

DSdfimin  babazfi 

Baveh  bavkaleh  mun  

Ded  anyain  

Miuu  ema  ema  emu.  

7.  Grandfather. 

Translation. 

8.  Grandmother. 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Jlddi                

Grandfather  ray. 
tt           d 

u           ti 
u           it 

My  old  father. 

a     it         tt 

Father  of  my  father. 
My  grandfather. 
Father  elder. 
Grandfather. 

"          my 

u 
tt 
ft 

ft 
ft 
H 

M 
tt 

My  grandfather. 

n             tt 

Grandfather, 
tt 

H 
tt 
tt 
tt 

My  grandfather. 

tt             tt 

Grandfather  my. 
tt            tt 

My  grandfather. 
Grandfather  my. 

tt            tt 

Old  father  my. 
My  father's  father. 
Father  of  fath.  my.    b  Father  my  great. 

J-Mtti  ' 

Grandmother  my. 
tt               ti 

tt               tt 
c(               tt 

My  old  mother. 

it      tt         tt 

Mother  of  my  mother. 
My  grandmother. 
Mother  elder. 

Grandmother. 
ft 

Grandmother  my. 
Grandmother. 

! 

My  grandmother. 
"             " 
Grandmother. 

:: 

: 

My  grandmother. 

u             d 

Grandmother  my. 

it              it 

My  grandmother. 

Grandmother  my. 

ii               i< 

Old  mother  my. 
My  mother's  mother. 
Great  mother  my. 

J&ddi  

Sitti.     b  Judatti 

Nanee  

Metz  mire  

Mo  han  ahair.     b  Mohair  ereeno... 

Mo  han  vahair  

Moir  my  moir.    b  Woavey  

Amina  min  

GTossmutter  

Mon  aieule.     b  Ma  grand'mere.. 

Ava  

Tethe  .. 

Mauo  Senute  

Moj  dziad.     b  Dziadek  dziadnnio.. 
Muj  ded                    

Moja  babka.     b  Babunia      

Baba  my  

Oreg  anyam  

Minu  ema  ema  

Tso  isani      b  Tsani  is&  

OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


81 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

9.  Father. 

Translation. 

10.  Mother. 

Translation. 

I 

2 
3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
•24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

;\bi                     .                     

Father  my. 
ti        « 

tt        ti 
(<        « 
<t        it 

My  father. 
K         tt 
it        tt 
tt        tt 

Father. 

K 
H 

Father  ray. 

Father, 
(i 

II 

it 

Father  my. 
Father. 

H 

a 

My  father. 

u       «t 

Father. 
u 

H 

ft 
It 

My  father. 

tt          tf 
fi          tt 

Father  my. 

K        tt 

My  father. 
Father  my. 
u          tt 

ft              U 

My  father. 
Father  my. 

Mother  my. 
tt        ft 
ft        tc 
tt        tt 
n         it 

My  mother. 

tt        ft 

U              tf 

tt          tt 

Mother. 
tt 
tt 
Mother  my. 

Mother. 

tt 

t( 
it 
Mother  my. 

Mother. 

tt 

ft 

My  mother. 
Mother, 
ft 
tt 
ft 
it 
tt 

My  mother. 
ft        tt 
ti        tt 

Mother  my. 
tt        tt 

My  mother. 
Mother  my. 
tt         it 
ft         tt 
My  mother. 
Mother  my. 

Abi 

.Abhi          /                                        ..  . 

Babee                  

Hire 

M'athalr 

Madar                      

Pit&     b  Janitar             .... 

Fader     

Vater  

Mutter  

Vater  

Mon  pere  

Ma  mere.... 

Pae        

Moe 

Padre  

Pater  

Pater  

Pater  

Moj  ojoiec.    b  Rodzioiet  

Moja  matka.     b  Rodzicietka  .... 

Otetg.     b  Baghtami  

Biiba-m  

Minu  esa  

Tsani  

Aitiul      b  Emoni 

.» 

11.  Sin. 

Translation. 

12.  Daughter. 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
21) 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Ibni  

Son  my. 
it     tt 
tt     tt 
tt     <t 
it     tf 
My  son. 

tt      a 
tl     tt 
ft     ft 

Son. 

tf 

u 
Son  my. 

Son. 

it 

<t 

H 

ft 
ft 
If 
ft 

My  son 

Son. 

H 

fl 

H 
H 
It 

My  son. 

tt     «t 
u     tt 

Son  my. 

tt     tt 

My  son. 
Son  my. 
tt     tt 
«     tt 

My  son. 
Boy  my. 

Ibneti      b  Binti                       

Daughter  my. 
tt          tt 
ft          tt 
tt          tt 
ti          tt 

My  daughter. 

tt          tt 

tf          tt 
tt          tt 

Daughter. 

tt 
ii 

Daughter  my. 

Daughter. 

tt 

it 
ft 
ft 
tt 

tf 
it 

My  daughter. 

tt          ti 

Daughter. 

tc 
tf 
ft 
ft 

My  daughter. 

tt           tt 

u           ft 

Daughter  my. 

tt           tt 

My  daughter. 
Daughter,  my  girl, 
it            tt 
u             tt 
My  daughter. 
Daughter  iny. 

Ibni  

B'nl  

Bitti 

Bratee 

Tooster 

Mo  mh£c  

Poosar  

Dftkhtar 

Putrih.    bSiiuuh.    °  Sutah  

Putrfi,     b  Suta     c  Duhiti 

Son  

Datter 

Sou  

Dotter                                     ••  •• 

Son  

Sohn  

Mon  flls  

Ma  fille                                    

Hijo  

Hija 

Kilho  

p'ilha                                    

Filins  

Filia 

Huios  

Huios  

Mano  sunns  

Moj  syn  

Muj  syu  

Sin  mi  

Sin  mi  

Moi  sin.    b  Syn  

<'glil-um  

Kfis-um 

Fia-m  

Minu  Poeg  

Polkanl  

TyttSLreiii 

11 


November,  I860. 


82 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

13.  Grandson  (common  term). 

Translation. 

14.  Grandson  (descriptive  phrase). 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
Id 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
2( 
24 
25 
2tf 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3o 
37 
38 
39 

Son  of  son  my. 

II             U             It 

u        u        ti 

Grandson  my 
Grandson. 
Son  of  my  son. 
My  grandchild. 
Son  of  my  son. 
My  grandson. 
Grandchild. 
Grandson. 

M 

Son's  son  my. 
u        it 

Grandson. 
Grandson.    b  Nephew. 

It 

Grandchild. 
Grandson. 
u 

My  grandson. 

Grandson. 
it 

Grandchild. 

Grandson. 

tt 

tt 

Son  of  my  son. 
My  grandson. 

14                      tt 

Grandson  my. 

tt          tt 

My  grandson. 

Grandchild  my. 

tt          tt 

Son  of  my  son. 
My  son's  son. 
Son's  son.     b  Daughter's  son. 

Ibn  ibneti  

Son  of  daughter  my. 
it    it         it           u 

it    it         it           if 
Grandson  my. 
My  daughter's  son. 
Sou  of  my  daughter. 
Grandchild. 
Sou  of  my  daughter. 
My  grandson. 
Grandchild. 

Son's  son.    b  Daughter's  son. 
u         it             it               it 

Daughter's  son  and  son's  son  my. 
Son's  son,  daughter's  son. 
Grandson. 

it 

Son's  son.    b  Daughter's  son. 
Son's  son.    b  Daughter's  sou. 
Grandchild. 

Son's  son.    b  Daughter's  son. 
it                it              it 

My  grandson. 

ti         u 

Grandson. 
Grandchild. 
Grandson. 
Son's  son.    b  Daughter's  son. 
Grandson. 
Daughter's  son. 
My  grandson. 
it         tt 

Grandson  my. 

tt          ti 

My  grandson. 

Grandchild  my. 
Son  of  my  daughter. 
My  daughter's  son. 

Ilm  ibui.    b  Hafidi  

Ibn  binti  

Bfin  b'ni 

BBn  bittl  

Tor  

Toostris  voretin  

Mac  mo  ineean  

Mac  my  inneen  

Fy  wyr  

Navadii,  

Navada  

Pautrah.    b  Dauhitrah  ... 

Dottur  sonr.     b  Sonar  sonr  inin 
sonsou.    b  Dotttersou  

Sonson  

Nefa  

Grandson  

Son's  son.    b  Daui;hter's  son.... 
Zoon's  zoon.     b  Dot-liter's  zoon  . 
Zoon's  zoon.     b  Dochter's  zoon. 

Enkel  

Sohn's  sohn.     b  Tochter  sohn... 
Sohn's  sohn.     b  Tochter  sohn... 

Enket  

Nieto  

Nieto 

Neto  

Neto  .. 

Nipote  

Vnuk  mi  

Vnook  mi  

Moi  vntik  

TorGn-flm  

TOrneh  mnn  

Fiam  fija  

Minn  poeg  poeg  

Polkaui  polka.     *  Tyttareul  poika 

15.  Granddaughter  (common  term). 

Tranalation. 

16.  Granddaughter  (Descriptive  phrase). 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
1 

8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Ibnet  ibni  

Daughter  of  son  my. 

tt            n          tt 

tt            tt          tt 

My  granddaughter. 
Son's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  my  son. 
My  grandchild. 
Daughter  of  my  son. 
My  granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 
Granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 
Son's  daughter  my. 
Daughter's  daughter. 

Granddaughter. 

tt 

Little  daughter.     b  Niece. 
Granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 

Granddaughter. 

tt 

My  granddaughter, 
tt              tt 

Granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 

Granddaughter. 

tt 

it 
Son's  daughter. 

My  granddaughter. 

it                it 

Granddaughter  my. 

tf               tt 

My  granddaughter. 
Grandchild  my. 
tt          it 

Daughter  of  my  son. 
My  daughter's  daughter. 
Son's  daughter.    b  Daughter's  daughter. 

Ibn      binf 

Daughter  of  daughter  my. 
it         it         it            tt 

tt         tt         it            ft 
My  granddaughter. 

Daughter  of  ruy  daughter. 

ti             it             ft 

My  grandchild. 
Daughter  of  daughter. 
My  granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 

Sou's  daughter.  b  Daught.  's  daugh. 

ft             u                   u                  u 

Daughter's  daughter  my. 
Sou's  daughter,  daughter's  daugh. 

Granddaughter, 
it 

Son's  daughter.  b  Danght.'s  daugh. 

it            it                  u                u 

Grandchild. 

bun's  daughter.   b  Daughter's  child. 

it             it                   ii                 u 

My  granddaughter, 
u            ii 

Granddaughter. 
Grandchild. 
Grand  daughter. 
Son's  daughter.    b  Daught.  "s  dangh. 
Granddaughter. 
Daughter's  dau-hter. 

My  grauddaughter. 
u                 u 

Granddaughter  my. 
ti                   u 

My  granddaughter. 

Grandchild  my. 
Daughter  of  my  daughter. 
My  son's  daughter. 

Bint  ibni  

Bathb:nl  

Bath  bittl 

Narrigtee  

Voretees  tooster  „  

Ineean  mo  vio  

M'ogha  

Inneeu  my  vac  

,      &           .       

Fy  wyres  

Navada  

Navada 

Naptrf  

Pautri      b  Dauhitri 

Sonnedatter.     b  Datterdatter  ... 

Sonar  dottir  minn  

Dotter  dotter  

Son's  dotter.    b  Dotter  dotter... 

Nefane  

Granddaughter  

Son'sdaught.  b  Daught.  daught. 
Zhou's  dochter.  b  Dochter's  doch. 
Zoou's  dochter.  b  Dochter's  doch. 

Klein  dochter.    b  Nicht  

Kinds  kind  

Sohn's  tochter.    b  Tochter  kind 
Sohn's  tochter.     b  Tochter  kiud 
Ma  petite-fille  
Nieta  
Neta  

Enkeliu  

Ma  petite-fille  
Nieta  
Neta  

Neptis  
Eggone  
EggonS  

Nipote  
Neptis  
Huione.     b  Thugatride  
Eggono  ;. 

Moja  wnuczka  
Ma  wuucka  
Viiuka  mi  

Dukters  dukter  
Moj  wuuczka  
Ma  wuucka  

Vnooka  mi  
Moja  vnutcbka  
Torfln-utn  

Vnooka  mi  
Maja  vuutchka  

TOrneemun  

Tdruee  mnn  

Miiiu  tutiirtutiir  

Leanyon  lanya  

PoikanI  tytar.    b  TyttarenT  tytar.. 

OF   THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


83 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

17.  Great-grandson. 

Translation. 

18.  Great-granddaughter. 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 

•H 

24 
25 
26 

27 
28 
2!) 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
38 
37 
38 
39 

Ibnibnilmi  

Son  of  son  of  son  my. 

it          it         it       ii 

Descendants  of  the  third  generation. 
Great  grandson  my. 
Son's  son's  son. 
The  son  of  the  son  of  my  son. 
My  great  grandchild. 
Son  of  son  of  my  son. 
My  great  grandson. 
Great  grandchild. 
Great  grandson. 
Great  grandchild. 
Sou's  son's  son  my. 
ii          it          ii 

Great  grandson. 
After  little  son.    b  Nephew. 
Great  grandson. 
"     grandchild. 
"     grandson. 
ii             ii 

My  great  grandson. 
Great  grandson, 
i           it 

'     grandchild. 

'     grandson, 
i             ii 

i             ii 

My  great  grandson, 
ii         ii             ii 

Great  grandson  my. 
ii             it           ii 

My               "            " 
Grandchild  of  my  child. 
Son  of  grandchild  my. 

My  son's  son's  son. 
My  son's  sou's  son.     Daughter's  daugh- 
ter's son. 

Daught.  of  daught.  of  danght.  my. 
ii                 ii                 ii             it 

Descendants  of  third  generation. 
Great  granddaughter  my. 
Daughter's  daughter's  daughter. 
The  daughter  of  the  son  of  my  son. 
My  great  grandchild. 
Daught.  of  daught.  of  my  daught. 
My  great  granddaughter. 
Great  grandchild. 
Great  granddaughter. 
"     grandchild. 

Daughter's  daughter  daughter  my. 

it                   it                   tt         ii 

Great  granddanahter. 
After  little  daughter.     Niece. 
Great  granddaughter. 
Child's  child's  child. 

Great  granddaughter, 
it                 ii 

My  great  granddaughter. 

it       ii                ii 

Great  granddaughter. 
"      grandchild. 

"      granddaughter, 
it                 ii 

ii                 ii 

My  great  granddaughter. 

Great  granddaughter  my. 
ii                 it                 ii 

My                 "                " 
Grandchild  of  my  child. 
Daughter  of  grandchild  my. 

My  daughter's  daughter's  daughter. 
The  son's  daughter  of  my  son.   The 
daughter's  daught.  of  my  daught. 

Slulleshim  

Natigta 

Voretees  voretein  voretiu  

Niitija  

Pratnaptar.     b  Prapautrah  

Barnebarn's  l>aru  

Sou's  sou's  son  

Aihter  klein  douhter.     b  Nicht. 

Kinds  kiucls  kind  

Mon  arrit  re  petit  fils  

Secundo  Nipote  

Trite^gonos.     b  Apeggonos  

Mnj  prawn  ilk  

Miij  Prawnuk  

Prevnook  tin  

Torunumun  

Laveh  tOrueh  uiun  

Polkani  poian  polka.    b  Tyttareui 
tyttaren  poika  

Polkani  poian  tytar.   b  Tyttareni 
tyttareu  tytar 

19.  Great-grandson's  son. 

Translation. 

20.  Great-grandson's  daughter. 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 

2:; 

24 
25 
2(1 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
86 
37 
38 
39 

Ibn  ibn  ibn  ibni  

Son  of  son  of  son  of  son  my. 

ii         it         ii         it         ii 

Descendants  of  the  fourth  generation. 
Grandson  of  grandson  my. 
Sou's  son's  son's  son. 
The  son  of  the  son  of  the  son  of  my  son. 
My  great  great  grand  child. 
Son  of  son  of  son  of  my  son. 
My  great  great  grandson. 
Great  great  grandchild. 
Great  great  grandson. 
Grand  child's  grand  child. 
Son's  son's  son's  son  my. 
it         it         ii         it      it 

Great  grandson's  son. 
After  little  sou's  son.     b  Nephew. 
Great  great  grandson. 
Child's  child's  child's  child. 
Great  great  grandson, 
ii         it             ii 

Third  grandson. 
Great  great  grandson. 
"         "      grandchild. 

"         "      grandson, 
ii         ii             ii 

it         ii             ii 

My  great  great  grandson, 
ii        ii        ii            ii 

Great  great  grandson  my. 
ii         ii             ii          it 

My  great  great  grandson  my. 
Grandchild  of  my  grandchild. 
Grandchild  of  grandchild  my. 

The  grandson  of  my  grandson. 

Bint  bint  bint  binti 

Daughter,  of  dt.  of  dt.  of  dt.  my. 
ii            ii            ii              ii 

Descendants  of  fourth  generation. 
Grand  daught.  of  g   daught.  my. 
Daught.  's  daught.  's  daught.  'a  dt. 
The  dt.  of  son  of  son  of  my  sou. 
My  great  great  grandchild. 
Dt.  of  dt.  of  dt.  of  my  daughter. 
My  great  great  granddaughter. 
Great  great  grandchild. 
Great  great  granddaughter. 
Grandchild's  grandchild. 
Daught.  's  dt.  dt.  dt.  my. 
it        ii        it          ii 

Great  grandson's  daughter. 
After  little  son's  little  dt.  b  Nephew. 
Great  great  granddaughter. 
Child's  child's  child's'  child. 
Great  great  granddaughter, 
ii         ii               ti 

Third  granddau  '-liter. 
Great  great  granddaughter. 
"          "      grandchild. 
"         "      granddaughter, 
ii         ii               ii 
ii         it               ii 

My  great  great  granddaughter, 
ii       ii         ti               it 

Great  great  granddaughter  my. 
ii         ii               u 

My         "              " 

Grandchild  of  my  grandchild. 
Grandchild  of  grandchild  my. 

[of  my  son. 
The  daughter  of  the  sou  of  the  »on 

Rlbbeiui  

Ribbeim 

Voretees  voretein  voretein  voretin. 

Toostris  toostrin  toostrin  toostra. 

M''      '          h 

Inneeninneen  inneennyinneen. 

Barnebarns  barnebarn  

Sonar  sonar  sonar  sonr  ininn  

Dottur  dottur  dottur  dottir  rain. 
Dotters  dotters  dotter  dotter  

Gt.  grandson's  daught.    [b  Neef. 
Achter  klein  zoon's  klein  docht. 
Groote  groote  groote  dochter  .... 

Achter  klein  zoon's  zoon.    b  Neef. 

Kinds  kinds  kinds  kind  

g 

Tataraneto  

Abnepoa  

Tetartos  apogonos  

Muj  praprawnuk  

Preprevmik  mi  

Veprevnook  mi  

Moi  prapravnuk  

Toruniimiin  toriinii  

Polkani  poTan  poian  tytar  

84 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. — Continued. 


I 

10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
14 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


21.  Great-grandson's  grandson. 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  ibn  ibni. 
Ibn  ibn  ibn  ibn  ibui. 


Nateja  d'nawigee 

Voretees  voretein  vn.  vn.  voretin.. 

Mio  mic  mio  inio  mo  vie 

M'iar  iar  iar  ogha 

Mac  vac  vac  vac  my  vac 

Fy  orororwyr 

NabirS, 


Barnebarns  barnebarns  barn 

Sonar  sonar  sonar  sonar sonr  minn. 
Sons  son  sons  son  sou 


Great  grandson's  grandson 

Achter  klein  zoons  k.  z.    b  Neef.. 

Groot  groot  groot  groot  zoon 

Kinds  kinds  kinder 

Ururgrossenkel - 

Urargrosseuk«l  


Cnarto  nieto 

Cuarto  neto 

Quarto  nipote 

Atnepos 

Pemptos  apogonos  f . 
Diseggonos , 


Moj  prapraprawntik. 
Muj  prapraprawnnk. 
Prepreprevuuk  tni,... 


Lftveh  tOrneh  torneh  mun. 


Translation. 


Son  of  son  of  son  of  son  of  son  my. 


Great  grandson  of  grandson  my. 
Son's  son's  sou's  sou's  son. 
The  son's  son  of  the  son's  son  of  my  son 
My  great  grandchild's  grandchild. 
Son  of  son  of  son  of  son  of  my  son. 
My  great  grandson's  grandson. 
Great  great  great  grandchild. 

Great  grandson's  grandchild. 
Son's  son's  son's  son's  son  my. 


Great  grandson's  grandson. 

After  little  son's  little  sou.     b  Nephew. 

Great  great  great  grandson. 

"         "         "     grandchild. 

"         "         "     grandson. 


Fourth  grandson, 
ft  tt 

It  tl 

Great  grandson's  grandson. 

ti  tt  it 

it  it  it 

My  great  great  great  graudson. 
it        tt        it        tt  tt 

Great  great  great  grandson  my. 
Son  of  grandchild  of  grandchild  my. 


22.  Great-grandson's  granddaughter. 


Bint  bint  bint  bint  binti. 
Biiit  bint  bint  bint  binti. 


Nawigta  d'nawigtee 

Toostris  toostrin  t.  t.  toostra.... 

Ineean  mic  mic  mic  mo  vie 

M'iar  iar  iar  ogha 

Inneeu  in.  in.  in.  my  inneen  ... 

Fy  orororwyres 

Nabira 


Barnebarns  barnebarn  barn 

Dotturd.  d.  d.  dottirmin 

Dotters  dotters  dotter  dotter 


Gt.  grandson's  g.  d.      [b  Nicht. 
Achter  klein  zoons  kn.  dochter. 

Groote  g.  g.  g.  dochter 

Kinds  kinds  kinder 

Ururgrossenkelinn 

Ururgrossenkelin 


Cuarta  nieta 

Cuarta  neta 

Quarta  nipote.... 

Atneptis 

Pempte  eggone?. 
Diseggone 


Moja  prapraprawnficzka. 

Ma  prapraprawnucka 

Prepreprevnuka  mi 


Keeza  t8rneh  tOrneh  mun. 


Translation. 


D.  of  d.  of  d.  of  d.  of  daughter  my 


Gt.  gd.  daughter  of  grandson  my. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  d.  d. 
The  d.  of  the  son's  s.  of  my  son's  s 
My  great  grandchild's  grandchild. 

if  (f  ft  41 

My  gt.  grandson's  granddaughter. 
Great  great  great  grandchild. 

Great  grandson's  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  d.  d.  my. 


Gt.  grandson's  granddaughter. 
After  little  son's  little  d.    b  Niece. 
Great  great  great  granddaughter. 

"          "          "      grandchild. 

"         "         "      granddaughter. 


Fourth  granddaughter, 
tt  tt 

(t  ft 

Great  grandson's  granddaughter, 
tt  tt  ft 

<t  tt  it 

My  gt.  gt.  gt.  granddaughter. 

ft          ft          tt  tt 

Gt.  gt.  gt.  granddaughter  my. 
Daughter  of  g.  child  of  g.  child  my. 


23.  Great  grandson's  great  grandson. 


Translation. 


24.  Great  grandson's  g't  granddaughter. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
a 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  ibn  ibu  ibn  ibn  ibni. 
Ibn  ibn  ibn  ibn  ibn  ibni. 


Nateja  d'  natejee 

Voretees  voretein  v.  v.  v.  voretin. 

Mac  mic  mic  mic  mic  movie 

M'iar  iar  iar  iar  ogha 

Mac  vac  vac  vac  vao  my  vac 

Fy  ororororwyr 


Baruebams  barnebarns  barnebarn 
Sonar  sonar  sonar  s.  a.  sonr  minn 
Sonson  sousou  sonson 


Great  grandson's  great  grandson... 
Achter  klein  zoons  a.  k.  z.  b  Neef 
Groot  groot  groot  groot  groot  zoon 

Kinds  kinds  kinds  kinder 

Ururururenkel 

Grossenkels  grosseukel 


Cninto  Nieto 

Cuiuto  Neto , 

Quinto  Nipote 

Trinepos 

Hektos  Apogonos  . 
Triseggonos 


Moj  praprapraprawnuk . 
MQj  praprapraprawnuk . 
Preprepreprevnuk  mi.... 


Torneh  tSrneh  tBrneh  mun  . 


Son  of  son  of  s.  of  s.  of  s.  of  s.  my. 


Great  grandson  of  great  grandson  my. 

Son's  son's  son's  sou's  son's  son. 

The  son's  son  of  s.  of  s.  of  s.  of  my  s. 

My  great  grandchild's  great  grandchild, 
tt        tt  tt  tt  tt 

My  great  grandson's  great  grandson. 


Great  grandchild's  great  grandchild. 
Sou's  sou's  son's  sou's  son's  son  my. 


Great  grandson's  great  grandson. 

"      grandson's  neph. 
Great  great  great  great  grandson. 

"  "  "      grandchild. 

Great  great  great  great  grandson. 
Great  grandson's  great  grandson. 

Fifth  grandson, 
tt  » 

it  tt 

Great  grandson's  great  grandson. 
it  it  tf          ti 

ft  ft  it  it 

My  great  great  great  great  grandson." 
ft         ft         tt       it        tt  tt 

Great  great  great  great  grandson  my. 
Grandchild  of  grandchild  of  g.  c.  my. 


Bint  bint  bint  bint  bint  binti.... 


D.  of  d.  of  d.  of  d.  of  d.  of  d.  my. 


Natejta  d'  natejee Great  granddaughter  of  g.  grandson, 

Toostris  toostrin  t.  t.  t.  toostra..     Daughter  d.  d.  d.  d.  daughter. 


Ineean  mic  mic  mic  mic  mo  vie 

M'iar  iar  iar  iar  ogha 

Inueen  in.  in.  in.  in.  my  in 

Fy  ororororwyres 


[barn. 

Barnebarns   tnrnebarns   barue- 

Dottnr  d.  d.  d.  d.  dottir  rnin.... 

Dotter'  dotter's  dotter's  dotter's 

[dotter  dotter. 

G't  granddau's  g't  granddanglit. 
A.  k.  zoons  a.  k.  dochter.  b  Nicht 
Groote  g.  g.  g.  groote  dochter.... 

Kinks  kinds  kinds  kinder 

Ururururenkelinn 

Grossenkelins  grossenkelin 


Cninta  nieta... 
Cuinta  neta  — 
Quinta  Nipote. 

Trineptis 

Hehte  eggone.. 
Triseggone 


Moja  praprapraprnwrmrzka 

Ma  praprapraprawnuk  a 

Preprepreprevnuka  mi 


Torneh  tSrneh  torneh  mun. 


The  d.  of  son's  s.  of  s.  s.  of  my  s. 

My  gt.  grandchild's  gt.  grandchild, 

ti     it  it  it  tt 

My  gt.  grandson's  gt.  granddaugh. 


Gt.  grandchild's  gt.  grandchild. 

Daughter's  d.  d.  d.  d.  daughter  my. 
tt         tt         tt  tt 

Gt.  grandson's  gt.  granddaughter. 

"         "  "  "         niece. 

Gt.  gt.  gt.  gt.  granddaughter. 

"         "     "       grandchild. 

"         "     "       granddaughter. 
Gt.  granddaughter's  gt.  gd.  daugh. 

Fifth  granddaughter. 
1 1  ti 

tt  it 

Gt.  grandson's  gt.  granddaughter, 
u  ti  it  it 

tt  ft  ti  u 

My  gt.  gt.  gt.  gt.  granddaughter, 
tt         it          tt  it 

Gt.  gt.  gt.  gt.  granddaughter  my. 
Grandchild  of  g.  c.  of  g.  o.  my. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


85 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

25.  Elder  brother. 

Translation. 

26.  Younger  brother. 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Brother  my  older  than  me. 
Brother  my  the  greatest. 
Brother  my  great  from  me. 
Brother  my  the  greater. 
My  hrother. 
My  brother  the  eldest, 
tt         (t             u 

ti         it             ft 

ft               If                      ft 

Brother  elder. 

Elder  brother. 
tt          it 
tt          a 
tt          it 

tt          tt 

tt          tt 
it          tt 
tt          tt 
u          u 
tt            u 

My  elder  brother. 

Brother  the  elder. 
Elder  brother. 

My  elder  brother. 

K                ft                       tt 

Brother. 
Elder  brother. 
My  elder  brother. 
Brother  my.     b  Womb  companion. 
Brother  my  the  elder. 
Elder  brother  my. 
My  old  brother. 
Elder  brother  my. 

Brother  my  younger  than  me. 
Brother  my  the  smallest. 
Brother  my  small  from  me. 
Brother  my  the  younger. 
My  hrother. 
My  brother  the  younger. 

(f                It                        U 
tt               (f                      U 

ft          tt               (( 

Younger  brother. 

tt             tt 
t<             it 
tt             tt 

tt             u 
tt             tt 
tt             tt 
t<             <t 
it             tf 
tt             tt 
My  younger  brother. 

Brother  the  younger. 
Younger  brother. 
A  little  brother. 

My  younger  brother. 
tt         ff             tt 

Brother. 
Younger  brother. 
My  younger  brother. 
Brother  my.     b  Womb  companion. 
Brother  my  the  younger. 
Younger  brother  my. 
My  young  brother. 
Rounger  brother  my. 

Akhi  il  akbar                           

Bradar  buzurk    ..              

Oldre  broder  

Audste  broeder  

Mon  aim:  

Brat  

Brat 

Bave.    b  Nane  

Moi  starshi  brat  

Bra  mua  e  tnSzun  

Batyam  

Minu  vanem  vend  

Vau  herupl  veljeuT  

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

27.    Elder  sister. 

Translation. 

28.  Younger  sister. 

Translation. 

Sister  my  older  than  me. 
Sister  my  the  greatest. 
Sister  my  great  from  me. 
Sister  my  the  greater. 
My  sister. 

My  sister  the  eldest. 

it       tt        tt         <t 

ti       tt        n         it 

My  sister  the  elder. 
Sister  elder. 

Elder  sister, 
tt         tt 
tt         it 
tt         it 

tt         tt 

it         tt 
it         it 
<t         <t 
tt         tt 
tt         t< 

My  elder  sister. 

Sister  the  elder. 
Elder  sister. 

My  elder  sister, 
tt       tt         tt 

Sister. 
Elder  sister. 
My  elder  sister. 
Sister  my.     b  Girl  womb  companion. 
Sister  my  the  elder. 
Elder  sister  my. 
My  elder  sister. 
Elder  sister  my. 

Sister  my  younger  than  me. 
Sister  my  the  smallest. 
Sister  my  small  from  me. 
Sister  my  the  small. 

My  sister. 

My  sister  the  younger. 

f<       it        tt        tt 
ft      ft        tt        tt 
tt      tt        ft        u 

Younger  sister. 
t<           it 

tt          ft 
ft          tt 

tt          tt 
tt          (t 
tf          it 
tt          tt 
tt          it 
tt           tf 
My  younger  sister. 

Sister  the  younger. 
Younger  sister. 

My  younger  sister, 
tt        it            tt 

Sister. 
Younger  sister. 
My  yoxinger  sister. 
Sister  my.      b  Girl  womb  companion. 
Sister  my  the  younger. 
Younger  sister  my. 
My  young  sister. 
Younger  sister  my. 

Akhti  il  kubra  

ft  Khothi  hakkitanna  mtmm&nni.. 
Khatee  Siirta 

a  Khothi  hagg'dhol.i  mluiraennl... 

Kooere  

Mo  yrilfur  as  shune  ...."  

Mo  plriuthar  as  sinne......  

My  shuyr  shinnay  

Fy  chwaer  henaf.  

Hahiir  buzurk  

Agrajri  

Uldre  stister  

Eldri  systir  

Aldre  syster  

Elder  sister  

Auiiste  zuster  

Vredste  sister  

Oelste  sister  

Aeltere  schwester  

Mon  ainfie  

Ma  cadette      b  Puinee 

Sorella  maggoire  

Soror  Major  

Moja  starsza  siostra  

Ma  starsa  sestra  

Sestra  

Kaka  

Kus  kiirndarih-um  

Khooshkeh  inun  eh  puchook  

Nenein  

86 


SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

29.  Brothers." 

Translation. 

30.  Sisters. 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3li 
37 
38 
39 

Brothers  my. 

tf                      (( 

It            tt 
11            tt 

u              ti 

My  brothers. 

ft        (« 

u          tt 
tt          tt 

Brothers. 

ii 

« 
Brothers  my. 

Brothers. 
u 
ti 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
ti 

My  brothers. 
Brothers. 
My  brothers. 

Brothers, 
it 

M 

tt 

My  brothers. 
n        ti 
tt        tt 

Brothers  my. 
it          a 

My  brothers. 
Brothers  my. 

((                      U 

Sons  of  my  father. 
My  brothers. 
Brothers  iny. 

Ahwati  

Sisters  my. 
«t       it 
«       ti 
tt       tc 
ti       it 

My  sisters. 
it       K 

*f       (t 
n       u 

Sisters, 
tt 
u 
Sisters  my. 
Sisters. 

H 
U 

tt 
tf 
ft 
If 
ft 

My  sisters. 
Sisters. 
My  sisters. 

Sisters, 
tt 

tt 
it 

My  sisters, 
tt         tt 

tt        tt 

Sisters  my. 
tt         ft 

My  sisters. 

sisters  my. 
tt         tt 

Daughters  of  my  father  sisters. 
My  sisters. 
Sisters  my. 

•\kwiti 

Akhawati  

^khai                                  

Mo  pbethrichean  

Haharaiii  

Bhratarah  

Swasarah.     b  Bhaginyah  

Systur  minar  

systrar  

Swusters  

Sisters  

Briider  

Fratelli  

Sorelle  

Adulphoi  

MS.no  brolei  

Moje  siostry  . 

Moje  sestry  ... 

Bratia  mi  

Sestri  mi  

Bratie  mi  

Moi  bratja.     b  Bratia  

Karndashlar  uin  

Brungeh  unun  

Atyam  fijai.     b  Testvreim  

Minu  vennad  

Weljeni  

SI.  Brother.     (Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

32.  Brother's  son.     (Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
C 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
2!) 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Akhi  

Brother  my. 

«           u 
«          (( 
tt          tt 
tt            tt 

My  brother. 
(t        tt 
tt        u 
tt        tt 
Brother. 

M 

tt 

Brother  my. 

Brother. 

tt 

H 
tf 
M 
tf 
tl 
it 

My  brother. 

Brother. 

tt 

• 

H 
H 

tt 
tt 

My  brother. 

U                tt 

Brother  my. 
tt        it 

My  brother. 

Brother  my. 
Brother  elder.     b  Younger, 
My  brother. 
Brother  my. 

Ibn  akhi 

Son  of  brother  my. 

tf     tt         tt         tt 

tt     tt         tt         tt 
tt     tt         tt         tt 
Brother's  son  my. 
Son  of  my  brother. 
ft       tt             tt 
<t       tf             tt 

My  nephew. 
Son  of  brother. 

Brother's  son. 
tt           tt 

Brother's  son  my. 
Brother's  son. 
Nephew. 
Nephew 
Nephew  or  grandson. 
Nephew. 
Brother's  son. 

Nephew, 
tf 

tt 

My  nephew. 
Nephew. 
Nephew.     b  Grandchild. 
Son  of  a  brother. 
Nephew. 

Brother's  son. 

My  nephew, 
tt          tt 

Nephew  my. 
Nephew. 
My  nephew. 
Nephew  my. 
Son  of  brother  my. 
Little  younger  brother  my. 
My  brother's  son. 
Brother's  son.     b  Nephew. 

Akhi  

Ibn  akhi 

Akhi  

B<§n  akhi 

Akhonee  

Yakepire  

Mo  yrihair  

M"      ^      H    'Is610    

Mo  bhrathair  

My  braar  

Fy  mrawd  

Fy  Na'i 

Bradar  

Poosari  bradar 

Bratar.     b  Sodare  

Broiler  

Brodir  in  inn  

Broiler  

Bro.ior.     b  Brothor  

Nefa 

Brother  

Breeder  

Neef 

Breeder  

Nev6 

Brohr  

Brader  

Neffe 

Bruder  

Neffe 

Mon  frt>re  

Ilermano  

«  ,    ,                        

I  mi.  -i  no  

„  .    .    .  

Kratello  

Prater  

Adelphos.     b  Kasignetos.     Kasis  ? 
Adelphos  

Adelphidous.     b  Kasignetos  'adel- 

Brolis  

Muj  bratr  

Brat  mi  

Hrat   mi  

Moi  brat  

Bra  mnn  

Yeyen  Im  

Batyam.     "  Ocsera  

Kis  ocsem  

Veljeni  

Minu  venna  poeg  

OP    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


87 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

33.  Brother's  eon's  wife.    (Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

34.  Brother's  daughter.   (Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
38 
37 
38 
39 

Wife  of  son  of  brother  my. 

K         i<           it                it 

if        it           it                it 
Daughter-in-law  of  my  brother. 
Brother's  son's  wife  my. 

Wife  of  the  son  of  my  brother, 
if         fi          it       ft             tt 
it         tt          tt       ft             tt 

My  niece. 
Wife  of  son  of  brother. 

Brother's  son's  wife. 
Wife  of  brother's  son  my. 
Brother's  sou's  wife. 

Niece. 
tt 
tt 

Brother's  son's  wife. 
Niece. 
Wife  of  nephew. 
My  niece. 
Niece  (by  courtesy). 
Niece  by  affinity. 
Acquired  niece. 
Wife  of  the  son  of  a  brother. 
Wife  of  nephew. 

My  niece-in-law. 

tt         ti     tt     it 

My  called  niece. 
Nephew's  my  wife. 
Daughter-in-law  of  brother  my. 

My  brother's  son's  wife. 
Nephew's  wife. 

Bint  akhi  

Daughter  of  brother  my. 

t.           tf         tt          tt 

tt          it         tt          it 
tf          ft         tt          tt 
Brother's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  my  brother. 

tt                        ft         '               II 

tf               ft               tt 

My  niece. 
Daughter  of  brother. 
Brother's  daughter. 

Brother's  daughter  my. 
Brother's  daughter. 
Niece. 
Niece.     b  Brother's  daughter. 
Niece's  granddaughter. 
Niece. 
Brother's  daughter. 

Niece, 
tt 

My  niece. 

Niece, 
ti 

Niece.     b  Grandchild. 
Daughter  of  a  brother. 

Niece, 
it 

My  niece. 

ti       tt 

Niece  my. 
Niece. 
My  niece. 
Niece  my. 
Daughter  of  brother  my. 
Little  younger  sister  my. 
My  brother's  daughter. 
Brother's  daughter. 

Bint  akhi  

Eshgth  bSn  ukhl   

Bath  ikhi  

Bratad'akhBuee  

Dukhtiiri  bradar  

Nicht  

Nicht  

NichtS  

Nichte  

Nichte                  

Nichte                

Fratris  filii  uxor  

Bratanitza.     b  Bratoochoctka  

Yey5num  kariisu  

Nepaan  vaimo  

Veljen  tytar  

35.  Brother's  daughter's  husband. 
(Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

36.  Brother's  prandson. 
(Male  »-peakicjr.) 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
]2 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Zoj  bint  akhi  

Husband  of  daughter  of  brother  my. 
it          ft         tt          tt         it         tt 
tt          tt         tt          tt         tt         tt 

Son-in-law  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  daughter's  husband. 
Husband  of  daughter  of  my  brother. 
Brother's  daughter's  husband. 
Husband  of  daughter  of  my  brother. 
My  nephew. 
Husband  of  daughter  of  brother. 

Brother's  daughter's  husband. 
Husband  of  brother's  daughter  my. 
Brother's  daughter's  husband. 

Nephew. 
tt 
ff 

Brother's  daughter's  husband. 
Nephew. 
Husband  of  niece. 
My  nephew. 
Nephew  by  courtesy. 
NephHW  by  affinity. 
Acquired  nephew. 
Husband  of  a  daughter  of  a  brother. 
Husband  of  a  niece. 

My  nephew-iii-law. 

ti         tt               tt 

My  called  nephew. 
Niece's  my  husband. 
Son-in-law  of  brother  my. 

My  brother's  daughter's  husband. 
Brother's  daughter's  husband. 

Ibn  ibn  akhi  

Son  of  son  of  brother  my. 
it           tt              it          it 

Grandson  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  sou's  son. 
Son's  sou  of  my  brother. 
Brother's  grandchild. 
Son  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Grandson  of  my  brother. 
Grandchild  of  brother. 
Brother's  grandson. 
Brother's  grandchild. 
Son's  son  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  son's  son. 

Great  nephew.    Brother's  grandson. 
Brother's  grandson,  nephew. 
Great  nephew. 
Brother's  child's  child. 
Great  nephew. 
Brother's  grandson. 
My  little  nephew. 
My  grandson. 
Nephew's  grandson. 
Great  nephew.     Great  grandson. 
Grandson  of  a  brother, 
tt             ii         tt 
tt             tt         it 

My  nephew's  son. 

Little  grandson  my. 
My  nephew's  grandson. 
Brother's  my  grandchild. 
Grandchild  of  brother  my. 

My  brother's  son's  son. 
Nephew's  my  son. 

Zauj  bint  akhi  

Ish  bath  akhi  

Gora  d'brata  d'AkhSnee  

Yakeporus  toosttin  arega  

Far  ineeni  mo  drihar  

Fear  pOsda  nglien  brathair  

Sheshey  iuneeu  my  braar  

Fy  nai  

Shohiiri  dukhtiiri  bradar  

Broder  datter's  husbond."-  

Madr  brodur  dottur  minn  

Brorsdotters  man  

Neef.  

NevS  

Groot  Nev6 

Broh  rs  dochters  man  

Neffe  

Gatte  der  nichte  

Mon  neveu  

Sobrino  politico  

Sobrinho  por  affiuidade  

Aquistata  nipote  

Fratris  filiae  vir  

Adelphou  eggonos.  b  Anepsiadous? 

Moj  synowice  

Muj  sestrin  

Shena  moega  pljemiannik  

Moi  vnutchatuyi  pljemianuik  

Y6yenum  kojiisu  

Minu  vennii  tutiir  mees...  . 

Veljen  tyttareu  mies  

88 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

37.  Brother's  granddaughter. 
(Mule  speakiug.) 

Translation. 

38.  Brother's  great  grandson. 
(Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Bint  ibn  akhi 

Daughter  of  sou  of  brother  my. 
tt            tt                it          tt 

Granddaughter  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  daughter's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Brother's  granddaughter. 
Daughter  of  daughter  of  my  brother. 
Granddaughter  of  my  brother. 
Grandchild  of  brother. 
Brother's  granddaughter. 
Brother's  grandchild. 
Daughter's  daughter  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  daughter's  daughter. 

Great  niece,  brother's  granddaughter. 
Brother's  granddaughter,  niece. 
Great  niece. 
Brother's  child's  child. 
Daughter  of  my  niece. 
Brother's  granddaughter. 
My  little  niece. 
My  granddaughter. 
Nephew's  granddaughter. 
Great  niece.     Great  granddaughter. 
Grauddaughter  of  a  brother. 

It                               11                 tt 
tt  '                         11              tt 

My  nephew's  daughter. 

Little  granddaughter  my. 
My  niece  granddaughter. 
Brother's  my  grandchild. 
Grandchild  of  brother  my. 

My  brother's  son's  daughter. 
Nephew's  my  daughter. 

Ibn  ibn  ihn  akhi  

Sou  of  son  of  son  of  brother  my. 
it           tt           tt               tt          tt 

Great  grandchild  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  son's  son's  son. 
Sou  of  the  son  of  the  son  of  my  b'ther. 
Brother's  great  grandchild. 
Son  of  son  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Great  grandson  of  my  brother. 
Great  grandchild  of  brother. 

Brother's  great  grandchild. 
Sou's  son's  son  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  son's  son's  sou. 

Brother's  great  grandson. 
Brother's  great  grandson.    b  Nephew. 
Great  great  nephew. 
Brother's  child's  child's  child. 
Great  great  nephew. 
Brother's  great  grandson. 
My  great  little  nephew. 
My  grandson. 

Great  nephew. 

Great  grandson  of  a  brother, 
(t             tt            tt         tt 
tt             tt            tt         tt 

My  nephew's  grandson. 

Little  great  grandson  my. 
My  nephew  great  grandson. 
Brother's  my  great  grandchild. 
Son  of  grandchild  of  brother  iny. 

My  brother's  son's  son's  son. 
Nephew's  my  grandson. 

Ibn  ibu  ibn  akhi  

Niiwigata  d'akhfinee 

Nateja  d'akh5nee  

Yakeporus  voretein  v.  voretin  

Mac  mac  mac  my  braar  

Orwyr  fy  mrawd  

Navadar  bradar 

Niitijar  bradar  

Broders  barnebams  barn  

Sonar  sonar  sour  brodur  minn  .. 

Great  great  nephew  

Breeder's  kleiu  dochter.     b  Nicht. 

Breeders  achter  klein  zoon.    b  Neef 

Fratris  neptis  

Adelphou  Huione.    b  Anepsiades  ? 

Mai  vnooka  mi  

Moja  vnutchatnajapljemiannitza.. 

Moi  pravnntchatnyi  pljemannik.. 
Karndashmun  toriinum  torunu.... 

39.  Brother's  great  granddaughter. 
(Male  bpeaking.) 

Translation. 

40.  Sister. 
(Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
2'J 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3,i 
37 
38 
39 

Bint  bint  bint  akhi  

Daughter  of  d.  of  d.  of  brother  my. 
tt            it        it              tt          tt 

Great  granddaughter  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  daught.  danght.  daught. 
Daughter  of  son  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Brother's  great  grandchild. 
Daughter  of  sou  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Great  granddaughter  of  my  brother. 
Great  grandchild  of  brother. 

Brother's  great  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  sou's  sou's  daughter. 

Brother's  great  granddaughter. 
Brother's  gt.  granddaught.     b  Niece. 
Great  great  niece. 
Brother's  child's  child's  child. 
Great  great  niece. 
Brother's  great  granddaughter. 
My  great  little  niece. 
My  granddaughter. 

Great  niece. 

Great  granddaughter  of  a  brother. 
<t                u    "            tt        tt 
•tt                tt                it        it 

My  nephew's  granddaughter. 

Little  great  granddaughter  my. 
My  niece  great  granddaughter. 
Brother's  my  great  grandchild. 
Daughter  of  g.  d.  of  brother  my. 

My  brother's  son's  Ron's  daughter. 
Nephew's  my  son's  daughter. 

Akhti 

Sister  my. 

n       ti 

tt       it 
tt       it 

My  sister. 
tt       tt 
tt      tt 
it      tt 
tt       it 

Sister. 

H 

it 

Sister  my 
Sister. 

M 

M 
a 
tt 
ft 
tt 

My  sister. 

Sister. 
t( 

i 
i 
i 
i 

( 

My  sister. 

it       it 

Sister  iny. 
tt       u 

My  sister. 

Sister  my. 
Sister  elder.     b  Younger. 
My  sister. 
Sister  my. 

Bint  bint  bint  akhi  

Ikhti  

Natijta  d'akhSnee  

a  Khothi  

Khiitee 

Yakeporus  toostrin  t.  toostra  

Jneean  raic  mio  modrihar  

lar  lar  oglia  brathar  

Ineen  mac  mac  my  braar  

Orwyres  fy  mrawd  

Hahar 

Broders  barnebams  barn  

Svasar.     b  Jami.     c  Bhagini  

Dottur  dotturdottir  brodir  ruimi.. 
Brorsons  sons  dotter  

Systur  minn  

Syster  

Great  great  niece  

Sister 

Broedersachterkleindoch.  b  Nicht 
Groote  groote  nichte  

Zuster  

Sister  

Brohrs  kinds  kinds  kind  

Sister 

Urgross  nichte  

Bruders  grossenkelin  

Mon  arriere-petite  fille  

Sobrina  

Pronipote  

Sorella 

Fratris  proneptia  

Adelphou  apogone  trite  

Adelphe.     b  Kasignete.     c  Kase  ?.. 

Adelphou  preggone  

Moja  wnuozka  synowca  

Mai  prevnooka  mi  [nitza 

Muj  Sestra  

Sestra  mi  

Moja    pravnntchatnaja   pljemian- 
Karndashmun  torunum  torfum  
Keezii  t&rueh  briirnun  

Minti  rennii  poeg  poeg  tutiir  

Nenem.     b  Hugoia  

Minu  odde  

NVpaan  polan  tytar  

OF   THE    II  UMAX    FAMILY. 


89 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

41.  Sister's  son.     (Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

42.  Sister's  eon's  wife.     (Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

lira  akhti    

Son  of  sister  my 
ti       n           it 
n      tt           tt 
Son  of  sister  my.     b  Nephew. 
Son  of  sister  my. 
Sou  of  my  sister, 
it       «           a 
tt      tt           tt 

My  nephew. 
Son  of  sister. 

Sister's  son. 
tt          tt 

Sister's  sou  my. 
Sister's  son. 

Nephew.     b  Sister's  son. 
tt              tt          tt 

Nephew.     b  Grandson. 
Nephew. 
Sister's  son. 

Nephew, 
tt 

My  nephew. 

Nephew, 
it 

Nephew.    b  Grandchild. 
Son  of  a  sister. 

Nephew. 

tt 

My  nephew. 

it        it 

Nephew  my. 

it        tt 

My  nephew. 

nephew  my. 

ii         tt 

Little  younger  brother. 
My  sister's  son. 
Sister's  my  son,  nephew. 

Wife  of  sou  of  sister  my. 
ft         tt           tt         it 
tt        tt          tt          tt 

Daughter-in-law  of  my  sister. 
Wife  of  son  of  sister  my. 

Wife  of  son  of  my  sister, 
ft        tt         ti        tt 

tt        tt        it        it 

My  niece. 
Wife  of  son  of  sister. 
Sister's  son'a  wife. 

Wife  of  sister's  son  my. 
Sister's  son's  wife. 

Niece, 
ft 
tt 

Sister's  son's  wife. 
Niece. 
Wife  of  nephew. 
My  niece. 
My  niece  (by  courtesy). 
Niece  by  affinity. 
Acquired  niece. 

Wife  of  a  son  of  a  sister. 
it         it        tt            it 

My  niece-in-law. 

tt              tt 

Wife  of  my  nephew. 
Nephew's  my  wife. 
Daughter-in-law,  nephew  my. 

My  sister's  son  husband. 
Nephew's  my  wife. 

Ben.     '  Khothi  

Esheth  b6n      •  Kothi 

Bruna  d'khiitee.     b  Khwiirza  

Calta  d'khiitee 

Niece  .,      . 

Neef.  

Nicht 

Nichte 

Neffe  

Nichte 

Neffe  

Sobriiio  

Ailelphidous.    b  Kasignetos.    °  An- 

Yfiy&n-mi  

SidiLren  poTka.     b  Nepaa  

43.  Sister's  daughter. 
(Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

44.  Sister's  daughter's  husband. 
(Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Bint  iikhti  

Daughter  of  sister  my. 
it             tt          ti 
tt             it          it 

Daughter  of  sister  my.     b  Niece. 
Sister's  daughter. 

Daughter  of  my  sister, 
it            tt          it 

tt            tt          tt 

My  niece. 
Daughter  of  sister. 
Sister's  daughter. 
it            tt 

Sister's  daughter  my. 
Sister's  daughter. 
Niece. 
Niece,  sister's  daughter. 
Niece.     b  Granddaughter. 
Niece. 
Sister's  daughter. 

Niece, 
tt 

My  niece. 

tt      tt 

Niece. 
Niece  or  grandchild. 
Daughter  of  a  sister. 
Niece, 
ft 

My  niece, 
tt       ti 

Niece  my. 
it       it 

My  niece. 
Niece  my." 
it       it 

Little  younger  sister  my. 
My  sister's  daughter. 
Sister's  my  daughter. 

Zoj  bint  akhti 

Husband  of  daughter  of  sister  my. 
ft            tt              it              it 
ft            tt              tt              tt 
Son-in-law  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  daughter's  husband. 
Husband  of  the  daught.  of  ray  sister. 

Husband  of  daughter  of  my  sister, 
tt             tt                tt           it 

My  nephew. 
Husband  of  daughter  of  sister. 

Sister's  daughter's  husband. 
Husband  of  sister's  daughter  my. 
Sister's  daughter's  husband. 

Nephew, 
it 
it 

Sister's  daughter's  husband. 
Nephew. 
Husband  of  niece. 
My  nephew. 
My  nephew  (by  courtesy). 
Nephew  by  affinity. 
Acquired  nephew. 
Husband  of  a  daughter  of  a  sister. 
Husband  of  a  niece. 

Uy  nephew-in-law. 

ti         it         tt 

Bint  ikhti  

Bath      a  Khothi  

Ish  bath      a  Khothi 

Dukhtiiri   hahlir     

Shohari  dukhtari  hahar    

Svasriya  

Nicht  

Neef 

Nichte    

Nev6 

Nichte  

Neffe 

Nichte  

Sororis  filia  

Ailelphide.   b  Kasignete.  °  Anepsie 

Moja  siostrzenica  

Piece's  my  husband. 

Hy  sister's  daughter's  husband. 
Sister's  my  daughter's  husband. 

oiabcr,  18CO. 


90 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
2{ 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
3* 
39 

43.  Sifter's  prnndson. 
(Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

4t>.   Sister's  great  grandson. 
(Male  speaking.) 

Translation. 

Sou  of  son  of  sister  my. 

u              u                it           " 

Grandson  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  son's  son. 
Son  of  the  son  of  my  sister 
Grandson  of  my  sister. 
Son  of  son  of  my  sister. 
Grandson  of  my  sister. 
Grandchild  of  sister. 
Sister's  grandson. 
Sister's  grandchild. 
Son's  son  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  sou's  son. 

Grand  nephew.     Sister's  grandson. 
Sister's  grandson.     b  Nephew. 
Great  nephew. 
Sister's  child's  child. 
Great  nephew.     b  Sister's  grandson. 
Sister's  grandson. 
My  little  nephew. 

Nephew's  grandson. 
Great  nephew. 

Graudsou  of  a  sister, 
it             n         n 
it             tt         (t 

My  nephew-son. 

Little  grandson  my. 
My  nephew  grandson. 
Sister's  my  grandchild. 
Son  of  nephew  my. 

My  sister's  son's  sou. 
Sister's  my  son's  sou. 

Ibn  ibn  ibn  iikhti  

Son  of  sou  of  son  of  sister  my. 

tt           it           it             tt       tt 

Great  grandson  of  sister  my. 
Son  of  son  of  son  of  sister  my. 
Son  of  the  son  of  the  sou  of  a  sister. 
Great  grandson  of  my  sister. 
Son  of  son  of  son  of  niy  sister. 
Great  grandson  of  my  sister. 
Great  grandchild  of  sister. 

Sister's  great  grandchild. 
Son's  sou's  son  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  sou's  sou's  son. 

G't  grandueph.     Sister's  g'tg'dson. 
Sister's  great  grandson.     b  Nephew. 
Great  great  nephew. 
Sister's  child's  child's  child. 
Great  great  nephew. 
Sister's  great  grandson. 
My  great  little  nephew. 

Great  nephew. 
Great  grandson  of  a  sister. 

tt           tt             tt         t. 

it           tt             tt         ti 
My  nephew-grandson. 

Little  great  grandson  my. 
My  nephew-great  grandson. 
Sister's  iny  grandchild. 
Son  of  nephew  my. 

My  sister's  son's  son's  son. 
Sister's  my  son's  son's  son. 

Ibn  ibn  ibuikhti  

Natija  d'khatee  

Crochus  voretein  v.  vorettn  

Mac  inic  mic  mo  driffer  

lar  ogha  pethar  

Mac  mac  mac  my  shuyr  

Orwyr  fy  chwaer  

Natijar  hahai  

Siisters  barnebarns  barn  

a»rnap 

St.nar  sonar  sour  systur  uiinn  

tiyster's  son's  sonson  

Great  grand  nephew  

Zuster's  achter  klein  zoou.    b  Neef 
Uroot  groot  neve  

Sister's  kinds  kinds  kind  

Gross  neffe.     b  Schwester  enkel... 

Adelphea.     b  Eggonos.    c  Anepsia- 

Mai  prevnook  mi  

Moi  vnutchatnyi  pljeraiannik  

Moi  prevmitchatuyi  pljemiannik.. 

h  kl                  1 

Minu  odde  poeg  poeg  poeg  

Sisareu  potan  polau  polka  

47.  Sister's  great  granddaughter. 
(Male  bpeakiog.) 

Translation. 

48.  Brother. 
(Female  speaking.) 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
96 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
30 
37 
38 
39 

D.  of  d.  of  d.  of  sister  my. 
u           a           t(           tt           u 

Great  granddaughter  of  sister  my. 
Dan.  of  dau.  of  dau.  of  sister  my. 
Dau.  of  the  son  of  the  sou  of  my  sist. 
Great  grandchild  of  my  sister. 
Daughter  of  son  of  son  of  my  sister. 
Great  granddaughter  of  my  sister. 
Great  grandchild  of  sister. 

Sister's  great  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  daughter's  daught.  daught. 

Gt.  grandniece,  sister's  gt,  granddau. 
Sister's  great  granddaughter.     Niece. 

Akhi  

Brother  my. 

tt           tt 

it           n 
ft           ft 

My  brother. 

tt         tt 

tt         tt 
tt         tt 

Brother, 
tt 

ft 

Brother  my. 
Brother. 

My  brother. 
Brother. 
My  brother, 
tt 

Brother. 

tt 

tt» 
tt 

My  brother. 

tt         tt 

Brother  my. 

tt           tt 

My  brother. 
Brother  my. 
Brother  my. 
Brother  elder.     b  Younger. 
My  brother. 
Brother  my. 

Akhi                                          

Natijta  d'khatee 

Natiiai  hahar 

Bradiir  

Bratar.     b  Sodare  

Dottur  dottur  dottir  systurminn.. 

Zuster's  achter  kleiu  dochter.     b 

Sister's  child's  child's  child.  b  Neph. 
Great  great  niece. 
Sister's  great  granddaughter. 
My  great  little  daughter. 

Great  niece. 
Great  granddaughter  of  a  sister. 

«                    it                       it              u 
«                     «                       ft              it 

My  nephew-granddaughter. 

Little  great  granddaughter  my. 
My  niece  great  granddaughter. 
Sister's  my  great  grandchild. 
Grandchild  of  nephew  my. 

My  sister's  son's  son's  daughter. 
Sister's  niy  sou's  son's  daughter. 

Brohr                

Adelphos.    b  Kasignetos.    c  Kasis  ? 

Biolis          

M<>j  brat 

Moja     prevnuLchatnaja    p'jemian- 

V.'lifni 

OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


91 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

49.   Brother's  son. 
(Female  speaking.) 

Trauslation. 

50.   Brother's  son's  wife. 
(Female  speaking.) 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 

4 

5 

6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
10 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3i) 
37 
38 
39 

Ibn  akhti  

Son  of  brother  my. 

(t                        if                    U 

a                a              tt 
n                it             a 
Brother's  son. 
Son  of  my  brother. 
it         it             U 
n         it             a 

My  nephew. 
Son  of  brother. 
Brother's  son. 

it                       It 

Brother's  son  my. 
Brother's  son. 
Nephew. 
Nephew.    Brother's  son. 
Nephew  and  grandson. 
Nephew. 
Brother's  son. 

Nephew. 

tt 

My  nephew. 
Nephew. 
My  nephew. 
Nephew.    b  Grandchild. 
Son  of  a  brother. 

Nephew, 
n 

Brother's  son. 

My  nephew. 

(t         (t 

Nephew  my. 
Nephew. 
My  nephew. 
Nephew  my. 
Son  of  brother  my. 
Little  younger  brother  my. 
My  brother's  son. 
Brother's  son.     b  Nephew. 

Wife  of  son  of  brother  my. 

a         it         it       tt          ti 

n         ti         it       tt          tt 
it         it         tt       n          it 

Brother's  son's  wife. 

Wife  of  son  of  my  brother. 

it         it         u               tt 

if         it         it               tt 

My  niece. 
Wife  of  son  of  brother. 

Brother's  son's  wife. 
Wife  of  brother's  son  my. 
Brother's  sou's  wife. 

Niece, 
tt 
u 

Brother's  son's  wife. 
Niece. 
Wife  of  nephew. 
My  niece. 
My  niece  (by  courtesy). 
Niece  (by  affinity). 
Acquired  niece. 
Wife  of  a  son  of  a  brother. 
Wife  of  nephew. 

My  uiece-in-law. 
it            it 

Wife  of  my  nephew. 
Nephew,  my  wife. 
Daughter-in-law  of  brother  my. 

My  brother's  son'a  wife. 
Nephew's  my  wife. 

Ibn  akhi  

Ben  akhi   

Esheth  ben  akhi 

I  In  i  nil  d'iikhSnee  

Calta  d'akhSnee 

Fy  nith 

Nefa           

Neef  

Nicht  . 

Neve"  

Nichte  

Neffe  

Nichte   . 

Neffe     

Fratris  filius  

Fratris  filii  uxor... 

Adelphidous.     b  Kasignotes  

Muj  sestrenec  

Moj  pljemiannik  

Minu  vennii  poeg  

Veljen  polka.     b  Nepaa  

51.  Brother's  daughter. 
(Female  b  peaking.) 

Translation. 

52.  Brother's  daughter's  husband. 
(Female  speaking.) 

Translation. 

1 
n 

3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Bint  akhi  

Daughter  of  brother  my. 

ti                      11                   11                     U 
<f                      (1                   (1                      It 
It                      11                  11                     It 

Brother's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  my  brother. 

«t                        ft                        ft 

tt             tt             ft 
My  niece. 
Daughter  of  brother. 

Brother's  daughter, 
tt               tt 

Brother's  daughter  my. 
Brother's  daughter. 
Niece. 
Niece.     Brother's  daughter. 
Niece.     b  Granddaughter. 
Niece. 
Brother's  daughter. 

Niece, 
tt 

My  niece. 
Niece. 
My  niece. 
Niece.     b  Grandchild. 
Daughter  of  a  brother. 

Niece, 
tt 

My  niece. 

tt 

Niece  my. 
Niece. 
My  niece. 
Niece  my. 
Daughter  of  brother  my. 
Little  younger  sister  my. 
My  brother's  daughter. 
Brother's  my  daughter. 

Zuj  bint  akhi 

Husband  of  daughter  of  brother  my. 
tt          u         tt           it         it         u 

Husband  of  sister  of  brother  my. 
Son-in-law  of  my  brother. 
Brother's  daughter's  husband. 
Husband  of  daughter  of  my  brother. 
Son-in-law  of  my  brother. 
Husband  of  daughter  of  my  brother. 
My  nephew. 
Husband  of  daughter  of  brother. 

Brother's  daughter's  husband. 
Husband  of  brother's  daughter  my. 
Brother's  daughter's  husband. 

Nephew. 

it 

it 
Brother's  daughter's  husband. 
Nephew. 
Husband  of  niece. 
My  nephew. 
My  nephew  (by  courtesy). 
Nephew  by  affinity. 
Acquired  nephew. 
Husband  of  a  daughter  of  a  brother. 
Husband  of  a  niece. 

My  nephew-  in-law. 

tt                ti 

Husband  of  my  niece. 
Niece's  my  husband. 
Son-in-law  of  brother  my. 

My  brother's  daughter's  husband. 
Brother's  my  daughter's  ImsK'iihl. 

Bint  akhi  

Bath  akhi  

Ish  bath  akhi 

Briita  d'iikhonee  

Yiiheporus  toostra  

Ineean  mo  drihar  

Fy  nith  

Dukhtari  bradiir  

Shohari  dukhtari  bradiir 

Broderdatter  

Brodur  dottir  min  

Brorsdotter  

Nefane  

Niece  

Nicht  

Neef 

Nichte  

NevS 

Nichte  

Neffe 

Nichte  

Ma  niece  

Sobrinha  

Nipote  

Fratris  filia  

Adelphide.     b  Anepsia  

Moja  sio^trzenica  

Ma  sestrina  

Bratanitsa  mi  

Bratanitza.     b  Bratovchactka  

Yey&n-im  

Veljen  tytar  

92 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. — Continued. 


1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


53.  Brother's  grandson. 
(Female  speaking.) 


Ilm  ibn  akhi. 

Ilin  ibn  akhi. 


Nawiga  d'akhOnee 

Yakeporus  voretein  voretin. 

Mac  mic  mo  drihar 

Ogha  mo  brathar 

Mao  tnac  my  braar 

Wyr  fy  mrawd 

Navadai  bradar 

Bhratrnaptar 

Broders  barnebarn 

Sonar  sour  brodur  min 

Brorsons  son 


Great  nephew.     Cousin-nephew... 

Breeders  kleiu  zoon.     b  Nerf 

Groot  neve 

Brohrs  kinds  kind 

Gro.ss  neffe.     b  Bruders  enkel 

Bruders  enkel 

Mon  petit-ne  veu 

Sobrinho  neto 

Pronipote 

Fratris  nepos 

Adelphou  eggonos.  b  Anepsiadous  ? 
Adelphou  eggonos 


Moj  syn  synowca.. 


Mai  vnook  mi 

Moi  vnutchatnyi  pljemiannik 

Karndashmun  torii 

Tunieh  bra  man 


Minn  venna  tutar  poeg. 
Nepaan  polka 


Translation. 


Son  of  son  of  brother  my, 


Grandson  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  son's  son. 
Son  of  son  of  iny  brother. 
Grandchild  of  my  brother. 
Son  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Grandson  of  my  brother. 
Grandchild  of  brother. 
Brother's  grandson. 
Brother's  grandchild. 
Son's  son  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  son's  son. 

Great  nephew.     Brother's  grandson. 

Brother's  grandson.     b  Nephew. 

Great  nephew. 

Brother's  child's  child. 

Great  nephew.  b  Brother's  grandson. 

Brother's  grandson. 

My  Little  nephew. 

Nephew-grandson. 
Great  nephew. 
Grandson  of  a  brother. 


My  nephew's  son. 


Little  grandson  my. 
My  nephew-grandson. 
Brother's  my  grandchild. 
Grandchild  of  brother  my. 

My  brother's  daughter's  son. 
Nephew's  my  son. 


64.  Brother's  grainldiingliter. 
(Female  speaking.) 


Bint  ilin  akhi. 
Biiit  ibn  akhi. 


Nawigta  d'akhBnee 

Yakeporus  toodtrin  toostra. 

Ineean  mic  mo  drihar 

Ogha  mo  brathar 

Inneean  mac  braar 

Wyres  fy  mrawd 

Navadai  bradar 

Bliratrnaptri 

Broders  barnebarn 

Dottur  dottir  brodur  min... 
Brorsdotters  dotter 


Great  niece.     b  Cousin-niece 

Broders  klein  dochter.     b  Nicht... 

Groote  nichte 

Brohrs  kinds  kind 

Bruders  enkelinu 

Bruders  enkelin 

Ma  petite-fille 

Sobrinha  por  affinidade 

Pronipote  

Fratris  neptis 

Adelphou  huione.     b  Anepsiades  ? 
Adelphou  eggoue 


Moja  corka  syuowca. 


Mai  vnooka  mi 

Moja  vnutchatnaja  pljemiannitza 

Karndashmun   tori 

Tfiineh  bra,  rnuii 


Minn  venna  tutar  tutar. 
Nepaan  tylar 


Translation. 


Daughter  of  son  of  brother  my. 


Granddaughter  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  daughter's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Grandchild  of  my  brother. 
Daughter  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Granddaughter  of  my  brother. 
Grandchild  of  brother. 
Brother's  granddaughter. 
Brother's  grandchild. 
Daughter's  daughter  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  daughter's  daughter. 

Grandniece.     Brother's  granddaught. 

Brother's  granddaughter.     Niece. 

Great  niece. 

Brother's  child's  child. 

Brother's  granddaughter. 

it  u 

My  little  niece. 

Niece  by  affinity. 
Great  niece. 
Granddaughter  of  a  brother. 


My  nephew's  daughter. 


Little  granddaughter  my. 
My  niece  granddaughter. 
Brother's  my  grandchild. 
Grandchild  of  brother  my. 

My  brother's  daughter's  daughter. 
Nephew's  my  daughter. 


65.  Brother's  great  grandson. 
(Female  speaking.) 


Translation. 


56.  Brother's  great  granddaughter. 
(Female  speaking.) 


Translation. 


10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20. 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  akhi. 
Ibn  ibn  ibn  akhi. 


Natija  d'akhSnee 

Yakeporus  voretein  v.  voretin. 

Mac  mic  mic  mo  drihar 

lar  ogha  mo  brathar 

Mac  mac  mac  my  braar 

Orwyr  fy  mrawd 

Natijaiii  bradiir 


Broders  barnebarns  barn 

Sonar  sonar  sonr  brodur  min  , 
Brorsons  sonson 


Great  great  nephew..... 

Breeders  achter  klein  zoon. 

Groot  grootnevg 

Brohrs  kinds  kinds  kind.... 

Urgross  neffe 

Bruders  grossenkel 

Mon  arriere-petit-ueveu 


Neef. 


Pronipote 

Fratris  pronepos 

Adelphon  apogonos  tritos. 
Adelphou  proeggonos 


Moj  wnuk  synowca.. 


Mai  prevnook 

Moi  pravnutchnayi  jiljemiannik  . 
Karndashmun  tnnlnfuu  torfinfi... 
Laveh  torneh  bra  uiun 


Minn  venna  poep  poeg  poeg.. 
Nepaan  poTan  polka 


Son  of  son  of  son  of  brother  my. 


Great  grandson  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  son's  son's  sou. 
Sou  of  son  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Grandchild  of  my  brother. 
Son  of  son  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Great  grandson  of  my  brother. 
Great  grandchild  of  brother. 

Brother's  great  grandchild. 
Son's  son's  son  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  sou's  son's  sou. 

G't  g't  nephew,  bro.  g't  grandson. 
Brother's  g't  grandson.     b  Nephew. 
Great  great  nephew. 
Brother's  child's  child's  child. 
Great  great  nephew. 
Brother's  great  grandson. 
My  great  little  nephew. 


Great  nephew. 

Great  grandson  of  a  brother. 


My  nephew-grandson. 


Little  great  grandson. 
My  nephew-great  grandson. 
Brother's  my  great  grandchild. 
Son  of  grandchild  of  brother  my. 

My  brother's  son's  son's  son. 
Nephew's  my  son's  son. 


Bint  hint  bint  akhi. 
Bint  bint  bint  akhi. 


Natijta  d'akhSnee 

Yakeporus  toostrin  t.  too=tra 

Ineean  mic  mic  mo  drihar 

lar  ogha  mo  brathar 

Inneen  mac  mac  my  braar 

Orwyres  fy  mrawd 

Natijai  bradar 


Broders  barnebarns  barn 

Dottur  dottur  dottir  brodur  min. 
Brorsdotters  dotter  dotter 


Great  great  niece [Nuht 

Breeders  achter  klein  dochter.     b 

Groote  groote  nichte 

Brohrs  kinds  kinds  kind 

Bruders  ureukel  i n  n 

Bruders  prossenkelin 

Mou  arriere-petite-u.ece 


Pronipote 

Fratrin  proneptis 

Adelphou  eggone  trite. 
Adelphou  proeggone  ... 


Moja  wnuczka  synowca.. 


Mae  prevnooka  mi fnitza 

Mnja  pravnntchatnaja  pljemian- 
Kilrndiishnum  torumun  torfliiu. ... 
Keeza,  tonieh  bra  mun 


Minu  venna  poe<r  poeg  tutar. 
Nepaan  poian  ty tar 


Daughter  of  d.  of  d.  of  brother  my. 


Great  granddaughter  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  daughter's  daught.  daught. 
Daughter  of  son  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Great  grandchild  of  my  brother. 
Daughter  of  son  of  son  of  my  brother. 
Great  granddaughter  of  my  brother. 
Great  grandchild  of  brother. 

Brother's  great  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  brother  my. 
Brother's  daughter's  daught.  daught. 

G't  g't  niece,  brother's  g.  g.  daughter. 
Brother's  g't  granddaughter.  b  Niece. 
Great  great  niece. 
Brother's  chilli's  child's  child. 
Brother's  great  granddaughter. 
ii  d  '( 

My  great  little  niece. 


Great  niece. 

Great  granddaughter  of  a  brother. 


My  nephew-granddaughter. 


Little  great  granddaughter. 
My  niece  great  granddaughter. 
Brother's  my  great  grandchild. 
Daughter  of  grandchild  brother  my. 

My  brother's  son's  son's  daughter. 
Nephew's  my  son's  daughter. 


OP    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


93 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

57.  Sister.     (Female  speaking.) 

Translation. 

58.  Sister's  son.     (Female  speaking.) 

Translation. 

I 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Akhti  

Sister  my. 

it       ti 
it       it 
it       it 

My  sister. 
n       it 

tt      tt 
tt      tt 

Sister. 
ii 
n 

Sister  my. 

Sister. 
u 
<i 

H 
(( 
tt 
It 

tf 

My  sister. 
Sister. 
My  sister. 

Sister, 
it 

ti 
tt 

My  sister, 
tt        tt 
<t        ti 

Sister  jay. 
tt      tt 

My  sister. 

Sister  my. 
Sister  elder.    b  Younger. 
My  sister. 
Sister  my. 

Son  of  sister  my. 

ti          u            u 

It              It                  «( 

11         If            11 

Sister's  son. 
^on  of  my  sister. 

((    f         (f                       14 

«         it               tt 

My  nephew. 
Son  of  sister. 

Sister's  sou. 
tt           t« 

Sister's  sou  my. 
Sister's  son. 
Nephew. 
Nephew,  sister's  son. 
Nephew.     b  Urandsou. 
Nephew. 
Sister's  son. 

Nephew, 
u 

My  nephew. 

44                  tt 

Nephew. 
Nephew.    b  Grandchild. 
Son  of  a  sister. 

U              t(                   tt 

tf         tt            tt 

My  nephew. 

(  >                   4f 

Nephew  my. 
(t           « 

My  nephew. 
Nephew  my. 
Son  of  brother  my. 
Little  younger  sister  my. 
My  sister's  son. 
Sister's  my  son.    b  Nephew. 

Ikhti  

Ibn  ikhti 

1  khothf  

B5n      *  Khothi 

Khutee  

Kooere  

Mo  yriffur  

Mo  phiuthar  

My  Shuyr  

Fy  chwaer  

Fy  nai 

Hahar  

Svasar.     *  lami.    c  Bhainni  

Sbster  

Systur  mm  

Syster  

Swuster.    b  Theoster  

Nela   . 

Sister  

Zuster  

Neef 

Sister  

Nev6  

Sister  

Schwester  

Neffe 

Sohwester  

Neffe  

Ma  soeur  

Hermaua  

Irman  

Sorella  

Soror  

Adelphe.     b  Kasignete.    c  Kase  ?... 
Adelphe  

Adelphidous.    b  Kasignatos.    °  An- 

Mano  suse  T.  

Moj  siostra  

Muj  sestra  

Sestra  mi  

Sestra  mi  

Moja  sestra  

Khooshkeh  man  

Yej6n-im  

Nenem.     »  Hugom  

Mina  odde  

Sisareni  

59.   Sister's  son's  wife. 
(Female  speaking.) 

Translation. 

60.  Sister's  daughter. 
(Female  speaking.) 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Amrat  ibn  iikhti  

Wife  of  son  of  sister  my. 
tt        tt         tt   '   tt        tt 
tt         tf        tt      tt        tt 

Daughter-in-law. 
Daughter-in-law  of  my  sister. 
Wife  of  son  of  my  sis'er. 
tt         tt           ft         tt           tt 

it         tt           tt         tt           tt 

My  niece. 
Wife  of  son  of  sister. 

Sister's  son's  wife. 
Wife  of  sister's  son  my. 
Sister's  sou's  wife. 

Niece, 
tt 
tt 

Sister's  son's  wife. 
Niece  by  marriage. 
Wife  of  nephew. 
My  niece. 
My  niece  (by  courtesy). 
Niece  by  affinity. 
Acquired  nephew. 
Wife  of  a  son  of  a  sister. 
Wife  of  a  nephew. 

My  niece-in-law. 
tt         tt          tt 

Wife  of  my  nephew. 
Nephew's  my  wife. 
Daughter-in-law  of  sister  my. 

My  sister's  son  wife. 
Nephew's  my  wife. 

Bint   iikhti  

Daughter  of  sister  my. 

U                   tt             ((             it 

(t            (f        ft         ft 
(f              ft          ft          tt 

Sister's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  my  sister. 

it            tt    *      it 

tt            ft          ft 

My  niece. 
Daughter  of  sister. 

Sister's  daughter. 
tt              tt 

Sister'a  daughter  my. 
Sister's  daughter. 
Niece. 
Niece.     Sister's  daughter. 
Niece.      b  Granddaughter. 
Niece. 
Sister's  daughter. 
Niece. 

tt 

My  niece. 
Niece. 
My  niece. 
Niece.     b  Grandchild. 
Daughter  of  a  sister. 

Niece, 
tt 

My  niece, 
tt      tt 

Niece  my. 

tt        tt 

My  niece. 
Niece  my. 
Daughter  of  sister  my. 
Little  younger  sister  my. 
My  sister's  daughter. 
Sister's  my  daughter. 

Zaujat  ibn  ikhti  . 

Bint  ikhti 

Eslieth  b6n  "  Kiiothi  

Bath  a  Khothi 

Calta  d'Khatee  

Bivita  d'Khiitee   .. 

Ban  mac  mo  driffer  

Bean  mic  pethfir  

Nighean  mo  phiuthar. 

Brii  mac  my  shuyr  

Fy  nitli  

Fy  nith  

Zani  poosiiri  hahiir  

Diikhtari  liahlir  

Siistersotis  hustrun  

Svasriya  

Sosterdatter  

Kon.'i  systur  son;ir  min  

Systur  dottir  min  

Systersous  hustru  

Systerdotter  

Niece  

Nefane  

Nii-ht  

Nicht  

Niclite  

Nichte  

Nichte  

Nu-hte  

Nichte  

Ma  niece  

Ma  niece  

Sobrina  politica  

Sobrina  

Sobrinha  por  affinidade  

Aquistella  nipote  

Nipote  

Adelphidou  gune  

Adelphide.  b  Kasignete.  "Anepsia? 
Adelphide.     **  Anepsia  

Moja  siostrzencowa  

Ma  sestrencowa  

Ma  sestrina  

Sestrenitza  mi  

YeySnum  k..rii  -u  

94 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


1 
2 
3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
in 
11 
11 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
2ti 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


61.  Sister's  daughter's  husband. 
I.  m.u<  speaking.) 


Z6j  bint  akhti 

Zauj   bint  ikhti 

Ish  bath  "Khuthl 

Klmtna  d'Khiitee 

Crochus  toostrin  arega 

Far  ineeni  modriffer 

Cleeamhiun  rao  phiuthar... 
Sheshey  inneen  my  shuyr. 

Fy  nai 

Shoharl  dukhtiiri  hahar 


Sosterdatter  husbond.... 
Madr  systur  dottur  min. 
Systerdotters  man 


Nephew 

Neef 

Neve 

Sisters  docbters  man.... 

Neffe 

Gatte  dernichte 

Mon  neven 

Sobrino  politico 

Sobrinho  por  affinidade. 

Aquistata  nipote 

Sororis  filise  vir 

Adelphides  aner 


Moj  siostrzenin. 
Muj  sestrin 


Mush  moego  pljeraiannik 

Yeyen-um  kojasii 

Mereh  keeza  khodshkeh  muu. 


Minn  odde  tntar  mees. 
Sisaren  vavy 


Translation. 


Husband  of  daughter  of  sister  my. 


Son-in-law  of  my  sister. 
Sister's  daughter's  husband. 
Husband's  daughter  of  my  sister. 


My  nephew. 

Husbaud  of  daughter  of  sister. 

Sister's  daughter's  husband. 
Husband  of  sister's  daughter  my. 
Sister's  daughter's  husband. 

Nephew. 


Sister's  daughter's  husband. 

Nephew. 

Husband  of  niece. 

My  nephew. 

My  nephew  (by  courtesy). 

Nephew  by  affinity. 

Acquired  nephew. 

Husband  of  a  daughter  of  a  sister. 

Husband  of  a  niece. 


My  nephew-in-law. 


Husband  of  my  niece. 

Niece's  rny  husband. 

Husband  of  daughter  of  sister  my. 

My  sister's  daughter's  husband. 
Sister's  my  son-in-law. 


62.  Sister's  grandson. 
(Female  speaking.) 


Translation. 


Ibn  ibn  akhti Son  of  sou  of  sister  my. 

Ibn  ibn  ikhti 


Nawiga  d'khatee 

Crochus  voretein  voretin. 

Mac  ineeni  mo  driffer 

Egha  mo  phiuthar 

Mac  mac  my  shuyr 

Wyr  fvchwaer 

Niivad'ai  hahar 

Svasrnaptar 

Siisters  barnebarn 

Sonar  sonr  systur  min.... 
Systersons  sou 


Great  nephew.     "Wain-nephew... 

Zusters  klein  zoon.     b  Necf 

Groot  nevfi 

Sisters  kinds  kind 

Gross  neffe.     b  Schwester  enkel... 

Schwester  enkel 

Mon  petit-neveu 

Sobrino 

Sobrinho  neto 

Pronipote 

Sororis  nepos 

Adelphes  eggonos.    b  Anepsiades? 
Adelphes  eggouos 


Moj  syu  siostrzenca. 


Mai  vnook  mi 

Moi  vnutchatnyi  pljemiannik 

Kuz  karndashinuu  toru 

Tfirueh  khodshkeh  muu 


Minn  odde  poegpoeg My  sister's  son's  son. 

Slsaren  polau  polka Sister's  my  son's  son. 


Grandson  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  son's  sou. 
Sister's  daughter  of  my  sister. 
Grandchild  of  my  sister. 
Son  of  son  of  my  sister. 
Grandson  of  my  sister. 
Grandchild  of  a  sister. 
Sister's  grandson. 
Sister's  grandchild. 
Son's  son  of  sister  niy. 
Sister's  son's  son. 

Great  nephew.     Sister-grandson. 

Sister's  grandson.     b  Nephew. 

Great  nephew. 

Sister's  child's  child. 

Great  nephew.     b  Sister's  grandson. 

Sister's  grandson. 

My  little  nephew. 

My  nephew. 

Nephew's  grandson. 

Great  nephew. 

Grandson  of  a  sister. 


My  nephew's  son. 


Little  grandson  my. 
My  nephew's  grandson. 
Sister's  my  grandchild. 
Grandchild  of  sister  my. 


63.  Sister's  granddaughter. 
(Female  iptaklng.) 


Translation. 


64.  Sister's  great  grandson. 
(Female  speaking.) 


Translation. 


1 
I 

B 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
38 
17 
28 
•J'.i 
BO 
31 
32 
:;:-, 
34 
M 
M 
:•.' 
M 
89 


Bint  ibn  akhti. 
Bint  ibn  ikhti.. 


Nawigta.  d'khatee 

Crochus  toostrin  toostra. . 

lueean  mic  modriffer 

Ogha  mo  phiuthar 

Inneen  mac  my  shuyr  .... 

Wyres  fychwaer 

Navadai  hahur 

Srasrnaptri 

Sosters  barnebarn 

Dottur  dottir  systur  min  . 
Systersons  dotter 


Great  niece.     Cousin-niece , 

Zusters  klein  dochter.     b  Nicht. 

Groote  nichte 

Sisters  kinds  kind 

Schwester  enkelinu 

Schwester  enkelin 

Ma  petite-niece 

Sul ii  ina 

Sobriuha  neta 

Pronipote  

Sororis  neptis 

Adelphes  eggone.    "Anepsiade?. 
Adelphes  eggoue 


Moja  corka  siostrzenca., 


Mai  vnooka  mi 

Mnja  vmr.i/hiitiiiija  plji'inianuitza.. 

Kuz  k.irnd.ishniiin  torii 

Tfirni'h  khooshkeh  mun 


Minn  odde  poeg  tutiir. 
Sisaren  polan  tytar 


Daughter  of  son  of  sister  my. 


Granddaughter  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  daughter's  daughter. 
Daughter's  son  of  my  sister. 


Granddaughter  of  my  sister. 

Grandchild  of  sister. 

Sister's  granddaughter. 

Sister's  grandchild. 

Daughter's  daughter  of  sister  my. 

Sister's  son's  daughter. 

Great  niece.    Sister's  granddaughter. 
Sister's  granddaughter.     b  Niece. 
Great  niece. 
Sister's  child's  ehild. 

Sister's  granddaughter. 

u  11 

My  little  niece. 

My  niece. 

Niece's  granddaughter. 

Great  niece. 

Granddaughter  of  a  sister. 


My  nephew's  daughter. 


Little  granddaughter  my. 
My  niece's  granddaughter. 
Sister's  my  grandchild. 
Grandchild  of  sister  my. 

My  sister's  son's  daughter. 
Sister's  my  son's  daughter. 


Ibn  Ibn  ibn  akhti 
Ibn  ibn  ibu  ikhti. 


Niitija  d'khatee 

Crochus  voretein  v.  voretin. 

Mac  mic  mic  modriffer 

lar  ogha  mo  phiuthar 

Mac  mac  mac  my  shuyr 

Orwyr  fy  chwaer 

Nitijiii  hahar 


Sosters  barnebarns  barn 

Sonar  sonar  sonr  systur  miu. 
Systersons  sonson 


Great  grand  nephew 

Zusters  achter  klein  zoon.    b  Nee 

Groot  groot nevg 

Sisters  kinds  kinds  kind 

Urgross  neffe 

Sell  wester  grossenkel 

Mon  arriere-petit-neveu 


Pronipote 

Sororis  pronepos 

Adelphes  tritos  apogonos. 
Adelphes  proeggonos 


Moj  wnuk  siostrezenca.. 


Mai  prevnook  mi 

Moi  pravnutchatnyi  pljemiannik.. 
Karndrislnn  fin  torunum  torunu — 
Laveh  tOrnuli  khoushkeh  mun 


Minu  odde  poeg  poeg  poeg  . 
Slsaren  poTan  poian  po!k;i. 


Sou  of  son  of  son  of  sister  my. 


Great  grandson  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  son's  son's  son. 
Son's  son's  son  of  my  sister. 
Great  grandchild  of  my  sister. 
Son  of  son  of  son  of  my  sister. 
Great  grandson  of  my  sister. 
Great  grandchild  of  sister. 

Sister's  great  grandchild. 

Son's  son's  son  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  son's  son's  son. 

G't  grandnephew.      Sister's  p.  g.  son. 
Sister's  great  grandson.     b  Nephew. 
Great  great  nephew. 
Sister's  child's  child's  child. 
Great  great  nephew. 
Sister's  grrat  grandson. 
My  great  little  nephew. 


Great  nephew. 

Great  grandson  of  a  sister. 


My  nephew-grandson. 


Little  great  grandson  my. 
My  nephew's  great  grandson. 
Sister's  my  great  grandchild. 
Son  of  grandchild  of  sister  my. 

My  sister's  son's  son's  son. 
Sister's  my  son's  son's  son. 


OP   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY. 


95 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


65.  Sister's  Great  granddaughter. 
(Female  speaking.) 


Translation. 


66.   Father's  brother. 


Translation. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

IS 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 

26 

27 

28 

29 

30 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

37 

38 

39 


Bint  bint  bint  akliti  . 
Bint  bint  bint  ikhti. 


Natigta  d'khatee 

Crochus  toostrin  t.  toostra 

Ineean  mic  mic  mo  drifter 

lar  ogha  mo  phiuthar 

Inueen  mac  mac  my  shuyr 

Orwyres  fy  chwaer 

Niitijiii  hahar 

Sosters  barnebarns  barn 

Dottur  dottur  dottir  systur  min... 
Systerdotters  dotter  dotter 

Great  grandniece [b  Nicht 

Zusters     achter     kleiu     dochter. 

Groote  groote  nichte 

Sisters  kinds  kinds  kind 

Schwester  ureukeliun 

Schwester  grossenkelin 

Mou  arriere-petite-niuce 


Pronipote 

Sororis  proneptis 

Adelphes  trite  eggonos. 
Adelphes  proggoue 


Moja  wnuczka  siostrzenca. 


Daughter  of  d.  of  d.  of  sister  my. 


Great  granddaughter  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  daughter's  d.  'daughter. 
Daughter's  s.  son  my  sister. 
Great  grandchild  of  my  sister. 
Daughter  of  son  of  son  of  my  sister. 
Great  granddaughter  of  my  sister. 
Great  grandchild  of  sister. 

Sister's  great  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  sister  my. 
Sister's  daughter's  danght.  daught. 

G't  g'ndniece.     Sister's  g.  g.  daught. 
Sister's  g't  granddaughter.    b  Niece. 
Great  great  niece. 
Sister's  child's  child's  child. 

Sister's  great  granddaughter, 
tt  it  tt 

My  great  little  niece. 


Great  niece. 

Great  granddaughter  of  a  sister. 


My  nephew-granddaughter. 


Mai  prevnooka  mi [nitza     Little  great  granddaughter  my. 

Moja    pravnutcuatnaja    plemian-  '  My  niece,  great  granddaughter. 


Karndashmun  toiunum  toriinu.... 
Keeza  torneh  khou^hkeh  muu 


Minu  oilde  poeg  poeg  tutar.. 
Sisareii  poliin  poian  tytar — 


Sister's  my  great  grandchild. 
Daughter  of  grandchild  of  sister  my. 

My  sister's  son's  son's  daughter. 
Sister's  my  son's  sou's  daughter. 


Ammi 

Amuii 

Dodhi 

Amuwee 

Horns  yakepira 

Drihar  m'ahar 

Brathair  m'athair 

Braar  my  ayr 

Fy  ewyrth  (pr.  aworth). 

Amoo 

Pitroya.     b  Pitrbhratar.. 

Farbroder 

Fodnr  brodir  niiiin 

Farbroder.     b  Farbror.... 


Paternal  uncle.... 

Oom 

Oom 

Ohm.  b  Onkel.... 
Oheim.  b  Onkel. 
Oheim.  b  Oukel. 

Mou  oncle 

Tio 

Tio  carnal 

Tio-.... 


Patruus 

Patros.     b  Patradelphos.     «  Theios 
Theios.  [d  nanuos? c  Patrokasignatos 

Mauo  dode 

Moj  stryj 

Muj  stryo 

Chicha.    "  Strika  mi 

Chicha.    b  Streeka 

Moi  djadja 

Ammi-m.     b  Amfija-m 

Apeh  mun 

Nagy  batyam 

Minu  esii  vend 

Setani 


Paternal  uncle  my. 


Father's  brother. 
Brother  of  my  father. 


My  uncle. 
Paternal  uncle. 


Father's  brother  my. 
Father's  brother. 

Uncle  (father's  side.) 


My  uncle. 

Uncle. 

Blood  uncle. 

Uncle. 

Paternal  uncle. 

Uncle. 

Uncle. 

My  father's  brother. 

My  paternal  uncle. 

tt       «t  tt 

Paternal  uncle  my. 
tt  tt 

My  uncle. 

Uncle  my  (paternal). 
Paternal  uncle  my. 
Grand  elder  brother. 
My  father's  brother. 
Uncle  my. 


67.  Father's  brother's  wife. 


Translation. 


8.  Father's  brother's  SOD. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
23 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Amrat  ammi 

Zoujat  ammi 

Dodhathi 

Bakhta  d'amuuiee 

llorus  yakeporagena.... 

Ban  drihar  inahar 

Bean  brathar  m'athair  . 

Ben  braar  my  ayr 

Fy  modrib 

Zari  amoo 


Farbroders  hustrue 

Kona  fodur  brodurmin. 
Farbroders  hustru 


Wife  of  paternal  uncle  my. 
tt       tt         tt  tt         tt 

Aunt  uiy. 

Wife  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

Father's  brother's  wife. 

Wife  of  the  brother  of  my  father. 


My  aunt. 

Wife  of  paternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  wife  (father's  side). 
Wife  of  father's  brother  uiy. 
Father's  brother's  wife. 


Aunt 

Ooms  vrouw.     b 

Moej 

Molm.     b  Tante  .. 
Muhme.     b  Taute 

Oheim.s  frau 

Ma  taute. 

Tia  politica 

Tia  por  affinidade 
Tia 


Moej. 


Aunt. 

Uncle's  wife. 
Aunt. 


b  Aunt. 


Patrui  uxor... . 
Patroos  gune. 


1  Thiou  gune. 


Uncle's  wife. 

My  aunt. 

My  aunt  by  courtesy. 

Aunt  by  affinity. 

Aunt. 

Wife  of  paternal  uncle. 


Mano  dedene My  father's  brother's  wife. 

Moja  stryjeuka \  My  aunt. 

Ma  stryna.. 


Strinka  mi 

Streena.     b  China . 
Moja  tjotka 


Amje  mun 

Nagy  angyom 

Minn  esa  venna  naine 
Setaui  valino 


Aunt  my. 
Aunt. 

My  aunt. 

Uncle's  wife. 

Wife  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

Grand  sister-in-law. 

My  father's  brother's  wife. 

Wife  of  my  uncle. 


Ibn  ammi 

1 1  in  ammi 

Ben  dodhl 

Bruna  d'amiiwee 

Horns  yakepora  voretin 

Mac  drihar  mahar 

Mac  brathar  m'athair 

Mac  brear  my  ayr 

Fy  nghefnder  (pr.  hevender) 

Poosari  amoo 

Pitroyaputra 

Falters  sodskendebarn 

Brodur  sonr  fodur  min 

Farbrors  son.     b  Sysling 

(Swor?) 

Cousin.     Uncle's  son 

Ooms  zoon.     *  Neef 

Kozyn.     b  Ooms  zoon 

Vedder 

Vetter.     b  Gesehwister  kind 

Oheims  sohn.     b  Vetter 

Mon  cousin-germain 

Primohermano 

Primo  irmao 

Cugino 

Patrui  li! ins.     b  Frater  patruelis., 

Anepsios.     b  Kasis  t , 

PrStos  exadelphos 


Moj  stryjeczny  brat. 


Bratooche  mi 

Otchicha  brat.     bChichersin. 

Moi  dvoiurodnyi  brat 

Amiijamun  oghlii 

l.iivch  iipeh  mun 


Minu  esii  vennii  poeg. 
Serkkunl.     Orpauaui. 


Son  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

tt  tt  tt         tt 

Son  of  uncle  my. 

Son  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

Father's  brother's  son. 

Son  of  brother  of  my  father. 


My  cousin. 

Sou  of  paternal  uncle. 

Paternal  uncle's  son. 

Cousin. 

Brother's  son  of  father  my. 

Father's  brother's  son.     b  Cousin. 

Cousin  germain. 

First  cousin.     Uncle's  son. 

Uncle's  son.     b  Nephew. 

Cousin.     b  Uncle's  son. 

Cousin. 

Cousin.     b  Relative's  child. 

Uncle's  son.     b  Cousin. 

My  cousin  germaiu. 

My  cousin-brother. 

Cousin-brother. 

Cousin. 

Son  of  pat.  uncle.     b  Bro.  patruel. 

Cousin. 


My  brother  through  paternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  son  my.  [b  Uncle's  son. 

Brother  through  paternal  uncle. 

My  double  birth  brother. 

Son  of  uncle  my. 

Son  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

My  father's  brother's  son. 
Cousin  my. 


96 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. — Continued. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


9.  Father's  brother's  son's  wife. 


Amrat  ibn  ammi., 
Xaujat  ibn 


Calta  d'amiiwee 

Horns  yukejioree  voretin  gena., 

Ban  mic  driliar  niahar 

Bean  mac  brathar  m'athair , 

Ben  mac  braar  my  ayr 

Fy  cyfnither  (pr.  ketuether)..., 
Zani  poosiri  amoo , 


Falters  hnstrne 

Sonar  kona  todnr  brodur  mins., 
Farbrors  sonhustru 


Cousin 

Ooms  zoons  vrouw. 


Nichte  ................... 

Base  ...................... 

Oheinis  sohnsfrau  .... 

Ma  consine  ............. 

Prima  politica  .......... 

Prima  por  affinidade. 
Aquistella  cugina  ..... 

Patrui  filii  uxor  ....... 

Anepsiou  guue  ......... 


Moja  stryjeezna  bratowa  . 


Sbena  moego  dvoinrodnaja  brata. 

Amnjainnn  oghlfinum  kari'i-n 

Thuuieh  lavehapehmun 


Minu  esa  venna  poeg  naiue. 
Serkkuui  vaimo 


Translation. 


Wife  of  son  of  paternal  uncle  my. 


Daughter-in-law  of  patern.  uncle  my. 
Fatber's  brotber's  son's  wife. 
Wife  of  the  son  of  my  father's  bro. 
Wife  of  the  son  of  the  bro.  of  my  fa. 

it  fi  it  ii  li  1'  " 

My  cousin. 

Wife  of  son  of  paternal  uncle. 

Cousin's  wife. 

Son's  wife  of  father's  brother  my. 

Father's  brother's  son's  wife. 

Cousin. 

Uncle's  son's  wife. 

Cousin. 


Uncle's  son's  wife. 

My  cuii-iii. 

My  cousin  (by  courtesy). 

Cousin  by  affinity. 

Acquired  cousin. 

Wife  of  son  of  paternal  uncle. 

Wife  of  cousin. 


My  sister-in-law  through  p.  uncle. 


Wife  of  my  double  birth  brother. 
Wife  of  the  son  of  my  uncle. 
Daughter-in-law  son  of  pater,  uncle. 

My  father's  brother's  son's  wife. 
Wife  of  my  cousin. 


70.  Father's  brother's  daughter. 


Bint  ammi 

Bint  ammi 

Bath  dodhi 

Brata  d'amuwee 

Horus  yakepora  tooster 

Ineean  drihar  mahar 

Nighean  brathar  m'athair 

Inneen  braar  myiiyr 

Fy  cyfnither 

Dftkhtari  amoo 

Pitroyaputri 

Karbrodersdatter.  b  Sb'dskendebarn 

Dottir  fodurbrodur  mins 

b'arbrors  dotter.    b  Syssling 

Cousin.   Paternal  uncle's  danght. 

OIHUS  dochter.     b  Nicht 

Nichte.     b  Ooms  dochter 

Nichte  

Base.     b  Gerschwisterkind 

Oheims  tochter.     b  Base 

Ma  cousine  germaine 

Prima  hermana 

Prima 

Cugina 

Patrui  filia.   b  Soror  patruelis 

Anepsia.     b  Kase  ? 

Prote  exadelphe 

Moja  stryjeczna  siostra 

Bratovchetka  ini 

[tera 
Otchicha  sestra.   b  Chichev  dush- 

Maja  dvoinroilnaja  sestra 

Amuiamun  kiisii 

Keesaiipeh  mun 


Minu  esa  venna  tutilr., 
Serkkunl  orpanani.... 


Translation. 


Daughter  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

ti  it  it  it 

Daughter  of  uncle  my. 
Daughter  of  paternal  uncle  my. 
Father's  brother's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  my  father's  brother. 
Daughter  of  the  brother  of  my  father. 
tt  it  u  fi          tt 

My  cousin. 

Daughter  of  paternal  uncle. 

Paternal  uncle's  daughter. 

Cousin. 

Daughter  of  father's  brother's  my. 

Father's  brother's  daught.     Cousin. 

First  cousin. 

Uncle's  daughter.     b  Niece. 
Niece.     b  Uncle's  daughter. 
Cousin, 
it 

Uncle's  daughter.     b  Cousin. 
My  cousin  germain. 
My  cousin  sister. 
Cousin. 

H 

Daught.  of  pat.  uncle.    b  Sist.  pat. 
Cousin. 


My  sister  through  paternal  uncle. 
Uncle's  daughter  my. 

[dauehter. 

Sister  through  pat.  uncle.     b  Uucle's 
My  double  birth  sister. 
Daughter  of  uncle  my. 
Daughter  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

My  father's  brother's  daughter. 
Cousin  my. 


71.  Father's  brother's  daughter's  husband. 


Translation. 


72.  Father's  brother' s  grandson. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 

n 

34 
:::. 
M 
87 
88 


Ziij  bint  ammi... 
Zauj  bint  ammi. 


Khutna  d'amuwee 

Horus  yakepora  toostriu  arega  . 

Far  ineeni  drihar  mahar 

Cleeamhuin  brathar  m'athair... 
Sheshey  inneen  braar  my  ayr... 

Fy  nghefnder 

Shohari  dukhtari&moo 


Farbrodersdatters  mand 

Dottur  madr  fodurbrodur  mins. 
Farbrors  dotters  man 


Cousin 

Ooms  .In.  hti-r  man 

Ki'/.vn 

Vedder 

Vetter 

Oheims  tochter  maun . 

Mon  cousin 

Primo  politico 

Primo  por  affinidade  ... 

Aquistata  cugiuo 

Patrui  filise  vir 

Auepsiasauer 


Moj  stryjeczny  szwagier. 


Mush  moego  dvoinrod  naja  sestra. 

Amujamun  kusunumk  ojii.su 

Keuza  apch  mun 


Minn  esa  venna  tutar  meeft.. 
rirrkkuuT  mies 


Husband  of  daught.  of  pat.  uncle  my. 


Son-in-law  of  paternal  uncle  my. 
Father's  brother's  daught.  husband. 
Husb.  of  daught.  of  bro.  of  my  husb. 


My  cousin. 

Husb.  of  daught.  of  paternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  daughter's  husband. 
Daughter's  husb.  of  fath.  bro.  my. 
Father's  brother's  daughter's  husb. 

Cousin. 

Uncle's  daughter's  husband. 

Cousin. 

Cousin. 
tt 

Uncle's  daughter's  husband. 

My  cousin. 

My  cousin  by  courtesy. 

Cousin  by  affinity. 

Acquired  con.-in. 

Husband  of  son  of  paternal  uncle. 

Husband  of  cousin. 


My  broth.-in-law  through  pat.  uncle. 


My  double-birth  sister's  husband. 
Uncle's  my  daughter's  husband. 
Son-in-law  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

My  father's  brother's  daught.  husb. 
Cousin's  my  husband. 


Ibn  ibn  ammi. 

Ibu  ilni  umiui. 


Nawiga  d'amfiwee 

Horus  yakepora  voretein  voretin. 

Mac  mic  drihar  mahar 

Kgha  brathar  m'athair 

Mao  mac  braar  my  ayr 

Mab  fy  nghefnder 

Navadai  amoo 


Farbroders  barnebarn 

Sonar  sour  fodurbrodur  mins. 
Farbrors  souson 


Paternal  uncle's  grandson .. 
Ooms  klein  zoon.  b  Neef.... 
Ooms  groot  zoon.  b  Kozyn. 

Vcddurs  soohu 

Vetters  sohn 

Oheims  eukel 

Mon  cousin  sous-germain — 

Sobrino 

Primo  distante 

Secondo  cugino? 

Patrui  nepos 

Anepsiades? 

Theiou  eggonos 


Moj  stryjeczny  bratanek. 


Otrhicha  bratanetz 

Moi  dvoiurodnyi  plemiannik. 

Amujainun  oghlu 

Torueh  apeh  mun 


Minu  esa  vcnnii  poeg. 
Sorkkuni  polka 


Son  of  son  of  paternal  uncle  my. 


Grandson  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

Father's  brother's  son's  son. 

Sou  of  the  s.  of  the  broth,  of  my  fath. 

Grandchild  of  brother  of  my  father. 

Son  of  sou  of  brother  of  my  father. 

Son  of  my  cousin. 

Grandchild  of  paternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  grandchild. 

Son's  sou  of  father's  brother  my. 

Father's  brother's  sou's  sou. 

Uncle's  grandson  (father's  side). 
Uncle's  granson.     b  Nephew. 
Uncle's  grandson.     b  Cousin. 

Cousin's  son. 
i<          it 

Uncle's  grandson. 

My  cousin's  son. 

My  nephew. 

Distant  cousin. 

Second  cousin. 

Grandson  of  paternal  uncle. 

Cousin's  son. 

Uncle's  grandson. 

My  nephew  through  paternal  uncle. 


From  paternal  uncle  nephew. 

My  double  birth  nephew. 

Son  of  uncle  my. 

Grandchild  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

My  father's  brother's  sou's  son. 
Son  of  my  cousin. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


97 


TAHLE  I. —  Continued. 


73.  Father's  brother's  granddaughter. 


Translation. 


74.  Father's  brother's  great  grandson. 


Tra  nblation. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
•17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Bint  ibn  amiui. 
Bint  ibu  amnii. 


Niiwigta  d'amuwee 

Horus  y&kepora  too-trin  toostra. 

Ineean  mic  dribar  mahar 

Egha  brathar  m'athar 

Inneen  mac  braar  my  ayr 

Merch  fy  nghefuder 

Navadai  amoo 


Farbroders  barnebarn 

Sonar  dottir  fodurbrodur  rnins... 
Farbrors  dotter  dotter 


Paternal  uncle's  granddaughter., 
Ooms  klein  dochter.  b  Nicht — 
Ooms  groote  doubter.  *  Nichte.. 

Vedders  dochter 

Vetters  tochter 

Oheims  enkelin 

Ma  cousine  sous-germaine 

Sobrina 

Prima  distante 

Seconda  cugina  ? 

Patrui  neptis 

Anepsiade? 

Thiuu  eggone 


Moja  stryjeczna  siostrzenca. 


Otchicha  bratanitza 

Moja  dvoinrodnaja  plemiannitza. 

Amujamiin  kusu 

Torneh.  apeh  iiiun 


Minn  esii  venna  poeg  tutar. 
Serkkuul  tytar 


Daughter  of  son  of  pat.  uncle  my. 


Granddaughter  of  pat.  uncle  my. 
Father's  brother's  dau.  dau. 
D.  of  the  sou  of  the  bro.  of  my  dau. 
Grandchild  of  brother  of  my  father. 
Daughter  of  son  of  bro.  of  iny  father. 
Daughter  of  my  cousin. 
Grandchild  of  paternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  grandchild. 

Son's  daughter  of  father's  bro.  my. 

Father's  brother's  daughter's  daught. 

Uncle's  granddan.  (father's  side). 

Uncle's  granddaughter.     b  Niece. 
u  a  u 

Cousin's  daughter. 

((  U 

Uncle's  granddaughter. 

My  cousin's  daughter. 

My  niece. 

Distant  cousin. 

Second  cousin. 

Granddaughter  of  paternal  uncle. 

Cousin's  daughter. 

Uncle's  granddaughter. 

My  niece  through  paternal  uncle. 


From  paternal  uncle  niece. 
My  double  birth  niece. 
Daughter  of  uncle  my. 
Grandchild  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

My  father's  brother's  son's  daughter. 
Cousin's  my  daughter. 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  ammi , 
Ibn  ibn  ibu  ammi  , 


Natija  d'amtiwee 

Horusyakeporeevoretein  v.voretiu 

Mac  mic  mic  dribar  mahar 

lar  ogha  brathar  m'athair 

Mac  mac  mac  braar  my  ayr 

Wyr  fy  ngnefnder 

.Niitijiii  amoo 

Farbroders  barnebarns  barn 

Sonar  sonar  sonr  fodnrbrodur  mins 
Farbrors  sousous  sou 

Paternal  uncle's  great  grandson... 
Ooms  achter  klein  zoon.  b  Neef... 
Kyzyu.  b  Oomes  groot  groot  zoon 

Vedders  kinds  kind 

Vetters  enkel 

Oheims  grossenkel 

Petit-fils  de  mon  cousin 

Sobrino 

Primo  distante 

Terzo  cugino? 

Patrui  pronepos 

Anepsiou  eggonos  ? 

Thiou  proeggonos 


Moj  stryjeczny  wnuk., 


Otchicha  vnook [annik 

Moi   dvoiurodnyi  vnuteha  plemi- 


Laveh  t5rneh  apeh  num. 


Minn  esa  venna  poeg  poeg  poeg... 
Serkkuni  poian  poika 


Son  of  son  of  son  of  pat.  uncle  lay. 


Great  grandson  of  pat.  uncle  my. 
Father's  brother's  sou's  son's  son. 
Son  of  son  of  son  of  bro.  of  my  fa. 
Great  grandchild  of  bro.  of  my  fa. 
Son  of  son  of  son  of  bro.  of  my  fa. 
Grandson  of  my  cousin. 
Grandchild  of  paternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  great  grandchild. 

Son's  son's  son  of  father's  bro.  my. 

Father's  brother's  sou's  son's  sou. 

U.  great  grandson  (father's  side). 

Uncle's  great  grandson.     b  Nephew. 

Cousin.     b  Uncle's  great  grandson. 

Cousin's  child's  child. 

Cousin's  grandson. 

Uncle's  great  grandson. 

Grandson  of  my  cousin. 

My  nephew. 

Distant  cousin. 

Third  cousin. 

Great  grandson  of  paternal  un<;le. 

Cousin's  grandson. 

Uncle's  great  grandson 

My  grandson  through  paternal  uncle. 


From  paternal  uncle  grandson. 

Son  of  grandchild  of  pat.  uncle  my. 

My  father's  brother's  son's  son's  son 
Cousin's  my  sou's  son. 


75.  Father's  brother's  great-granddaughter. 


Translation. 


70.  Father's  sister. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
IS 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
:w 
39 


Bint  bint  bint  ammi. 
Bint  bint  bint  ammi. 


Natijta  d'amuwee 

Horns  yakepora  t.  t.  toostra 

Ineean  mic  mio  drihar  mahar 

lar  ogha  brathar  m'athair 

Inneeu  mac  mac  braar  my  ayra... 

Wyres  fy  nghefnder 

Niitijiii  amoo 

Farbroders  barnebarns  barn. [mins 
Dottur  dottnr  dottir  fodurbroder 
Farbrors  dotters  dotter  dotter 

P.  uncle's  gt.  granddaughter 

Oom  achter  klein  douht.  b  Nicht 
Nichte.  b  Ooms  groote  g.  dochter 

Vedders  kinds  kind 

Vetters  enkelin 

Oheims  grossenkelin 

Petite-fille  de  ma  cousiue 

Sobrina 

Prima  distante 

Terza  cugina? 

Patrui  proneptis 

Anepsion  eggone  ? 

Theiou  proeggone 


Moja  stryjeczua  wnuczka. 


Otchicha  vnooka 

Moja  dvoiurodiiaja    vnutcaatnaja 

[plemiannitza 

Keezit  tSrneh  apeh  mnn 

Min  e?a  venna  poeg  poeg  tntiir — 
Serlckmu  polan  tytar 


D.  of  d.  of  d.  of  paternal  uncle  my. 


Gr't  granddanght.  of  pat.  uncle  my. 
Father's  brother's  d.  d.  daughter. 
D.  of  the  son  of  son  of  bro.  of  my  fa. 
Great  grandchild  of  bro.      "    "      " 

((  ((  (t         U  It        It  II 

Granddaughter  of  my  cousin. 
Great  grandchild  of  paternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  great  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  f.  b.  my. 
Father's  brother's  daughter's  dau. 

Uncle's  gt.  granddau.  (fa.'s  side). 

Uncle's  great  granddaught.     b  Niece. 

Cousin.     b  Uncle's  great  grauddau. 

Cousin's  child's  child. 

Cousin's  granddaughter. 

Uncle's  great  granddaughter. 

Granddaughter  of  my  cousin. 

My  niece. 

Distant  cousin. 

Third  cousin. 

Great  granddaughter  of  pat.  uncle. 

Cousin's  granddaughter. 

Uncle's  great  granddaughter. 

My  granddaughter  through  p.  u. 


From  paternal  uncle  granddaughter. 


Dau.  of  grandchild  of  pat.  u.  my. 

My  father's  brother's  son's  son's  dau 
Daughter  of  the  son  of  my  cousin. 


Ammeti 

Ammati 

Doduathi.     b  Akhoth  abhi 

Uintee 

Horus  koverii 

Driffur  mahar 

I'liinthar  m'athair 

Shuyr  my  ayr 

Fy  modryb 

Ama  .....  ...............  . 

Pitrshvasar 

Faster 

Fodnrsystermin 

Faster 

Fathe 

Paternal  aunt 

Moeje.     b  Tante 

Moej 

Miihn.     b  Tante 

Muhme.     b  Tante 

Muhme.     b  Tante 

Ma  tante 

Tia 

Tia.     b  Tia  carnal 

Tia 

Amita 

Patradelphe.     b  Theia. 

Theia 

Mr>no  teta 

Moja  ciotka 

Ma  tetka 

Lyelya  mi 

Lelya  mi 

Moja  tjotka 

Hill  ii-  in 

Ammeh  mun 

Nacy  nencm 

Minti  esil  odde 

Tatiul 


Nanne  t 


Paternal  annt  my. 

K          u      u 

Aunt  my.     b  Sister  of  father  my. 
Paternal  aunt  my. 
Father's  sister. 
Sister  of  my  father. 


My  annt. 
Paternal  aunt. 
Father's  sister. 
Annt  (father's  side). 
Father's  sister  my. 
Father's  sister.     Aunt. 
Aunt. 
Aunt  (father's  side). 


My  annt. 

Aunt.     b  Blood  aunt. 

My  aunt. 

Paternal  aunt. 

Paternal  aunt.     Aunt. 

Aunt. 

My  father's  sister. 

My  aunt. 

U  K 

Paternal  aunt  my 

K  li  U 

My  aunt. 

Aunt  my  (paternal). 
Paternal  aunt  my. 
Grand  elder  sister  my. 
My  father's  sister. 
Aunt  my. 


13 


November,  1869. 


98 


SYSTEMS   OP   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY. 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

77.  Father's  sister's  husband. 

Translation. 

78.  Father's  sister's  son. 

Translation. 

I 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Aral  ammeti  
Zauj  aminati  

1  1  ii.-liand  of  paternal  aunt  my. 

It                  ((                It                       U            II 

(1          II         II             II       II 
Father's  sister's  husband. 
Husband  of  sister  of  my  father. 

Son  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
it              it            it       u 

Son  of  aunt  my. 
Son  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
Father's  sister's  son. 

Son  of  sister  of  my  father, 
ii             u         it           u 

u             u         ii           ii 

My  cousin. 
Son  of  paternal  aunt. 
Father's  sister's  sou. 
Cousin. 
Sister's  son  of  father  my. 
Father's  sister's  sou.     Cousin. 
Cousin  germain. 
First  cousin. 
Aunt's  son.     *  Nephew. 
Cousin.     b  Aunt's  son. 
Cousin, 
u 

Aunt's  son.     *  Cousin. 
My  cousin. 
My  cousin's  brother. 
Cousin's  brother. 
Cousin. 
Son  of  paternal  aunt.     b  Cousin. 

Cousin, 
u 

My  brother  through  paternal  aunt. 

Aunt's  son  my. 
Paternal  aunt's  son  my. 
My  double  birth  brother. 
Son  of  paternal  aunt. 
Son  of  paternal  aunt  my. 

My  father's  sister's  sou. 
Cousin  my. 

Ben  dodhathl  

Bruna  d'umtee  

Horns  crocha  voretin  

Far  driffur  mahar  

Mac  driffer  mahar  

Fear  phiuthar  m'athair  

u         u      ii        u            u 

My  uncle. 
Husband  of  paternal  aunt. 

Father's  sister's  husband. 
Husband  of  father's  sister  my. 
Father's  sister's  husband. 

Uncle. 
Aunt's  husband.     Uncle. 

Uncle. 
(i 

Uncle. 
Husband  of  my  aunt. 
My  uncle. 
My  nncle  (by  courtesy). 
Uncle.     *  Uncle  by  affinity. 
Acquired  nncle. 
Husband  of  paternal  aunt. 
ii          ii         ii             it 

My  father's  sister's  husband. 

My  uncle. 
ii        it 

Uncle  my. 
u       it 

My  nncle. 
Brother-in-law  my. 
Husband  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

My  father's  sister's  husband. 
Aunt's  my  husband. 

Mac  phiuthar  m'athair  
Mac  shuyr  my  ayr  

Poosiiri  ama  

Fatter.    b  Sodskendebaru  

M   H     fod 

Systur  sonr  fodur  rnins  

a            u  sys  ur 

Faster's  son.     b  Syskoubarn  

(Swor?)  

Cousin.     b  Paternal  aunt's  son  
Moejes  zoon.     b  Neef  

Kozyn.     b  Moejes  zoon  

Vedder  

Muhme  sohn.     b  Vetter  

Primo  hermano  

Cugino  

Amitae  films.     *  Amitinns.  

Manoteterus  

Moi  djadja  

79.  Father's  sister's  son's  wife. 

Translation. 

80.  Father's  sister's  daughter. 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Wife  of  son  of  paternal  uncle  my. 

II               U                            II                      II               II 

Daughter-in-law  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
Father's  sister's  son's  wife. 
Wife  of  sou  of  sister  of  my  father. 

Daughter  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
ii                      ii             it      it 

Daughter  of  aunt  my. 
Daughter  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
Father's  sister  daughter. 
Father's  sister  of  my  father, 
u           it         u             ii 
it           ii         u             it 
My  cousin. 
Daughter  of  paternal  aunt. 
Father's  sister's  daughter. 
Cousin. 
Sister's  daughter  of  father  my. 
Father's  sister's  daughter.    b  Cousin. 

First  cousin. 
Aunt's  daughter.     *  Niece. 
Niece.     b  Aunt's  daughter. 
Cousin. 
Cousin  (father's  side). 
Aunt's  daughter.     f  Cousin. 
My  cousin. 
My  cousin-sister. 

Cousin. 

ii 

Daughter  of  paternal  aunt.  b  Cousin. 

Cousin. 

ii 

My  sister-in-law  through  pat.  aunt. 

Aunt's  daughter  my. 
Paternal  aunt's  daughter. 
My  double  birth  sisti-r. 
Daughter  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
ii           (i         it             it      ii 

My  father's  sister's  daughter. 
Cousin  my. 

Kelta  d'nmtee  

Bath  dodhathl  

Ban  mic  driffur  mahar  

Ineean  mo  driffer  mahar  

Bean  mac  phinthar  m'athair  

ii        ii         ti       ii        u            u 
My  cousin. 
Wife  of  son  of  paternal  aunt. 

Cousin's  wife. 
Wife  of  sister's  son  of  father  my. 
Father's  sister's  sou's  wii'e. 

Cousin. 
Aunt's  son's  wife. 

Niece. 

Cousin, 
u 

Aunt's  son's  wife. 
My  cousin. 
My  cousin  by  courtesy. 
Cousin  by  affinity. 
Acquired  cousin. 
Wife  of  sou  of  paternal  aunt. 
Wife  of  cousin. 

My  sister-in-law  through  pat.  aunt. 

Wife  of  my  double  birth  brother. 
Wife  of  son  of  aunt  my. 
Daughter-in-law  of  pat.  aunt  my. 

My  father's  sister's  son's  wife. 
Cousin's  my  wife. 

Nighean  phiuthar  m'athair  

Dukhtari  ama  

Fasters  dotter.     b  Syskoubarn  
Cousin.   *  Paternal  aunt's  daught. 

Nichte  

Nichte  

Base  

Mahme  sohnsfrau  

Ma  cousine  

Prima  politica  

Prima  por  afflnidade  

Aqnistella  cugiua  

Amitae  filii  uxor  

Anepsiou  guno  

Moja  cioteczna  bratowa  

Shena  moega  dvoinrodnaja  brata.. 
Halam  ogluuum  kariisu  

Lelina  dushtera  

Bookeh  iiimijtth  mini  

Minn  es5  odde  poeg  naine  

Serkkunl  vaimo  

OF    T1IE   HUMAN   FAMILY. 


99 


TABLE  I. — Continued. 


81.  Father's  sister's  daughter's  husband. 


Translation. 


82.  Father's  sister's  grandson. 


Translation. 


9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Zoj  bint  ammeti... 
Zauj  bint  ammati. 


Khutna  d'umtee 

llorus  crocha  toostra  arega 

Far  ineeni  mo  driffer  mahar. .... 
Cleeamhiun  phiuthar  m'athair. 
Sueshey  inneen  shuyr  my  ayr... 

Fy  Nghefnder 

Shohari  dukhtari  ama 


Sb'dskendebarns  husbond 

Madr  systurdottur  fodur  mins. 
Fasters  dotters  man 


Cousin , 

Moejes  dochters  man. 

Kozyn 

Vedder 

Vetter 

Muhme  toehterrnann., 

Mon  cousin 

Primo  politico 

Prime  por  affinidade.. 

Aquistata  cugino 

Amitae  filiae  vir 

Auepsias  aner 


Moj  cioteczny  szwagier. 


Mush  moego  dvoiurodnaja  sestra., 

Huliim  kusunum  kojiisu 

Zavii  iiuimeli  uiuu 


Minn  esa  odde  tutiir  mees. 
Serkkum  mies 


Husband  of  daught.  of  pat.  aunt  my. 


Son-in-law  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
Father's  sister's  daughter's  husband. 
Husband  of  d.  of  sister  of  my  father. 


My  cousin. 

Husband  of  daughter  of  pat.  aunt. 

Cousin's  husband. 

Husb.  of  sister's  daught.  of  fath.  my. 

Father's  sister's  daughter's  husband. 

Cousin. 

Aunt's  daughter's  husband. 

Cousin. 
K 

Cousin. 

Aunt's  daughter's  husband. 

My  cousin. 

My  cousin  by  courtesy. 

Cousin  by  affinity. 

Acquired  cousin. 

Husband  of  daught.  of  pat.  aunt. 

Husband  of  cousin. 


My  brother-in-law  through  p.  aunt. 


Husband  of  my  double  birth  sister. 
Aunt's  my  daughter's  husband. 
Son-in-law  of  paternal  aunt  my. 

My  father's  sister's  daughter's  husb. 
Cousin's  my  husband. 


Ibn  ibn  ammeti . 
Ibu  ibn  ammati . 


Nawigee  d'umtee 

Horus  crocha  voretein  voretin. 

Mac  mic  driffer  mahar 

Egtia  phiuthar  m'athair 

Mac  mac  shuyr  my  ayr 

Mab  fy  nghefnder 

Navadai  ama 


Pasters  baruebarn 

Sonar  sonr  fodursystur  minuar. 
Pasters  sonson 


Paternal  aunt's  grandson 

Moejes  klein  zoou.     b  Neef. 

Kozyn.     b  Moejes  groot  zoon 

Vedders  Soohu.   b  Nichtes  Soohn. 
Vetters  Sohn. 

Muhme  enkel 

Mon  cousin  sous-gerinain 

Sobrino 

Primo  distante 

Secoudo  cugino 

Amitae  nepos 

Anepsiades 

Theias  eggonos 


Moj  cioteczny  bratanek. 


Lelina  vnook 

Moi  dvoiurodnyi  plemianuik 

Halam  oghlu 

TSrneh  arnnieh  muu 


Minu  esa  odde  poeg  poeg. 
Serkkuui  poika 


Son  of  son  of  paternal  aunt  my. 


Grandson  of  paternal  annt  my. 

Father's  sister's  sou's  son. 

Son  of  son  of  brother  of  my  father. 


Son  of  my  cousin. 
Grandchild  of  paternal  aunt. 

Aunt's  grandchild. 

Son's  son  of  father's  sister  my. 

Father's  sister's  sou's  sou. 

Aunt's  grandson  (father's  side). 

Aunt's  grandson.     b  Nephew. 

Cousin.     b  Aunt's  grandson. 

Cousin's  son.     b  Cousin's  sou  (f.) 

Cousin's  son. 

Aunt's  grandson. 

My  cousin's  son. 

My  nephew. 

Distant  cousin. 

Second  cousin. 

Grandson  of  paternal  aunt. 

Cousin's  son. 

Aunt's  grandson. 

My  nephew  through  paternal  aunt. 


Paternal  aunt's  grandson. 
My  double  birth  nephew. 
Son  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
Grandchild  of  paternal  aunt  my. 

My  father's  sister's  son's  son. 
Cousin's  my  son. 


83.  Father's  sister's  granddaughter. 


Translation. 


84.  Father's  Bister's  great  grandson. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
8 
4 
5 
G 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
86 
37 
38 
39 


Bint  ibn  ammeti. 
Bint  ibn  ammati. 


Nawigtee  d'umtee 

Horus  crocha  voretiu  toostra 

lueean  mic  drifter  mahar 

Ogha  phiuthar  m'athair 

Inneen  mac  shuyr  my  ayr 

Merch  fy  nghefnither 

Navadai  ama 


Fasterg  barnebarn 

Dottur  dottir  fodursyster  miunar.. 
Fasters  dotter  dotter 


Paternal  aunt's  granddaughter.... 
Moejes  klein  dochter.  b  Nicht.  ... 
Nichte.  b  Moejes  groote  dochter.. 
Vedders  dochter.  b  Nichter  doch. 

Vetters  tochter 

Muhme  enkel  in 

Ma  cousine  sous-germaine 

Sobrina 

Prima  distante 

Seconda  cugina 

Amitae  neptis 

Auepsiadu 

Theias  eggoiie 


Moja  cioteczna  synowiec. 


Lelina  vnooka 

Moja  dvoiuroduaja  plemiannitza. 

Hiilam  kusu 

Torneh  amnieh  mun 


Minu  esa  odde  poeg  tutar.. 
Serkkuui  tytar 


Daught.  of  sou  of  paternal  annt  my. 


Granddaughter  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
Father's  sister's  sou's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  son  of  sister  my  father. 
Grandchild  of  sou  of  sister  of  my  fa. 
daughter  of  son  of  sister  of  my  father. 
Daughter  of  my  cousin. 
Grandchild  of  paternal  aunt. 

Father's  sister's  grandchild. 
Daughter's  daught.  of  fa.  sister  my. 
Father's  sister's  daughter's  daught. 

Aunt's  granddaughter  (father's  side), 
Aunt's  granddaughter.     b  Niece. 
Niece.     b  Aunt's  granddaughter. 

Cousin's  daughter. 

tt  tt 

Aunt's  granddaughter. 

My  cousin's  daughter. 

My  niece. 

Distant  cousin. 

Second  cousin. 

Granddaughter  of  paternal  aunt. 

Cousin's  daughter. 

Aunt's  granddaughter. 

My  niece  through  paternal  aunt. 


Paternal  aunt's  granddaughter. 
My  double  birth  niece. 
Daughter  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
Grandchild  of  paternal  aunt  my. 

My  father's  sister's  son's  daughter. 
Cousin's  my  daughter. 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  ammeti. 
Ibu  ibn  ibn  ammati. 


Natija  d'umtee 

Horus  crocha  voretein  v.  voretin.. 

Mac  mic  mic  driffer  mahar 

lar  ogha  phiuthar  m'athair 

Mac  mac  mac  shuyr  my  ayr 

Mab  wyr  fy  nghefnder 

Natijai  ama 


Fasters  barnebarns  barn [nar 

Sonar  sonar  sonr  fodursysturmin- 
Fasters  sonson  son 


Paternal  aunt's  great  grandson.... 
Moejes  achter  klein  zoon.  b  Neef 
Kozyn.  b  Moejes  groot  groot  zoon 

Vedders  kinds  kiud 

Vetters  enkel 

Muhme  grossenkel 

Petit-fils  de  mon  cousin 

Sobrino 

Primo  distante 

Teszo  cugino 

Amitae  pronepos 

Anepsiou  eggonos  ? 

Theias  proeggouos 


Moj  cioteczny  wnuk  . 


Lelin  prevnook [miannik 

Moi  dvoiurodnyi  vnutchatnyi  ple- 


Laveh  tSrneh  ammeh  mun  . 


Minn  esa  odde  poeg  poeg  poeg.. 
Serkkuni  poian  polka 


Son  of  sou  of  son  of  pat.  annt  my. 


Great  grandson  of  paternal  aunt  my. 
Father's  sister's  son's  son's  son. 
Son's  son's  son's  sister  of  my  father. 
Great  grandchild  sister  of  my  father. 
Daught.  of  sou  of  son  of  son  of  iny  fa. 
Grandson  of  my  cousin. 
Great  grandchild  of  paternal  aunt. 

Father's  sister's  great  grandchild. 
Son's  son's  son  of  father's  sister  my. 
Father's  sister's  son's  sou's  sou. 

Aunt's  great  grandson  (fath.  side). 

Aunt's  great  grandson.     b  Nephew. 

Cousin.     b  Aunt's  great  gramlson. 

Cousin's  child's  child. 

Cousin's  grandson. 

Aunt's  great  grandson. 

Grandson  of  my  cousin. 

My  nephew. 

Distant  cousin. 

Third  cousin. 

Great  grandson  of  paternal  uncle. 

Cousin's  grandson. 

Aunt's  great  grandson. 

My  grandson  through  paternal  annt. 


Paternal  uncle's  great  grandson. 


Son  of  grandchild  of  pat.  aunt  my. 

My  father's  sister's  son's  son's  son. 
Cousin's  my  sou's  son. 


100 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

85.  Father's  sister's  great  grandson's 
daughter. 

Translation. 

86.  Mother's  brother. 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Daught.  of  d.  of  d.  of  paternal  aunt. 
u           t*         ti                  tt            ft 

Great  granddaught.  of  pat.  aunt  my. 
Father's  sister's  daughter's  dau.  dau. 
Son  of  son  of  son  of  sister  of  my  fa. 
Gt.  grandchild  of  sister  of  my  father. 
Danght.  of  son  of  s.  of  sister  of  my  fa. 
Granddaughter  of  my  cousin. 
Great  grandchild  of  paternal  aunt. 

Father's  sister's  great  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  fath.  sister  my. 
Father's  sister's  dau.  dau.'  dau. 

Aunt's  gt.  granddaught.  (fath.  side). 
Aunt's  gt.  grauddaught.     b  Niece. 
Cousin.     b  Aunt's  gt.  granddaught. 
Cousin's  child's  child. 
Cousin's  granddaughter. 
Aunt's  great  granddaughter. 
Granddaughter  of  my  cousin. 
My  niece. 
Distant  cousin. 
Third  cousin. 
Gt.  granddaughter  of  paternal  aunt. 
Cousin's  granddaughter. 
Aunt's  great  granddaughter. 

My  granddaughter  through  pat.  aunt. 

Paternal  aunt's  great  granddaughter. 
My  double  birth  grandchild  niece. 

Dau.  of  grandchild  of  pat.  aunt  my. 

My  father's  sister's  son's  son's  dau. 
Cousin's  my  daughter's  daughter. 

Khali  

Maternal  uncle  my. 
tt                tt         ft 
tt             tt       tt 
tt             it       tt 
Mother's  brother. 

Brother  of  my  mother, 
tt         tt             tt 

tt         tt             tt 
My  uncle. 

Maternal  uncle. 

tt             tt 

Uncle  (mother's  side). 
Mother's  brother  my. 

Uncle. 
Uncle  (mother's  side.) 

Uncle. 
tt 

tt 

tt 
tt 

My  uncle. 
My  uncle  maternal. 
Uncle.     b  Blood  uncle. 
Uncle. 
Maternal  uncle.     b  Uncle. 
Maternal  uncle. 
Uncle. 
My  mother's  brother. 

My  uncle, 
tt        tt 

Uncle  my. 
tt       tt 

My  uncle. 
Maternal  uncle  my. 
tt            tt       tt 

Grand  elder  brother  my. 
My  mother's  brother. 
Maternal  unulo  my. 

Kliiili  

Ineean  mic  mio  driffer  inahar  

I  nneeii  mac  mac  mac  shuyr  my  ayr 

Haloo  

Matula      b  Matrbhratar  

Dotturd.  dottirfodursysturininDar 
Fasters  dotters  dotters  dotter. 

Paternal  annt's  gt.  granddaughter 
Moejes  aohter  klein  doch.    b  Nicht 
Niohte.    b  Moejes  groote  g.  docht. 

Earn       

Ooin  

Ohm.     b  Onkel  

Oheim.     b  Onkel.     °  Ohm  
Oheiin.     b  Onkel  

Tio.     b  Tio  carnal  

Tio  

Metros.    b  Metradelphoa.     c  Thios. 
Theios..[dPatrokosignetosuaimos  ? 

Muj  ujec  

Moja  dvoiurodnaja  vnutchatnaja 
[plemiannitza 

Dayi-m  

Minn  esa  odde  poeg  poeg  tutar  
Serkkuni  tyttaren  tytar  

EuOiiT                        

87.  Hother'i  brother's  wife. 

Translation. 

88.  Mother's  brother's  son. 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Ararat  khali    ..         

Wife  of  maternal  uncle  my. 
tt      ft         «             ft       (t 

Wife  of  brother  of  mother  my. 
Wife  of  maternal  uncle  my. 
Mother's  brother's  wife. 

Wife  of  brother  of  my  mother, 
ft      tt         n       it    it         tt 

tt      d         u       n     ft         ft 

My  aunt. 
Wife  of  maternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  wife. 
Wife  of  mother's  brother  my. 
Mother's  brother's  wife. 

Aunt. 
Uncle's  wife.     b  Aunt. 
Aunt. 

ft 
u 

My  uncle's  wife. 
My  aunt. 
My  aunt  by  courtesy. 
Aunt.     b  Aunt  by  affinity. 
Acquired  aunt. 
Wife  of  maternal  uncle. 

f  (                  1  (                       tf 

My  mother's  brother's  wife. 
My  aunt, 
ft       it 

Aunt  my. 
tt        tt 

My  aunt. 
My  uncle's  wife. 
Wife  of  maternal  uncle  my. 

Wife  of  maternal  uncle  my. 

Ibn  khali 

Son  of  maternal  uncle  my. 
ft      tt         ft             tt        tt 

Son  of  maternal  uncle  my. 
Mother's  brother's  son. 

Son  of  brother  of  my  mother. 

tt      tt       tt          ft     tt         tt 

Zaujat  khali  

Ibu  khali  .         .                     

EshSth  •  khi  imtni  

Briina  d'khilumee 

Bakhta  d'khalumee  

Fy  modryb  

My  cousin. 
Son  of  maternal  uncle. 
Maternal  uncle's  son. 
Cousin. 
Son  of  mother's  brother  my. 
Mother's  brother's  son.     b  Cousin. 

First  cousin. 
Uncle's  son.     b  Nephew. 
Cousin.     b  Uncle's  sou. 
Cousin, 
tt 

Uncle's  son.     '•  Cousin. 
My  cousin. 

Cousin-brother, 
tt           tt 

Cousin. 
Son  of  maternal  uncle.     b  Cousin. 
Cousin, 
tt 

My  brother  through  maternal  uncle. 
Uncle's  son  my. 

My  double  birth  brother. 

Son  of  maternal  uncle  iny. 
tt     tt           tt             tt         tt 

My  mother's  brother's  son. 
Cousin  my. 

Zani  haloo  

Morbroders  hustrue  

Matulaputra  

Kona  modurbrodur  mins  

Cousin.     b  Maternal  uncle's  son.. 

Ooms  vrouw.     b  Tante  

Moej  

Miihn.     b  Tante  

Muh  me.     b  Taute  

Ma  tante  

Tia  politica  

Tia.     b  Tia  por  affinidade  

Aquistella  tia  

Avuuculi  filius.     b  Consobrinus... 

Metradelphou  guue  

Protos  exadelphos  

Ma  tetka  

Vuyna  mi  

Moja  tjotka  

Khiil  zhiineh  mun  

Davim  ogh'.u  

EnonT  vaiinO  

OP    TIIE    11  U  MAN    FAMILY. 


101 


TABLE  J. — Continued. 


89.  Mother's  brother's  son's  wife. 


Translation. 


90.  Mother's  brother's  daughter. 


Translation. 


i 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
IB 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Amrat  ibn  khali.. 
Zaujat  ibn  kb.ii.li. 


Caltii  d'khaliiwe 

Morus  yilkepora  voretin  gena.... 

Ban  mic  driliar  mo  valiar 

Bt-an  mic  brathar  mo  m'hathair. 

Hen  mac  braar  my  moir 

Fy  Nghefnither. 

Ziui  poosilri  haloo 


Fatter's  hustrue 

Sonar  kona  modurburodur  uiins. 
Morbrors  sous  hustru 


Cousin 

Ooins  zoous  vrouw 

Nicbte 

Nichte 

Base 

Oheims  schwiegertochter. 

Ma  cousiue 

Priina  politica 

Prima  por  affinidade 

AquUtella  cugina 

Avuncnli  filii  uxor 

Auepsiou  gune 


Moja  wujeczna  bratowa. 


Sliena  moega  dvoiurodn.rjabrata., 

Diiyine  ogblunum  kiirusu 

Bookeh  khilleh 


Wife  of  son  of  maternal  uncle  my. 


Danghter-in-law  of  maternal  uncle. 
Mother's  brother's  son's  wife. 
\\ife  of  son  of  bro.  of  my  mother. 


Serkkuni  vaim5. 


My  cousin. 

Wife  of  son  of  maternal  uncle. 

Cousin's  wife. 

Son's  wife  of  mother's  brother  my. 

Mother's  brother's  son's  wife. 

Cousin. 

Uncle's  son's  wife. 

Niece  by  marriage. 

Cousin. 

« 

Uncle's  daughter-in-law. 

My  cousin. 

My  cousin  by  courtesy. 

Cousin  by  affinity. 

Acquired  cousin. 

Wife  of  son  of  maternal  uncle. 

Wife  of  cousin. 


My  sister-in-law  through  mat.  unc. 


Wife  of  my  double  birth  brother. 
Wif«  of  son  of  uncle  my. 
Daughter-in-law  of  mat.  unc.  my. 


Wife  cousin's  my. 


Bint  khali . 
Bint  khali . 


Briita  d'khaluwee 

Morus  yiikepora  toostra 

Ineean  driliar  mo  vahar 

Nighean  brathair  mo  m'brathair... 

Inneen  braar  my  nioir 

Fy  Nghefuither 

Dukhtiiri  haloo 

Matulapntri 

Siklskendebarn 

Dottir  modurbrodurmins 

Morbrors  dotter.     b  Syskonban. ... 

Cousin.     b  Mat.  uncle's  daughter. 

Ooms  dochter.     b  Nk-ht 

Nichte.     b  Ooms  dochter 

Nichte 

Base.     b  Muhmchen 

Oheims  tochter.     b  Base 

Ma  cousine 

Prima  hermana 

Prima 

Cugina 

Avnnculi  filia.     b  Consobrina 

Anepsia.     b  Kase  ? 

Prote  exadelphe 


Moja  wujeozna  siostra. 
Bratoochetka  mi 


Moja  dvoiurodnajasestra. 

Diiyine  kusu 

Keezil  khiileh  iiiuu 


Sarkuni.     b  Orpanani. 


Daughter  of  maternal  uncle  my. 


Mother's  brother's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  brother  of  my  mother. 

tt  ((  II  U         it  tl 

ft  II          II          tt     (t          (( 

My  cousin. 

Daughter  of  maternal  uncle. 
Maternal  uncle's  daughter. 
Cousin. 

Daughter  of  mother's  brother  my. 
Mother's  brother's  daughter.     Cons. 

First  cousin. 

Uncle's  daughter.     '  Niece. 

Niece.     b  Uncle's  daughter. 

Cousin. 

it 

Uncle's  daughter.     b  Cousin. 
My  cousin. 
Cousin-sister. 
Cousin. 
u 

Daughter  of  mat.  uncle.     b  Cousin. 
Cousin. 


My  sister  through  maternal  uncle. 
Uncle's  daughter  my. 

My  double  birth  sister. 
Daughter  of  maternal  uncle  my. 

il  U  U  tt  t< 

Cousin  my. 


1.  Mother's  brother's  daughter's  husband. 


Translation. 


92.  Mother's  brother's  grandson. 


Translation. 


10 

11 

12 
13 
14 

15 
16 

17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
2S 
211 

to 

31 
82 

33 
34 
35 
3(5 
37 
38 
39 


Zoj  bint  khali... 
Zauj  bint  khali. 


Khutna  d'khaluwee 

Morus  yiikepora  toostra  arega 

Far  ineeni  dribar  mo  vahar 

Cleeamhuin  brathair  mo  rn'hathar 
Sheshey  imieeu  braar  my  nioir.... 

Fy  Nghefnder 

Skohari  dukhtari  haloo 

Sodskendebarns  husbond 

Madr  brodnrdottur  niodur  mius... 
Morbrors  dotters  man 


Cousin 

Ooms  dochters  man 

Kozyn 

Vedder 

Vetter 

Oheims  schwiegersohn. 

Mon  cousin 

Primo  politico 

Primo  por  affinidade.... 

Aquistata  ougino 

Avunculi  filiae  vir 

Auepsias  aner 


Moj  wujeczny  szwagier. 


Mush  moegodvoiurodnaja  sestra. 

Dayim   kusunum  kojiisu 

Zilvii  khiileh  mun 


Serkuni  mies. 


Husband  of  daught.  of  m.  uncle  my. 


Son-in-law  of  maternal  uncle  my. 
Mother's  brother's  daught.  husband. 
Husband  of  dan.  of  bro.  of  my  husb. 


My  cousin. 

Husband  of  daught.  of  mat.  uncle. 

Cousin's  husband. 

Husband  of  brother's  d.  of  m.  my. 

Mother's  brother's  daughter's  husb. 

Cousin. 

Uncle's  daughter's  husband. 

Cousin. 


Uncle's  son-in-law. 

My  cousin. 

My  cousin  by  courtesy. 

Cousin  by  affinity. 

Acquired  cousin. 

Husband  of  dau.  of  maternal  uncle. 

Uusband  of  cousin. 


My  brother-in-law  through  m.  uncle. 


Husband  of  my  double  birth  sister. 
Husband  of  daughter  of  uncle  my. 
Son-in-law  of  maternal  uncle  my. 


Cousin's  my  husband. 


Ihn  ibn  khali . 
Ibu  ibu  khali. 


Nawiga  d'khaluwee 

Morus  yakepora  voretein  voretin... 

Mac  mic  driliar  mo  vahar 

Ogha  brathar  mo  m'hathair 

Mac  mac  braar  my  moir 

Mab  fy  nghefuder 

Navadai  haloo 


Morbroders  barnebarn 

Sonar  sour  modurbrodurmins 

Morbrors  souson 


Maternal  uncle's  grandson 

Ooms  klein  zoou.     b  Neef 

Kozyn.     b  Ooms  groot  zoon 

Vedders  soohn.     b  Niclites  soohn. 

Vetters  sohn 

Oheims  enkel 

Men  cousin  sous-germain 

Sobrino 

Primo  distante 

Secoudo  cugino 

Avunculi  nepos 

Anepsiades 

Theiou  eggonos 


Moj  wujeezny  bratauek. 


Moi  dvoiurodnyi  plemiannik  . 

Dilyim  oghlii 

TOrueh  khaleh  mun 


Minu  emii  vennii  poeg  poeg. 
Serkkum  polka, 


Son  of  sou  of  maternal  uncle  my. 


Grandson  of  maternal  uncle  niy. 

Mother's  brother's  son's  son. 

Son  of  son  of  brother  (if  my  mother. 

Grandchild  of  brother  of  my  mother. 

Sou  of  son  of  brother  of  my  mother. 

Son  of  .my  cousin. 

Grandchild  of  maternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  grandson  (mother's  side). 
Son's  son  of  mother's  brother  my. 
Mother's  brother's  son's  son. 

Uncle's  grandson  (mother's  side). 
Uncle's  grandson.       b  Nephew. 
Cousin.     b  Uncle's  grandson. 

Cousin's  son. 

<t          u 

Uncle's  grandson. 

My  cousin's  son. 

My  nephew. 

Distant  cousin. 

Second  cousin. 

Grandson  of  maternal  uncle. 

Cousin's  son. 

Uncle's  grandson. 

My  nephew  through  mat.  uncle. 


My  double  birth  nephew. 
Son  of  maternal  uncle  my. 
Grandchild  of  maternal  uncle  nay. 

My  mother's  brother's  son's  son. 
Cousin's  my  son. 


102 


SYSTEMS  OF  CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


Mother's  brother's  granddaughter. 


Translation. 


94.  Mother's  brother's  great  grandson. 


Translation. 


3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
33 
39 


Bint  ibn  khali. 

liiiit  ibukhiili. 


NUwigta  d'khiiluwee 

Morns  yakepora  toostrin  toostra... 

Ineean  mic  drihar  mo  vahar 

Ogha  brathar  mo  m'hathair 

Inneen  mac  braar  my  moir 

Merch  fy  nghefuither 

Navadai  haloo 


Morbroders  barnebarn 

Dottur  dottir  modurbrodur  mins.. 
Morbrors  dotter  dotter 


Maternal  uncle's  granddaughter.. 

Ooms  klein  dochter.     "  Nicht 

Nichte.     *  Oouis  groote  dochter... 
Vedders  dochter.   b  Nichtes  doch. 

Vetters  tochter 

Oheims  enkelin 

Ma  cousin  sous-germaine 

Sobrina 

Prima  distante 

Seconda  cugina 

Avunculi  neptis 

Anepsiade 

Theiou  eggone 


Moja  wujeczna  syuosvica. 


Moja  dvoiurodnaja  plemiannitza. 

Dayine  kusu 

TSrueli  khaleh  mun 


SerkkunT  tytar . 


Daughter  of  son  of  mat.  uncle  my. 


Granddanght.  of  maternal  uncle  my. 
Mother's  brother's  daught.  danght. 
Daught.  of  sou  of  bro.  of  my  mother. 
Grandchild  of  brother  of  my  mother. 
Daughter  of  son  of  my  mother. 
Daughter  of  my  cousin. 
Granddaughter  of  maternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  grandchild. 

Daughter's  d.  of  mother's  bro.  my. 

Mother's  brother's  daught.  daught. 

Uncle's  granddaughter  (m.  s.) 
Uncle's  granddaughter.     b  Niece. 
Niece.     b  Uncle's  granddaughter. 
Cousin's  daughter. 
ti  tt 

Uncle's  granddaughter. 

My  cousin's  daughter. 

My  niece. 

Distant  cousin. 

Second  cousin. 

Granddaughter  of  maternal  uncle. 

Cousin's  daughter. 

Uncle's  granddaughter. 

My  niece  through  maternal  uncle. 


My  double  birth  niece. 
Daughter  of  maternal  uncle  my. 
Grandchild  of  maternal  uncle  my. 


Cousin's  my  daughter. 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  kha'.i. 
Ibn  ibu  ibn  khali. 


Natijad'khaluwee 

Morus  yakepora  voretein  v.  voretin 

Mac  mic  mic  drihar  mo  vahar 

lar  ogha  brathar  ruo  m'hathar 

Mac  mac  mac  braar  my  moir 

Wyr  fy  nghefnder 

Natijai  haloo 

Morbroders  barnebarns  barn 

Sonar  sonar  sour  modurbrodur  mins 
Morbrora  sonsons  son 

Maternal  uncle's  great  grandson  . 
Ooms  achter  klein  zoon.  b  Neef.. 
Kozyn.  b  Ooms  groot  groot  zoou.. 

Vedders  kinds  kind 

Vetters  enkel 

Oheims  grossenkel 

Le  petit-fils  de  mon  cousin 

Sobrino , 

Primo  distante 

Terzo  cngino 

Avuncnli  pronepos 

Anepsiou  eggonos  ? 

Theiou  proeggonos 


Moj  wujeczny  wnuk . 


Moi  dvoiurodnyi  vnutchatnyi  ple- 

[miannik. 

Laveh  tSrneh  khaleh  mini 


SerkkunI  potan  poika. . 


Sou  of  son  of  sou  of  mat.  uncle  my. 


Gt.  grandson  of  maternal  uncle  tny. 
Mother's  brother's  son's  son's  son. 
Son  of  son  of  s.  of  bro.  of  my  mother. 
Gt.  grandchild  of  bro.  of  my  mother. 
Son  of  son  of  s.  of  bro.  of  my  mother. 
Grandson  of  my  cousin. 
Gt.  grandchild  of  maternal  uncle. 

Uncle's  great  grandchild. 

Son's  son's  sou  of  mother's  bro.  my. 

Mother's  brother's  sou's  son's  son. 

Uncle's  gt.  grandson  (mother's  side). 

Uncle's  gt.  grandson      b  Nephew. 

Cousiu.     b  Uncle's  great  grandson. 

Cousin's  child's  child. 

Cousin's  grandson. 

Uncle's  great  grandson. 

The  grandson  of  my  cousin. 

My  nephew. 

Distant  cousin. 

Third  cousin. 

Gt  grandson  of  maternal  uncle. 

Cousin's  grandson. 

Uncle's  great  grandson. 

My  grandson  through  mat.  uncle. 


My  double  birth  grandson  nephew. 
Sou  of  grandchild  of  mat.  uncle  my. 

Cousin's  my  son's  son. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
2li 
27 
28 

u 

M 

31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
7 


95.  Mother's  brother's  great  granddaughter. 


Bint  bint  bint  khali. 
Bint  bint  bint  khali. 


Natijta  d'khaluwee 

Morns  y.  toostiin  t.  tooster 

IneSan  mie  mic  drihar  mo  vahar.. 

lar  ogha  brathar  mo  m'hathar 

Inneen  mac  mac  braar  my  moir... 

Wyres  fy  nghefnither 

Natijai  haloo 

Morbroders  barnebarns  barn 

Dottur  d.  dot  tir  mod  nrbrodur  mins 
Morbrors  dotters  dotter  dotter 

Maternal  uncle's  gt.  granddanght. 
Ooms  achter  klein  dochter.  b  Nidi  t 
Nichte.  b  Ooms  groote  g.  dochter 

Vedders  kinds  kind 

Vettera  enkelinn 

Oheims  grossenkelin..'. 

La  petite-fille  de  mon  cousin 

Sobrina 

Prima  distante 

Terza  cugina 

Avunculi  proneptis 

Anepsion  eggone 

Theiou  proeggone 


Moja  wujeczna  wnuczka. 


Moja  dvoiurodnaja  vnutchatnaja 
[  'pleiniaiinitza. 
Keeza  tOrneh  khilleh  muu 


S-t-rkkuni  tyth'iren  tytar., 


Translation. 


Daught.  d.  of  d.  of  mat.  uncle  my. 
*t          it        u      it        tt        tt 

Gt.  granddaugnt.  of  mat.  uncle  my. 
Mother's  brother's  dau.  dau.  dau. 
Uau.  of  son  of  s.  rff  bro.  of  my  moth. 
Great  grandchild  of  my  mother. 
Danght.  of  son  of  son  of  my  mother. 
Granddaughter  of  my  cousin. 
Great  grandchild  of  mat.  uncle. 

Uncle's  great  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  m.  brother  my. 
Mother's  brother's  dau.  dau.  dau. 

Uncle's  great  granddaughter  (m.  s.). 

Uncle's  gt.  granddaughter.     b  Niece. 

Niece.     "  Uncle's  gt.  granddaughter. 

Cousin's  child's  child. 

Cousin's  granddaughter. 

Uncle's  great  granddaughter. 

The  granddaughter  of  my  cousin. 

My  niece 

Distant  cousin. 

Third  cousin. 

Great  granddaughter  of  mat.  uncle. 

Cousin's  granddaughter. 

Uncle's  great  granddaughter. 

My  granddaughter  through  m.  uncle. 


Dau.  of  grandchild  of  m.  uncle  my. 
Cousin's  my  daughter's  daughter. 


96.  Mother's  sister. 


Khaleti 

Khalati 

"  Khoth  iiumi 

Khultee 

Morns  kovera 

Driffurmo  vahar 

Phiuthar  mo  m'hathair. 

Shuyr  my  ayr , 

Fy  modryb 

Hala 

Matershvasar 

Moster 

Modursystirmin 

Moster 

Moddrie.     b  Modrie 

Maternal  aunt 

Moeje.     b  Tante 

Moej 

Mo'hn.     b  Tante 

Muhme.     b  Tante 

Muhme.     b  Tante 

Ma  tante 

Tia  materna 

Tia.     b  Tia  carnal 

Tia 

Matertera 

Metrapdelphe.    b  Theia. 

Theia 

MTino  teta 

Moja  ciotka 

Ma  tetka 

Tetka  mi 

Tetka  mi 

Moja  tjotka 

Diaza-m 

Khiileh  mun 

Nagy  nenem 

Minu  ennii  odde 

Tati... 


Translation. 


Maternal  aunt  my. 


Mother's  sister. 
Sister  of  my  mother. 


My  aunt. 
Maternal  aunt. 
Mother's  sister, 
tt  it 

Mother's  sister  my. 
Mother's  sister. 
Maternal  aunt. 
Aunt  (mother's  side). 
Aunt. 


My  aunt. 

My  aunt  maternal. 

Aunt.     b  Blood  aunt 

Aunt. 

Maternal  annt. 
u  tt 

Aunt. 

My  mother's  sister. 

My  aunt. 

t<      it 

Aunt  my. 
it       tt 

My  aunt. 
Maternal  annt  my. 

tt  tt      tt 

Grand  elder  brother  my. 
My  mother's  sister. 
Aunt. 


OP    THE    HUMAN   FAMILY. 


103 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


97.  Mother's  sister's  husband. 


Translation. 


8.  Mother's  sister's  son. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Z6j  khaieti 

Zauj  khalati 

Ish  *  klioth  Immf 

Gorii  d'khultee 

Morns  crochus  arega 

Kar  driffiir  mo  vahar 

Fear  phiuthar  mo  m'hathair. 

Sheshey  shuyr  my  inoir 

Fy  ewyrtli 

Shohari  hala 


Mosters  husbond 

Madr  modursytur  minnar. 
Mosters  man 


Husband  of  maternal  aunt  my. 


Mother's  sister's  husband. 
Husband  of  sister  of  my  mother. 


My  uncle. 

Husband  of  maternal  aunt. 

Mother's  sister's  husband. 
Husband  of  mother's  sister  my. 
Mother's  sister's  husband. 


Ibn  Khaieti. 
Ibn  Khalati. 


Uncle 

Moejes  man.     b  Oom 

Oom  

Ohm.     »  Onkel 

Oheim.     b  Onkel.     c  Ohm  , 

Meiner  mnhme  gatte 

Mon  oncle 

Tio  politico 

Tio.     b  Tio  por  affinidade.., 

Aquistata  tio 

Materterae  vir 

Metradelphe  aner 


Uncle. 

Aunt's  husband. 

Uncle. 


b  Uncle. 


Moj  wnj 

Muj  ujec 

Tetin  mi 

Tetin  mi 

Moi  djadja 

Knisbte-m 

Mereh  khaleh  mun. 


TatlnT  mies. 


My  aunt's  husband. 

My  uncle. 

My  uncle  by  courtesy. 

Uncle.     b  Uncle  by  affinity. 

Acquired  uncle. 

Husband  of  maternal  aunt. 


My  uncle. 

U  (( 

Uncle  my. 
it       (i 

My  uncle. 

Brother-in-law  my. 

Husband  of  maternal  uncle  my. 

Husband  of  my  aunt. 


Briina  d'khultee 

Morus  crocha  voretin 

Mac  driffur  mo  vahar 

Mac  phiuthar  mo  m'hathair 

Mac  shuyr  my  moir 

Fy  Nghefnder , 

Poosari  hala 

Matershvasriya 

Fatter.     b  Sodskendebarn 

fystur  sonr  modur  miunar 

Mosters  son.    b  Syskonbarn 

(Swor  ?)    Modrigan  sunn 

Cousin.     Maternal  aunt's  son 

Moejes  zoon.     b  Neef 

Kozyn.     b  Moejes  zoon 

Vedder 

Vetter.     b  Geschwisterkind , 

Muhme  sohn.     b  Vetter 

Mon  cousin 

Prinio  hermano 

Primo  irmao 

Cugino 

Materterse  filius.     b  Consobrinus., 

Anepsios.     b  Kasis? , 

Protos  exadelphos 


Moj  cioteczny  brat. 


Bratovchemi 

Tetun  sin.     b  Sestrenche. 

Moi  dvoiurodnyi  brat 

Diazameoghlu 

Laveh  khaleh  mun 


Minu  emil  odde  poeg — 
Serkkuni.     b  Orpanani. 


Son  of  maternal  aunt  my. 


Mother's  sister's  son. 

Son  of  sister  of  my  mother. 


My  cousin. 

Son  of  maternal  annt. 

Mother's  sister's  son. 

Cousin. 

Sister's  son  of  mother  my. 

Mother's  sister's  son.     b  Cousin. 

(Cousin?)   Maternal  aunt's  son. 

First  cousin. 

Aunt's  son.  b  Nephew. 

Cousin.     b  Aunt's  son. 

Cousin. 
u 

Aunt's  Bon.     b  Cousin. 

My  cousin. 

My  cousin-brother. 

Cousin-brother. 

Cousin. 

Son  of  maternal  aunt.     b  Cousin. 

Cousin. 


My  brother  through  maternal  aunt. 

Aunt's  son  my. 

Maternal  aunt's  son.     b  Cousin. 
My  double  birth  brother. 
Son  of  maternal  aunt  my. 


My  mother's  sister's  son. 
Cousin  my. 


99.  Mother's  Bister's  son's  wife. 


Translation. 


100.  Mother's  sister's  daughter. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 

26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ararat  ibn  khaieti . 
Zaujat  ibn  kluihiti. 


Calta  d'khultee 

Morus  crocha  voretein  gena 

Ban  mic  driffer  mo  vahar 

Bean  mic  phiuthar  mo  m'hathair 

Ben  mac  shnyrmy  moir 

Fy  nghefnither 

Zaui  poosari  hala 

Patters  hustrue 

Sonar  kona  molursystur  niinnar.. 
Mosters  sous  Lustru 


Cousin 

Mojes  zoons  vrouw 

Nii'hte : 

Nichte 

Base 

Muhme  schwiegertochter. 

Macousine 

Prima  politica 

Prima  por  affinidade 

Aquistella  cugina 

Materti'rse  filii  uxor 

Anepsiou  gune 


Moja  cioteczna  bratowa., 


Shena  moego  dvoiurodnaja  brata.. 

Diazam  oghlunum  karusu 

Bookeh  khaleh  mun 


Serkknni  vaimo. 


Wife  of  son  of  maternal  aunt  my. 


Daughter-in-law  of  mater,  aunt  my. 

Mother's  sister's  son's  wife. 

Wife  of  son  of  sister  of  my  mother. 


My  cousin. 

Wife  of  sou  of  maternal  aunt. 

Cousin's  wife. 

Son's  wife  of  mother's  sister  my. 

Mother's  sister's  sou's  wife. 

Cousin. 

Aunt's  son's  wife. 

Niece. 

Cousin. 

H 

Aunt's  daughter-in-law. 

My  cousin. 

My  cousin  by  courtesy. 

Cousin  by  affinity. 

Acquired  cousin. 

Wife  of  son  of  maternal  aunt. 

Wife  of  cousin. 


My  sister-in-law  through  mat.  aunt. 


Wife  of  my  double  birth  brother. 
Wife  of  son  of  maternal  aunt. 
Daughter-in-law  of  maternal  aunt. 


Wife  of  my  cousin. 


Bint  khaieti. 
Bint  khalati. 


Brata  d'khultee 

Morus  crocha  toostra 

Ineean  driffer  mo  vahar 

Nighean  phiuthar  mo  m'hathair.., 

Inneen  shuyr  my  moir 

Fy  nghefnither 

Dukhtaribala 

MatrshvasriyS, 

Sodskendebarn  

Systurdottir  inodur  minnar 

Mosters  dotter.     » Syskoubarn 

Cousin.     Maternal  aunt's  daught. 

Moi-jes  dochter.     b  Nicht 

Nichte.     b  Moejes  dochter 

Nichte 

Base.     bMuhrnchen.     "Biischeu.. 

Muhme  tochter.     b  Base 

Ma  consine 

Prima  hermana 

Prima 

Cugina 

Materterse  filia.     b  Cousobrina 

Anepsie.     b  Kase  ? 

Prote  exadelphe 


Moja  cioteczna  siostra. 


Bratovchetka  mi 

Tetuna  dushtera 

Moja  dviourodnaja  sestra. 

Diazam  kuzu 

Keesa  khaleh  mun 


Minu  ema  odde  tutlir... 
Serkkuul.     b  Orpanani. 


Daughter  of  maternal  aunt  my. 


Mother's  sister's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  sister  of  my  mother. 


My  cousin. 

Daughter  of  maternal  aunt. 

Mother's  sister  daughter. 

Cousin  (mother's  side). 

Lister's  daughter  of  mother  my. 

Mother's  sister's  daughter.  b  Cousin 

First  cousin. 

Aunt's  daughter.     b  Niece. 
Niece.     b  Aunt's  daughter. 
Cousin. 
« 

Aunt's  daughter.     b  Cousin. 

My  cousin. 

Cousin-sister. 

Cousin. 

H 

Daughter  of  mat.  aunt.     b  Cousin. 
Cousiu. 


My  sister  through  maternal  aunt. 

Aunt's  daughter  my. 
Maternal  aunt's  daughter. 
My  double  birth  sister. 
Daughter  of  paternal  aunt  my. 


My  mother's  sister's  daughter. 
Cousin  my. 


104 


SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
.16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


101.  Mother's  sister's  daughter's  husband. 


7.6}  bint  khaleti.... 
Zauj  bint  khiilati , 


Khntna  d'khultee 

Morus  croolia  toostriu  arega 

Far  ineenl  driller  mo  vahar 

Cleeamhiun  phiutliar  mo  ru'hathair 
Sheshey  inneen  shuyr  my  moir... 

Fy  nghefnder 

Shohari  dukhtari  hala 


Siidskendebarns  liusbond 

Madr  systurdottur  modur  minnar 
Musters  dotters  man 


Cousin 

Moejes  dochters  man.... 

Kozyn 

Vedder 

Vetter 

Muhrae  schwiegersohn. 

Mon  cousin 

Pri  mo  politico 

Primo  por  affinidade.... 

Aquistata  cngino 

Materterie  filiae  vir 

Auepsiou  aner 


Moj  cioteozny  szwagier. 


Mash  moego  dvoinrodnaja  sestra. . 

Diazam  kuzunum  kojasu 

Zavah  khaleh  muu 


Serkkuul  mies., 


Translation. 


Husband  of  dauglit.  of  mat.  aunt  my. 


Son-in-law  of  maternal  aunt  my. 
Mother's  sister's  daughter's  husband. 
Husb.  of  daught.  of  sist.  of  my  uioth. 


My  cousin. 

Husband  of  daughter  of  mat.  aunt. 

Cousin's  husband. 

Husb.  of  sister's  danght.  of  mo.  my. 

Mother's  sister's  daughter's  husband. 

Cousin. 

Aunt's  daughter's  husband. 

Cousin. 


Aunt's  son-in-law. 

My  cousin. 

My  cousin  by  courtesy. 

Cousin  by  affinity. 

Acquired  cousin. 

Husband  of  daught.  of  mat.  aunt. 

Husband  of  cousin. 


My  broth. -in-law  through  mat.  aunt. 


Husband  of  my  double  birth  sister. 
Aunt's  my  daughter's  husband. 
Son-in-law  of  maternal  aunt  my. 


Cousin's  my  husband. 


102.  Mother's  sister's  grandson. 


Ibn  ibn  khaleti.. 
Ibu  ibu  khiilati. 


Nawiga  d'khultee 

Morus  crocha  voretein  voretin 

Mac  mic  driffer  mo  vahar 

Ogha  phiuthar  mo  m'liathair 

Mac  mac  shuyr  my  moir 

Mai)  fy  nghefnder 

Navadai  hala 


Mosters  barnebarn 

Sonar  sonr  modursystur  minnar... 
Mosters  soiison 


Maternal  aunt's  grandson 

Moejes  klein  zoou.     b  Neef. 

Kozyn.     b  Moejes  groot  zoon 

Vedders  soohn.     b  ISichtes  soohn 

Vetters  sohn 

Muhme  enkel 

Mon  cousin  sous-germain 

Sobrino 

Primo  distante 

Secondo  cugino 

Materterse  uepos 

Anepsiades 

Theias  eggonos 


Moj  cioteczny  bratanek. 


Tetum  vnook : 

Moi  dvoiurodnyi  plemiaunik. 

Diazam  oghlu 

Torneh  khaleh  mun 


Minu  ema  odde  poeg  poeg.. 
Serkkunl  poika 


Translation. 


Son  of  sou  of  maternal  aunt  my. 


Grandson  of  maternal  aunt  my. 

Mother's  sister's  son's  son. 

Son  of  sou  of  sister  of  my  mother. 

Grandchild  of    sister  of  my  mother. 

Son  of  son  of  sister  of  my  mother. 

Son  of  my  cousin. 

Grandchild  of  maternal  aunt. 

Mother's  sister's  grandchild. 
Son's  son  of  mother's  sister  my. 
Mother's  sister's  son's  sou. 

Aunt's  grandson  (mother's  side). 
Aunt's  grandson.     b  Nephew. 
Cousin.     b  Aunt's  grandson. 
Cousin's  son. 
«(          n 

Aunt's  grandson. 

My  cousin's  son. 

My  nephew. 

Distant  cousin. 

Second  cousin. 

Grandson  of  maternal  aunt. 

Cousin's  son. 

Aunt's  grandson. 

My  nephew  through  maternal  aunt. 


Maternal  aunt's  grandson. 
My  double  birth  nephew. 
Son  of  maternal  aunt  my. 
Grandchild  of  maternal  aunt  my. 

My  mother's  sister's  son's  son. 
Cousin's  my  sou. 


103.  Mother's  sister's  granddaughter. 


Translation. 


104.  Mother's  sister's  great  grandson. 


Translation. 


1 
•2 
I 

4 
B 

6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
H 
34 

Be 

86 
VI 
K 

39 


Bint  ibn  khaleti. 
Bint  ibn  khalati. 


Nawigta  d'khultee 

Morus  crocha  toostrin  toostra 

Ineean  mic  driffer  mo  vahar 

Ogha  phiuthar  ino  m'hathar 

Inneen  mac  shuyr  my  moir 

Mereh  fy  nghefuither 

Navadiii  hala 

Mosters  barnebarn 

Dottur  dottir  modursystur  minnar 
Mosters  dotters  dotter 

Maternal  aunt's  granddaughter.... 
Moejes  klein  dochter.  b  Nicht.... 
Nichte.  b  Moejes  groote  dochter. 
Vedders  dochter.  b  Nichle  docht. 

Vetters  tochter 

Muhme  enkelin 

Ma  cousine  sous-germaine 

Sobrina 

Prima  distante 

Seconda  cugina 

Matertera  neptis 

Anepsiade 

Theias  eggone 


Moj  a  cioteczna  siostrzenica  . 


Tetuna  vnooka 

Moja  dvoiurodnaja  plemiannitza.. 

Iiiit/.iim  kusu 

TBrueh  khaleh  muu 


Serkknn!  tytar., 


Daughter  of  son  of  mat.  aunt  my. 


Granddaughter  of  maternal  aunt  my. 
Mother's  sister's  daughter's  daught. 
Daught.  of  sist.  of  sist.  of  uiy  moth. 
Grandchild  of  sister  of  my  mother. 
Daught.  of  son  of  sist.  of  my  mother, 
Daughter  of  my  cousin. 
Daughter  of  maternal  aunt. 

Mother's  sister's  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  of  maternal  sister  my. 
Mother's  sister's  daughter's  daught. 

Aunt's  granddaughter  (moth.  side). 
Aunt's  granddaughter.     b  Niece. 
Niece.     b  Aunt's  granddaughter. 
Cousin's  daughter. 
<t  it 

Aunt's  granddaughter. 

My  cousin's  daughter. 

My  niece. 

Distant  cousin. 

Second  cousin. 

Granddaughter  of  maternal  aunt. 

Cousin's  daughter. 

Aunt's  granddaughter. 

My  niece  through  maternal  aunt. 


Maternal  aunt's  granddaughter. 
My  double  birth  niece. 
Granddaughter  of  maternal  aunt  my, 
Grandchild  of  maternal  aunt  my. 


Cousin's  my  daughter. 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  khaleti. 
Ibu  ibn  ibn  khalati. 


Natija  d'khultee 

Morus  crocha  voretein  v.  voretin.. 

Mac  mic  mie  driffer  mo  vahar 

lar  ogha  phiuthar  mo  m'liathair... 

Mac  mac  mac  shuyr  my  moir 

Wyr  fy  nghefnder 

Natijai  hala 


Mosters  barnebarns  barn [nar. 

Sonar  sonar  sonr  modursytur  miu- 
Mosters  sonsous  son. 

Maternal  aunt's  great  grandson... 
Moejes  achter  klein  zoon.  b  Neef 
Kozyn.  b  Moejes  groot  groot  zoou 

Vedders  kinds  kind 

Vetters  enkel 

Muhme  grossenkel 

Le  petit-fils  de  mou  cousin 

Sobrino 

Primo  distante 

Terzo  cugino 

Materterae  pronepos 

Anepsiou  eggonos  ? 

Theias  proggonos 


Moj  cioteczny  wnuk. 


Tetun  prevnook 

Moi  dvoiurodnyi  vnutchatnyi  ple- 
[miannik 
Liiveh  torneh  khaleh  mun 


Serkkunt  poian  poika. 


Son  of  son  of  son  of  mat.  aunt  my. 


Great  grandson  of  mat.  aunt  ray. 
Mother's  sister's  son's  son's  son. 
Son  of  son  of  p.  of  sist.  of  my  mother. 
Gt.  grandchild  of  sist.  of  my  mother. 
Son  of  son  of  s.  of  sist.  of  my  mother. 
Grandson  of  my  cousin. 
Great  grandchild  of  maternal  aunt. 

Mother's  sister's  great  grandchild. 
Son's  son's  son  of  mater,  sister  my. 
Mother's  sister's  son's  son's  sou. 

Aunt's  gt.  grandson  (mother's  side). 

Aunt's  great  grandson.     b  Nephew. 

Cousin.     b  Aunt's  great  grandson. 

Cousin's  child's  child. 

Cousin's  grandson. 

Aunt's  great  grandson. 

The  grandson  of  my  cousin. 

My  nephew. 

Distant  cousin. 

Third  cousin. 

Great  grandson  of  maternal  aunt. 

Cousin's  grandson. 

Aunt's  great  grandson. 

My  grandson  through  maternal  aunt. 


Maternal  aunt's  great  grandson. 

My  double  birth  grandson-nephew. 
Son  of  grandchild  of  mat.  aunt  my. 


Son's  son  of  my  cousin. 


OP    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


105 


TABLE  I. — Continued. 


10,5.  Mother's  Bister's  great  granddaughter. 


1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
G 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Bint  hint  bint  kluileti. 
Biut  bint  biiit  khiiliiti. 


Natijta  d'khnltee 

Mortis  crocha  toostrin  t.  toostra.... 
Ineean  mic  mic  driffermo  vahar... 
lar  oglia  phiuthar  mo  ni'hathair.. 
Inneen  mac  mac  shuyrmy  moir... 

Wyres  fy  nghefnither 

Natijiiihala 

Mosters  barnebarns  barn..[minnar 
Dottur  dottur  dottir  inodursystur 
Mosters  dotters  dotter  dotter 

Maternal  annt's  gt.  granddaught. 
Moejes  aehter  klein  doeh.  b  Nicht 
Niehte.  b  Moejes  groote  g.  docht. 

Vedders  kinds  kind 

Vetters  enkelinn 

Muhnie  grossenkelin 

La  petite-fllle  de  ma  cousine 

Sobrina 

Prima  distante 

Terzaougina 

Materterse  proneptis 

Anepsiou  eggone  ? 

Theias  proeggoue 


Moja  cioteczna  wnuczka.. 


Tetuna  prevnooka 

Moja  dvoiurodnaja   vnutihatiiaja 

[plemiannitza. 

Keeza  torneh  khilleh  luuu 


Serkkuni  poiau  tytar. 


Translation. 


Daught.  of  d.  of  d.  of  mat.  aunt  my. 


Gt.  granddaughter  of  mat.  aunt  my. 
Mother's  sister's  dau.  dau.  dau. 
Daught.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sist.  of  iny  mo. 
Gt.  grandchild  of  sist.  of  my  mother. 
Dau.  of  son  of  son  of  bro.  of  my  mo. 
Granddaughter  of  my  cousin. 
Gt.  grandchild  of  maternal  aunt. 

Aunt's  great  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  mat.  sister  my. 
Mother's  sister's  dau.  dau.  dau. 

Aunt's  gt.  granddaughter  (in.  s.) 

Aunt's  gt.  granddaughter.     b  Niece. 

Niece.     Aunt's  gt.  granddaughter. 

Cousin's  child's  child. 

Cousin's  granddaughter. 

Aunt's  great  granddaughter. 

The  granddaughter  of  ruy  cousin. 

My  niece. 

Distant  cousin. 

Third  cousin. 

Gt.  granddaughter  of  maternal  aunt. 

Cousin's  granddaughter. 

Aunt's  gt.  granddaughter. 

My  granddaught.  through  mat.  aunt. 


Maternal  aunt's  great  granddaughter. 
Dau.  of  grandchild  of  mat.  aunt  my. 
Daughter  of  the  son  of  my  cousin... 


106.  Father's  father's  brother. 


Amm  abi — 
Akhu  jaddi. 


Akhona  d'sawunee 

Metz  horus  yakepira... 
Drihar  mo  ban  ahar.... 
Brathair  mo  sheauair. 

Braar  ayr  my  ayr 

Brawd  fy  hendad 


Farfaders  broder. 
Afa  brodir  luinn. 
Karfars  bror 


Paternal  great  uncle 

Oud  oom 

Groot  oom 

Bess  vadera  brohr.    b  Vaders  ohm 

Gross  oheim 

Gross  oheirn.     b  Gross  onkel 

Mon  grand-oncle 

Tio  abnelo 

Tio  avo 

Provo 

Patruus  magnus 


Megas  theios . 


Moj  Zimny  dziadek . 
Muj  prestryc 


Deda  mi 

Moi  djed 

Dgdcniin  karndashu . 
Bra  bavkaleh  mun... . 


Tso  setanl.. 


Translation. 


Paternal  uncle  of  father  my. 


Brother  of  grandfather  my. 
Grandfather's  brother. 
Brother  of  my  grandfather. 


Grandfather's  brother. 
Grandfather's  brother  my. 
Grandfather's  brother. 

Great  uncle  (father's  side). 
Great  uncle. 
K         it 

Grandfather's  bro.    b  Father's  uncle. 
Great  uncle. 

it         n 

My  great  uncle. 

My  uncle-grandfather. 

Uncle-grandfather. 

Great  uncle. 

Great  paternal  uncle. 

Great  uncle. 

My  cold  grandfather. 
My  great  uncle. 

Grandfather  my. 
My  grandfather. 
Grandfather's  my  brother. 
Brother  of  grandfather  uiy. 


Great  uncle  my. 


107.  Father's  father's  brother's  son. 


Translation. 


10S.  Father's  father's  brother's  daughter. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
Hi 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  ammi  abi  ... 
Ibn  akhi  jaddi. 


Brfin'a  d'akhSna  d'sawunee... . 
Metz  horus  yiikepora  voretiu. 

Mac  drihar  mo  hau  ahar 

Mac  brathar  mo  sheanair 


Faders  fatter 

Brodur  sonr  afa  mins. 
Farfars  brorson 


Paternal  great  uncle's  son. 

Oud  ooms  zoon 

Groot  oouis  zoon 

Vaders  vedder 

Gross  oheims  sohu 

Gross  oheims  sohn 

Le  fils  de  inon  grand-oncle. 


Patrni  magni  films... . 
Megalou  theiou  pais. 
Moj  ximny  stryj 


Moi  dvoiurodnyi  djndja... 
Laveh  bra.  bavkaleh  mun. 


TsanT  serkkn. 


Son  of  paternal  uncle  of  father  my. 
Son  of  brother  of  grandfather  my. 

Son  of  the  brother  of  grandfather  my. 
Grandfather's  brother's  son. 
Son  of  brother  of  my  old  father. 


Father's  cousin. 

Brother's  son  of  grandfather  my. 

Father's  father's  brother's  son. 

Great  uncle's  son  (father's  side). 

<(        it          d 

Great  uncle's  son. 
Father's  cousin. 

Great  uncle's  son. 
u        <(          tt 

The  son  of  my  great  uncle. 


Son  of  great  paternal  uncle. 
Son  of  great  uncle. 
My  cold  uncle. 

My  double  birth  uncle. 

Son  of  the  brother  of  grandfather  my. 

Father's  my  cousin. 


Bint  ammi  abi  — 
Bint  akhi  jaddi. 


Daught.  of  pat.  uncle  of  father  my. 
Daught.  of  bro.  of  grandfather  my. 


Brata  d'akhona  d'sawunee Daught.  of  the  bro.  of  grandfath.  my 

Metz  horus  yiikepora  toostra Grandfather's  brother's  daughter. 

Ineean  drihar  mo  han  ahar i  Daught.  of  brother  of  my  grandfath. 

Nigheau  brathar  mo  sheauair 


Faders  sodskandebarn.. 
Brodur  dottir  afa  mins. 
Farfar  brosdotter 


Paternal  gt.  uncle's  daughter. 

Oud  ooms  dochter 

Groot  ooms  dochter 

Vaders  nichte 

Gross  oheims  tochter 

Gross  oheims  tochter 

La  fille  de  mon  graud-oncle 


Patrui  magni  filia. ... 
Megalou  theiou  pais. 
Moja  zinnia  ciotkn... 


Moja  dvoiurodnaja  tjotka. 
Keeza  bra  biivkaleh  mun.. 


Tsn.nl  my  serkku. 


Father's  cousin. 

Brother's  daught.  of  prandfath.  my. 

Father's  father's  brother's  daughter. 

Great  uncle's  daught.  (father's  side), 
it        ti  11  it          11 

Great  uncle's  daughter. 
Father's  cousin. 
Great  uncle's  daughter, 
it         ti  it 

The  daughter  of  my  great  uncle. 


Daughter  of  great  paternal  uncle. 
Daughter  of  great  uncle. 
My  cold  aunt. 

My  double  birth  aunt. 

Daught.  of  the  bro.  of  my  grandfath. 

Father's  my  cousin. 


14 


K"ovember,  I860. 


106 


SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.— Continued. 


109.  Father's  father's  brother's  grandson. 


Translation. 


110.  Father's  father's  brother's  grand- 
daughter. 


Translation. 


9 

10 

11 
12 
IS 

1-1 
u 

16 
17 
IS 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  ibn  ammi  abi :  Son  of  sou  of  pat.  uncle  of  father  uiy. 

Ibn  ibu  akhi  jaddi Sou  of  son  of  bro.  of  grandfather  my. 


Nawiga  d'akhOna  d'sawunee..[tin 


Grandson  of  the  bro.  of  gd. father  my. 


Metz  horus  yakepora  voretein  vore-   Grandfather's  brother's  son's  eon. 


Mac  mic  drihar  mohan  ahar., 
Ogha  brfithar  mo  sheanair . 


Faders  falters  siin 

Sonar  sour  brodur  afa  mins 

Farfars  brorsons  son 

[uncle's  grandson 
Second    cousin.     h  Paternal    great 
Oud  ooms  klein  zoon.     b  Neef. 
Kozyn.     *  Groot  ooms  groot  zoon.. 

Vadders  vedders  soohn 

Gross  obeims  enkel 

Gross  oheims  enkel 

Le  petit-fils  de  mon  grand-oncle... 

Primo  segnndo 

Primosegundo 

Secondo  cugino 

Patrni  maguinepos 


Denteros  exadelphos 

Moj  zimny  stryjeczny  brat. 


Moi  trojurodnyi  brat 

T5rneh  bra,  bavkalek  muu. 


Tsani  Berkknni  polka., 


Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  n:y  gd.fat  her. 
Grandchildof  s.  of  bro.  ot  my  gd.l'ath. 


Father's  cousin's  son. 

Sou's  son  of  bro.  of  grandfather  my. 

Father's  father's  brother's  sou's  son. 

Second  cousin. 

Great  uncle's  grandson.     b  Nephew. 

Cousin.     b  Gt.  uncle's  grandson. 

Father's  cousin's  son. 

Great  uncle's  grandson. 

ti  ((  U 

The  grandson  of  my  great  uncle. 
Second  cousin. 


Grandson  of  great  paternal  uncle. 

Second  cousin. 

My  brother  through  cold  uncle. 

My  treble  birth  brother. 
Grandchild  of  the  bro.  of  gd.  fath.  my. 

Son  of  cousin  of  father  my. 


Bint  ibn  ammi  abi Dan.  of  son  of  p.  uncle  of  father  my. 

Bint  ibn  akhi  jaddi Dau.  of  son  of  bro.  of  gd.  father  my. 

NawigtadakhBna  d'sawunee..[tra  Gd.  dau.  of  the  bro.  of  gd.  father  my. 

Metz  horus  yakepora  toostriii  toos-  Grandfather's  brother's  dau.  dan. 

Ineean  mic  drihar  mo  ban  ahar...  Dau.  of  son  of  bro.  of  my  old  father. 

Ogha  brathar  nio  aheanair Grandchild  of  bro.  of  my  gd.  father. 


Faders  fatters  datter 

Dottur  dottir  brodur  afa  mins 

Farfars  brorsons  dotter 

[uncle's  granddaughter. 
Second  cousin.  b  Paternal  great 
Oud  ooms  klein  dochter.  b  Nicht 
Nichte.  b  Groot  ooms  groote  doch. 

Vadders  nichtes  dochter 

Gross  oheims  enkelinn 

Gross  oheims  enkelin 

La  petite-fille  de  mou  grand-oncle 

Prima  segunda 

Prima  segunda 

Seeouda  cugina 

Patrui  magni  neptis 


Deutera  exadelphe. 


Moj  a  zinnia  stryjeczna  siostra. 


Moja  trojurodnaja  sestra. ... 
TOrneh  brii  bavkalek  num. 


TsanT  serkkuni  tytar. 


Father's  cousin's  daughter. 
Daughter's  dau.  of  bro.  of  gd. fath.  my 
Father's  father's  bro.  sou's  daughter 

Second  cousin. 

Gt.  uncle's  granddaughter.  b  Niece. 
Niece.  b  Gt.  uncle's  granddaughter. 
Father's  cousin's  daughter. 

Great  uncle's  granddaughter. 
«         tt  it 

The  granddaughter  of  my  gt.  uncle. 
Second  cousin. 


Granddaughter  of  gt.  paternal  uncle. 

Second  cousin. 

My  sister  through  cold  uncle. 


My  treble  birth  sister. 

Grandchild  of  the  bro.  of  gd.fath.  my. 

Daughter  of  cousin  of  father  my. 


111.  Father's  father's  brother's  great 
grandson. 


Translation. 


112.  Father's  father's  brother's  great 
granddaughter. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
M 
'.',:, 

M 

37 
M 

3:1 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  ammi  abi..., 
Ibn  ibn  ibn  akhi  jaddi. 


Natijii  d'akh&na  d'sawunee 

Metz  horus  y.  voretein  v.  voretin 
Mac  mic  mic  drihar  mo  ban  ahar 
lar  ogha  brathar  mo  shenair 


Faders  fatters  barnebarn 

Sonar  sonar  sonr  brodur  afa  mins 
Farfars  brorsons  sonson 

Paternal  gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson 
Oud  ooms  acbter  klein  zoon.  b  Neef 
Kozyn.  b  Groot  ooms  gt.  gt.  zoon 
Vaders  vedders  kinds  kind. 

Gross  oheims  urenkel 

Gross  oheims  grossenkel 

L'arriere  petit-fils  de  mon  grand- 
[oncle 


Patrui  magni  pronepos 

Megalou  theiou  proeggonos 

Moj  zimny  stryjeczny  bratanec. ... 


Moi  trojnrodnyi  plemiannik 


Laveh  torneh  btii  bavkaleh  mun... 


Tsani  serkkun  poTan  potkii . 


Son  of  son  of  son  of  p.  u.  of  fath.  my. 
Son  of  B.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  gd.  fath.  my. 

Gt.  gd.  son  of  the  bro.  of  gd.  fath.  my. 
Gd.  father's  brother's  son's  sou's  son. 
Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  my  gd.  fath. 
Gt.  grandchild  of  bro.  of  my  gd.  fath. 


Father's  cousin's  grandchild. 

Son's  son's  son  of  bro.  of  gd.  fath.  my. 

Father's  father's  bro.  son's  son's  son. 

Gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson  (fath.  side). 
Gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson.     b  Nephew. 
Cousin.     b  Gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson. 
Father's  cousin's  child's  child. 
Great  uncle's  great  grandson. 

((  U  It  ft 

The  great  grandson  of  my  gt.  uncle. 


Gt.  grandson  of  gt.  paternal  uncle. 
Great  grandson  of  great  uncle. 
My  nephew  through  cold  uncle. 

My  treble  birth  nephew. 

Son  of  the  grandchild  of  the  brother 
[of  grandfather  my. 

Father's  my  cousin's  son's  son. 


Bint  bint  bint  ammi  abi... 
Bint  bint  bint  akhi  jaddi. 


Natijii  d'akhSn'si  d'sawQnee 

Metz  horus  y.  toestrin  t.  toostra  ... 
Ineean  mic  mic  drihar  mo  hau  ahar 
lar  ogha  brathar  mo  sheanair 


Faders  fatters  barnebarn 

Dottur  d.  dottir  brodur  afa  mins.. 
Farfars  brorson  dotter  dotter 

Pat.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  granddaughter 
Oud  ooms  achter  k.  dock.  '  Nicht 
Nichte.  b  Gt.  ooms  gte.  gte.  doch. 

Vaders  nichtes  kinds  kind 

Gross  oheims  urenkeliun 

Gross  oheims  grossenkelin 

L'arriere-petite-fille  de  mou  grand- 
[oucle 


Petrui  magni  proneptis 

Megalou  theiou  proeggone 

Moja  zimna  stryjeczna  siostrzenica 

Moja  trojurodnaja  plemiannitza... 
Keezii  tBrnek  brii  bavkalek  mun... 

TsanT  serkkun  poian  tytar 


Dau.  of  d.  of  d.  of  p.  u.  of  fath.  my. 

Dau.  of  d.  of  d.  of  bro.  of  gd.  fath.  my. 

[grandfather  my. 

Gt.  granddaughter  of  the   brother  of 
Grandfather's  bro.  dau.  dau.  dau. 
Dau.  of  s.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  my  gd.  lath. 
Great  grandchild  of   brother  of   my 
[grandfather. 


Father's  cousin's  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  bro.  of  gil.  f.  my. 
Father's  father's  bro.  son's  dau.  dau, 

Gt.  uncle's  gt.  granddaughter  (f.  s.). 
Gt.  uncle's  gt.  granddaught.    b  Niece. 
Niece.     b  Gt.  uncle's  gt.  granddau. 
Father's  cousin's  child's  child. 

Great  uncle's  great  granddaughter. 
n         n  <(  « 

The  gt.  granddaught.  of  my  gt.  uncle. 


Gt.  granddau.  of  gt.  paternal  uncle. 
Gt.  granddaughter  of  great  uncle. 
My  niece  through  cold  uncle. 

My  treble  birth  niece. 

Daughter  of  grandchild  of  the  bro- 
ther of  grandfather  my. 

Father's  my  cousin's  son's  daughter. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


107 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

113.  Father's  father's  sister. 

Translation. 

114.  Father's  father's  sister's  son. 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 

(IB 

3G 
37 
38 
39 

Paternal  aunt  of  father  my. 
Sister  of  grandfather  my. 

tt     tt            tt              it 
Grandfather's  sister. 
Sister  of  my  grandfather. 
Sister  of  my  ancestral  old  father. 
Sister  of  the  father  of  my  father. 

Grandfather's  sister. 
Grandfather's  sister  my. 
Father's  father's  sister. 

Great  aunt  (father's  side). 

if       tt        '     tt            tt 

Great  aunt. 
Grandfather's  sister.  b  Father's  aunt. 
Great  aunt  (father's  side), 
tt       tt             tt           tt 

My  great  aunt. 
My  grandfather-aunt. 
Grandfather-aunt, 
tt             tt 

Paternal  great  aunt. 
Great  aunt. 

My  cold  grandmother. 
My  great  aunt. 

Grandmother  my. 
My  great  aunt. 
Grandfather's  sister  my.    ' 
Sister  of  grandfather  my. 

Great  aunt  my. 

Son  of  paternal  aunt  of  father  my. 
Son  of  sister  of  grandfather  my. 

tt           tt                   tt               tt 
Grandfather's  sister's  son. 

Son  of  sister  of  my  grandfather, 
ft       tt             tt                 tt 

Father's  cousin. 
Sister's  sou  of  grandfather  my. 
Father's  father's  sister's  son. 

Great  aunt's  sou  (father's  side). 
ft        tt         tt          tt          tt 

Great  aunt's  son. 
Father's  cousin. 
Great  aunt's  sou. 
tt         tt         tt 

The  son  of  my  great  aunt. 

Son  of  paternal  great  annt. 
Son  of  great  aunt. 
My  cold  paternal  uncle. 

My  double  birth  uncle. 
Son  of  the  sister  of  grandfather  my. 

Great  aunt's  my  son. 

Ikht  jaddi  

Ibn  ikhti  jaddi 

Bruna  d'khatii  d'sawunee 

Metz  horus  kooera  

Phiuthar  mo  han  sheanair  

Afa  systur  miu  

Paternal  great  aunt  

Groot  inoej  

Bess  vaders  sister.   b  Vaders  inohn 
Gross  muhme.     b  Grosstante  

Gross  muhme.     b  Grosstante  

Tia  avo  

Moja  zimna  babka  

Ma  prestyua  

Baba  mi  

DedemTn  kuzkarndashu  

Laveh  khooshkeh  bavkaleh.  mun 
Tso  tJ-UTiri  poika 

Khooshkeh  bavkaleh  

Tso  tatini  

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
36 
36 
37 
38 
39 

ll.j.  Father's  father's  sister's  daughter. 

Translation. 

116.  Father's  father's  sister's  grandson. 

Translation. 

Daughter  of  pat.  aunt  of  father  my. 
Daughter  of  sister  of  grandfather  my. 

tt            tf            tt            tt         it 

Grandfather's  sister's  daughter. 
Daughter  of  sister  of  my  grandfather, 
tt            tt            tt                tt 

Father's  cousin. 
Sister's  daughter  of  grandfather  my. 
Father's  father's  sister's  daughter. 

Great  aunt's  daughter  (father's  side), 
ft        ti            tt              tt            tt 

tt         ft            tt              tt            tt 

Father's  cousin  (father's  side). 

Great  aunt's  daughter, 
ti         ft             ft 

The  daughter  of  my  great  aunt. 

Daughter  of  paternal  great  aunt. 
Daughter  of  great  aunt. 
My  cold  aunt. 

My  double  birth  aunt. 

Daughter  of  the  sister  of  grandfather 
[my. 

Daughter  of  great  aunt  my. 

Son  of  son  of  pat.  aunt  of  father  my. 
Sou  of  sou  of  sister  of  grandfath.  my. 
[my. 
Grandson  of  the  sister  of  grandfather 
Grandfather's  sister's  son's  son. 
Son  of  son  of  sister  of  my  grandfath. 
Grandchild  of  sister  of  my  grandfath. 

Second  cousin. 

Father's  cousin's  son. 
Son's  son  of  sister  of  grandfather  my. 
Father's  father's  sister's  sou's  son. 

Second  cousin. 
Great  aunt's  grandson.     b  Nephew. 
Cousin.     b  Great  aunt's  grandson. 
Father's  cousin's  son. 
Great  aunt's  grandson, 
ft         tt             tt 

The  grandson  of  my  great  aunt. 
Second  cousin, 
tf             ft 
tt             tt 
Grandson  of  paternal  great  aunt. 

Second  cousin. 
My  brother  through  cold  aunt. 

My  treble  birth  brother. 

Grandchild   of  the  sister  of  grand- 
father my. 

Son  of  cousin  of  father  my. 

Bint  ikhti  jaddi  

Mets  horus  crocha  voretein  voretin 

Ineean  driffer  mo  ban  ahar  

Nighin  phiuthar  mo  shean  athar.. 

Ogha  phiuthar  mo  sheen  athar.... 
Cyfferder.    (Pro.  Keverdther)  

Farfars  systers  dotter  

Paternal  great  aunt's  daughter.... 

[aunt's  grandson 
Second  cousin.      b  Paternal  great 
Oud  moejes  klein  zoon.     b  Neef.  ... 
Kozyn.    b  Groote  moejes  groot  zoou 

Vaders  nichte  

Gross  muhme  tochter  

Le  petit-fils  de  ma  grand*  tante.... 

Moja  zimna  ciotka  ?  

Keeza  kooshkeh  bavkaleh  mun.... 

T8rneh  kooshkeh  bavkaleh  mun... 

108 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


117.  Father's  father's  sister's  grand- 
daughter. 


Translation. 


118.  Father's  father's  sister's  great  grand- 
son. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 

5 
6 

7 
8 
9 

10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Bint  bint  ammet  alii.. 
Bint  bint  ikhti  jiiddi.. 


Nawigta  d'khata  d'sawflnee' 

Melz  horus  crocha  toostrin  toostra 
Ineean  inic  driffer  mo  ban  ahar... 
Ogba  phiuthar  mo  sheau  at  liar.... 


Cyfferders . 


Faders  falters  datter 

Dottur  dottir  systur  afa  mins 

Farfars  systers  dotter  dotter 

[granddaughter 

Second  cousin.  b  Pater,  gt.  aunt's 
Oud  moejes  klein  dochter.  b  Nicht 
Nichte.  b  Gte.  moejes  gte.  docht. 

Vaders  nichtes  dochter 

Gross  inuhme  enkelinn 

Gross  muhme  enkelin 

La  petite-fille  de  ma  grand'  tante 

Prima  segunda 

Prima  segnnda 

Seconda  cngina 

Auntie  rnagnae  neptis 


Dentera  exadelphe. 


Moja  zinnia  cioteczna  siostra 

Moja  trojurodnaja  sestra 

T6rneh  khooshkeh  bavkaleh  mun 

Ts&nT  serkkun  tytar 


Dau.  of  d.  of  pat.  aunt  of  father  my. 
Dau.  of  d.  of  sister  of  gd.  father  my. 

Ga.  dau.  of  the  sister  of  gd.  fath.  my. 
Grandfather's  sister's  dau.  daut. 
Daut.  of  sister  of  sister  of  my  gd.  fa. 
Grandchild  of  sister  of  my  gd.  father. 

Second  cousin. 


Father's  cousin's  daughter. 
Daughter's  d.  of  sister  of  gd.  fath.  my. 
Father's  father's  sister's  dau.  dau. 

Second  cousin. 

Gt.  aunt's  granddaughter.  b  Niece. 
Niece.  b  Gt.  aunt's  granddaughter. 
Father's  cousin's  daughter. 

Great  aunt's  granddaughter. 
n         ft  it 

The  granddaughter  of  my  great  aunt. 
Second  cousin. 


Granddaughter  of  pat.  great  aunt. 

Second  cousin. 

My  sister  through  cold  aunt. 


My  treble  birth  sister. 

Grandchild  of  the  sister  of  gd.  fa.  my. 

Father's  my  cousin's  daughter. 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  ammet  abi. 
Ibn  ibn  ibn  ikhti  jaddi. 


Natijii  d'khata  d'sawunee [tin 

Metz  horus  crocha  voretein  v.  vore- 
Mac  mic  mic  driffer  mo  ban  ahar 
lar  ogha  phiuthar  mo  shean  athar 


Faders  falters  barnebarn 

Sonar  sonar  sour  systur  afa  mins 
Farfars  systers  sonsous  son 

Paternal  gt.  aunt's  gt.  grandson... 
Oud  moejes  acbterk.  zoon.  b  Neef 
Kozyn.  b  Groote  moejes  gt.  gt.  zoon 

Vaders  vedders  kinds  kind 

Gross  muhme  urenkel 

Gross  muhme  grossenkel 

L '  arricre-petit-fils  de   ma   grand' 
[laute 


Amitse  inagiue  pronepos 

Megalou  Iheia  proeggonos 

Moj  zimny  ciolneczny  siostrzeniec 

Moi  trojurodnyi  plemiennik 

Laveh  tSrneh  khooshkeh  bavka- 
[leh  mun 

Tsani  serkkun  tyttaren  polka 


S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  pat.  aunt  of  fath.  my. 
S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sister  of  gd.  fath.  my. 

Gt.  gd.  son  of  the  sister  of  g.  f.  my. 
Grandfather's  sister's  son's  son's  son 
S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sister  of  my  gd.  fath. 
Gt.  grandchild  of  sister  of  my  gd.  f. 


Father's  cousin's  grandchild. 
Son's  son's  sou  of  sisler  of  gd.  f.  my. 
Father's  father's  sisters's  son's  son's 

[sou. 

Gt.  aunt's  gt.  grandson  (fath.  side). 
Gt.  aunt's  gt.  grandson.  b  Nephew. 
Cousin.  b  Gt.  aunt's  gt.  gt.  gd.  son. 
Father's  cousin's  child's  child. 

Great  aunt's  great  grandson, 
it         tt  tt  tt 

The  gt.  grandson  of  my  great  aunt. 


Gt.  grandson  of  paternal  great  aunt. 
Great  grandson  of  great  aunt. 
My  nephew  through  cold  aunt. 

My  treble  birth  nephew. 

Sou  of  grandchild  of  the  sister  of 
[grandfather  my. 

Father's  my  cousin's  daughter's  son. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


119.  Father's  father's  sister's  great  grand- 
daughter. 


Bint  bint  bint  ammi  abi  ... 
Bint  bint  bint  ikhti  jaddi. 


Natijta  d'khata  d'sawQuee [tra 

Metz  horns  crocha  toostriu  t.  toos- 
Ineean  mio  mic  driffer  moban  ahar 
lar  ogha  phiulhar  mo  sheau  athar 


Faders  falters  barnebarn 

Dottur  d.  dottir  systur  afa  mius... 
Farfars  systers  sonsons  dotter 

Pat.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  granddaughter 
Oud  moejes  acht.  k.  doch.  b  Nicht 
Nichte.  b  Gte.  moejes  gte.  gte.  doi-h, 

Faders  nichtes  kinds  kind 

Gross  mnhme  urcnkelinn 

Gross  mnhme  prossenkelin 

L'arriere-petite  fille  de  ma  grand' 
[tante 


Amitffl  magnae  proneptis 

Megalou  theias  proeggong 

Moja  zirr.na  cioteczna  siostrzenica 

Moja  trojurodnaja  plemiannitza... 

Keezii  turner,  kooshkeh  biivkiileh 
[muu 

Tsani  serkkun  tyttaren  tytar 


Translation. 


D.  of  d.  of  d.  of  pat.  aunt  of  fath.  my. 
D.  of  d.  of  d.  of  sist.  of  gd.  father  my. 

Gl.  granddaught.  of  sister  of  g.  f.  my. 
Grandfather's  sister's  dau.  dau.  dau. 
Dau.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sister  of  my  gd.  f. 
Gt.  grandchild  of  sister  of  my  gd.  f. 


Father's  cousin's  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  sister  of  gd.  f.  my. 
Father's  father's  sister's  son's  son's 
daughter. 

Gt.  aunt's  gt.  granddaughter  (f.  s.) 
Gt.  aunt's  gt.  granddaught.  b  Niece. 
Niece.  b  Gt.  aunt's  pt.  granddaught. 
Father's  cousin's  child's  child. 

Great  aunt's  gt.  granddaughter, 
it         it        it  ti 

The  gt.  grauddaught.  of  my  gt.  aunt. 


Gt.  gd.  daughter  of  pat.  great  aunt. 
Gt.  granddaughter  of  great  aunt. 
My  niece  through  cold  aunt 

My  treble  birth  niece. 

Dau.  of  d.  of  d.  of  sister  of  gd.  f.  niy. 

Father's  my  cousin's  daught.  daught. 


120.  Mother's  mother's  brother. 


Khal  ummi . 
Akhu  sitti.. 


Akhona  d'nanee 

Metz  morus  yiikepira 

Drihar  mo  han  vahar 

Brathair  mo  shean  m'hathar 

Braar  moir  my  moir 

Brawd  fy  henfan 


Mormoders  broder . 
Ommubrodir  min.. 
Mormors  bror 


Maternal  great  uncle 

Oud  oom 

Groot  coin 

Bess  mohders  brohr.   b  Moders  ohm 

Gross  oheim 

Gross  oheim.     b  Grossonkel 

Mou  grand  oucle 

Tio  abnela 

Tio  avo 

Tio  ava 

Arunculns  magnus 


Megas  Iheios. 


Moj  zimny  dziadek. 
Mfij  predujec 


Deda  mi  .............. 

Moi  djed  .............. 

NBnBnim  .............. 

Bra  diipeereh  mun. 


Tso  BnonT.. 


Translation. 


Uncle  of  mother  my. 
Brother  of  grandmother  my. 


Grandmother's  brother. 
Brother  of  my  grandmother. 


Grandmother's  brother. 
Grandmother's  brother  my. 
Mother's  mother's  brother. 

Great  uncle  (mother's  side), 
tt         tt  tt  tt 

Great  uncle. 

Grandmother's  bro.   h  Mother's  uncle. 

Great  uncle  (mother's  side). 
tt         ft  tt  tf 

My  greal  uncle. 

My  grandmother-uncle. 

Grandmother-uncle, 
tt  tt 

Maternal  great  uncle. 
Great  uncle. 

My  cold  grandfather. 
My  great  uncle. 

Grandfather  my. 
My  great  uncle. 
Grandmother's  my  brother. 
Brother  of  grandmother  my. 

Great  uncle's  my. 


OF    THE    HUM  AX   FAMILY. 


109 


TABLE  I. — Continued. 


121.  Mother's  mother's  brother's  son. 


Translation. 


122.  Mother's  mother's  brother's  daughter. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
Iti 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  khal  iimmi. 
Ibn  akhi  sitti ... 


Briina  d'akhBna  d'nanee 

Metz  moms  yiikepora  voretin 

Mac  drihar  mo  lian  vahar 

Mac  brathar  mo  shean  m'hather.. 


Moders  fatter 

Brodur  sour  ommu  minna., 
Mormors  brorson 


Maternal  great  uncle's  son. 

Oud  ooms  zoon 

Groot  ooms  zoon 

Mohders  redder 

Gross  oheimrf  sohn 

Gross  oheims  sohn 

LB  fils  de  niou  grand  oncle. 


Avunculi  magni  fill  us . 
Megalou  theiou  pais. ... 
Moj  zimny  wuj 


Moi  dvojurodnyi  djadja.. 
Laveh  bra  dapereh  mun. 


Tso  6nonl  polka. 


Son  of  maternal  uncle  of  mother  my. 
Sou  of  brother  of  grandmother  my. 


Grandmother's  brother's  son. 

Son  of  brother  of  my  grandmother. 

Son  of  brother  of  niy  mother. 


Mother's  cousin. 

Brother's  son  of  grandmother. 

Mother's  mother's  brother's  son. 

Great  uncle's  son  (mother's  side). 


Mother's  cousin  (mother's  side). 
Great  uncle's  son. 

n  a  it 

The  son  of  my  great  uncle. 


Son  of  maternal  great  uncle. 

Sou  of  great  uncle. 

My  cold  maternal  uncle. 

My  double  birth  uncle. 

Son  of  brother  of  grandmother  my. 

Great  nncle's  my  son. 


Bint  khal  ummi. 
Bint  akhi  sitti.... 


Briltii  d'akhona  d'nanee 

Metz  morus  yiikepora  toostra 

Ineean  drihar  mo  han  vahar 

Nighiu  brathar  mo  shean  mhathar 


Moders  sodskendebarn 

Brodur  dottir  ommu  minna. 
Moruiors  brorsdotter 


Maternal  great  uncle's  daughter. 

Oud  ooms  dochter 

Groot  ooms  dochter 

Mohders  nichte 

Gross  oheims  tochter 

Gross  oheims  tochter 

La  fille  de  mou  grand  oncle , 


Avunculi  magni  filia. 
Megalou  theiou  pais.. 
Moja  zimna  ciotka.... 


Moja  dvojurodnaja  tjotka. 
Keezii  bradilpeereh  mun.. 


Tso  enonl  tytar., 


Daught.  of  mat.  uncle  of  mother  my. 
Dauyht.  of  bro.  of  grandmother  my. 


Grandmother's  brother's  daughter. 
Daught.  of  brother  of  my  gd.  mother. 


Mother's  cousin. 

Brother's  daughter  of  gd  mother  my 

Mother's  mother's  brother's  daught. 

Gt.  uncle's  daughter  (mother's  side), 


Mother's  cousin  (mother's  side). 

Great  uncle's  daughter. 
tt         n  u 

The  daughter  of  my  great  uncle. 


Daughter  of  maternal  great  uncle. 
Daughter  of  great  uncle. 
My  cold  aunt. 

My  double  birth  aunt. 

Daught.  of  brother  of  gd.  mother  my. 

Great  uncle's  my  daughter. 


123.  Mother's  mother's  brother's  grandson. 


Translation. 


124.  Mother's  mother's  brother's  graud- 
daughter. 


Translation. 


10 
11 
12 

13 
14 
15 

16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  ibn  khal  iimmi. 
Ibn  ibn  akhi  sitti... 


Nilwiga  d'akhona  d'nanee. ..[retin 
Mt'tz  morus  yiikepora  voretein  vo- 

Mac  inic  drihar  mo  han  vahar 

Ogha  brathar  mo  sheau  m'hathar 


Cyfferder. 


Moders  falters  son 

Sonar  sour  ommnbrodnr  mius 

Mormors  brorsous  son 


Second  cousin.     b  M.  g.  u.  g.  Bon.. 

Oud  ooms  klein  zoon.     b  Neef 

Kozyn.     b  Groot  ooms  groot  zoon. 

Mohders  veddera  soohn 

Gross  oheims  enkel 

Gross  oheims  enkel 

Le  petit-fils  de  mon  grand  oncle.. 

Primo  segundo 

Primosegundo 

Secondo  cugino 

Avunculi  magni  nepos 


Deuteros  exadelphos 

Moj  zimny  wujeczuy  brat. 


Moi  trojurodnyi  brat 

TBrneh  bra  dapeereh  mun. 

AltTnl  serkkun  poTkii 


S.  of  s.  of  mat.  uncle  of  mother  my. 
S.  of  s.  of  brother  of  grandmother  my. 

Gd.  son  of  the  bro.  of  gd.  mother  my. 
Grandmother's  brother's  son's  son. 
Son  of  son  of  bro.  of  my  gd.  mother. 
Grandchild  of  bro.  of  my  gd.  mother. 

Second  cousin. 


Mother's  cousin's  son. 

Son's  son  of  gd.  mother's  bro.  my. 

Mother's  mother's  brother's  son's  s. 

Second  cousin. 

Great  uncle's  grandson.     b  Nephew. 

Cousin.     b  Great  nncle's  grandson. 

Mother's  cousin's  son. 

Great  uncle's  grandson. 

II  U  II 

The  grandson  of  my  great  uncle. 
Second  cousin. 


Grandson  of  maternal  great  uncle. 

Second  cousin. 

My  brother  through  cold  mat.  uncle. 


My  treble  birth  brother. 

Grandchild  of  the  brother  of  grand- 
[mother  my. 

Mother's  my  cousin's  son. 


Bint  ibn  khal  iimmi. 
Bint  ibn  akhi  sitti... 


Nawigta  d'akhona  d'nanee [tra 

Metz  morus  yiikepora  toostrin  toos- 
Ineean  mic  drihar  mo  han  vahar.. 
Ogha  brathar  mo  shean  mhathar.. 


Cyfferders. 


Moders  fatters  datter 

Dottgr  dottir  ommubrodur  mins. 
Mormors  brorsons  dotter... 


Second  cousin.  bM.  g.  u.  gd.  dan. 
Oud  ooms  klein  dochter.  b  Nicht 
Nichte.  b  Gt.  ooms  groote  dochter 

Mohders  nichte  dochter 

Gross  oheims  enkelinn 

Gross  oheims  enkelin 

La  petite-fille  de  mon  grand  oncle 

Prima  segunda 

Prima  segunda 

Seconda  cugina 

Avunouli  magni  neptis 


Dentera  exadelphe 

Moja  zimna  wujeczna  siostra. . 


Moja  trojurodnaja  sestra. .. 
TSrneh  bra  dapeereh  mun. 

AltTnl  serkkun  tytitr 


Dau.  of  s.  of  mat.  uncle  of  moth.  my. 
Dau.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  gd.  mother  my. 

Gd.  dan.  of  the  bro.  of  pd.  mo.  my. 
Gd.  mother's  brother's  dau.  dan. 
Dau.  of  son  of  bro.  of  my  gd.  mother. 
Gd.  child  of  bro.  of  my  grandmother. 

Second  cousin. 


Mother's  cousin's  daughter. 
Daughter's  d.  of  g.  in.  brother  my. 
Mother's  mother's  bro.  son's  dau. 

Mat.  gt.  uncle's  gd.  daughter  (m.  s.) 
Gt.  nncle's  granddaughter.     b  Niece. 
Niece.    b  Great  uncle's  gd.  daughter. 
Mother's  cousin's  daughter. 
Great  uncle's  granddaughter. 
it        it  tt 

The  gd.  daughter  of  my  gt.  uncle. 
Second  cousin. 


Gd.  daughter  of  mat.  great  uncle. 

Second  cousin. 

My  sister  through  cold  mat.  uncle. 


My  treble  birth  sister. 

Grandchild  of  the  brother  of  prand- 
[mother  my 

Mother's  my  cousin's  daughter. 


110 


SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


125.  Mother's  mother's  brother's  great 
graudson. 


Translation. 


126.  Mother's  mother's  brother's  great 
granddaughter. 


Translation. 


1 
1 

3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
S 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
31 
33 
34 
35 

17 

38 
39 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  khal  ummi. 
Ibn  ibn  ibn  akhi  sitti.... 


Natija  d'akhona  d'nanee 

Metz  morus  yakepora  v.  v.  v 

Mac  mic  mic  drihar  tnohan  valiar 

lar  ogha  brathar  mo  sheau  m'hat- 

[har 


Moders  falters  barnebarn 

Sonar  sonar  sonr  ommnbrodurmin 
Mornuors  brorson  souson 


Maternal  gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson 
Ond  iicniis  achter  k.  zoon.  b  Neef 
Kozyn.  b  Gt.  ooms  pt.  groot  zoou 

Moliders  vedders  kinds  kind 

Gross  oheiins  urenkel 

Gro?s  oheims  grossenkel 

L'arriere  petit-tils  de  mon  gr.  oucle 


Avnnculi  magni  pronepos 

Megalon  theiou  proeggonos 

Moj  zimny  wnjeczuy  bratanec 

Moj  trojnrodnyi  p'emiannik 

Laveh  tfirneh  bra  dapeereh  mun... 

Aitml  serkkun  poian  poikii 


S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  mat.  uncle  of  mo.  my. 
S.  of  s.  of  8.  of  bro.  of  gd.  mo.  my. 

Gt.  grandson  of  the  bro.  of  g.  m.  my. 
Grandmother's  brother's  son's  s.  s. 
S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  my  gd.  mo. 
Gt.  gd.  child  of  bro.  of  my  gd.  mo. 


Mother's  cousin's  grandchild. 
Son's  son's  son  of  g.  m.  brother  my. 
Mother's    mother's    brother's    son's 
[son's  son. 

Gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson  (m.  s.). 
Gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson.     b  Nephew. 
Cousin.     b  Gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson. 
Mother's  cousin's  child's  child. 
Great  uncle's  great  grandson. 
<t         <(  ti  n 

The  gt.  grandson  of  my  great  uncle. 


Gt.  grandson  of  mat.  great  uncle 

Great  grandson  of  great  uncle. 

My  nephew  through  cold  mat.  uncle. 

My  treble  birth  nephew. 

Sou  of  grandchild  of  the  brother  of 
[grandmother  my. 

Mother's  my  cousin's  son's  son. 


Bint  bint  bint  khal  ihnmi. 
Bint  bint  bint  akhi  sitti... 


Natijta  d'akhona  d'nanee 

Metz  morus  yakepora  t.  t.  toostra 
Ineean  mic  m.  drihar  mo  han  vahar 
lar  ogha  brathar  mo  shean  m'hat- 

[har 


Moders  fatters  barnebam 

Dottur  d.  dottir  ommubrodur  mins 
Mormon  brorsons  dotter  dotter. ... 


Mat.  gd.  uncle's  gt.  gd.  daughter 
Oud  ooms  achter  k.  doch.  b  Nicht 
Nichte.  b  Gt.  ooms  gte.  gte.  doch. 

Mohders  nichtes  kinds  kind 

Gross  oheims  urenkelinn 

Gross  oheims  grossenkelin 

L'arriere  petite  fille  de  mon  grand 
[oncle 


Avunculi  magni  proneptis 

Megalou  theiou  proeggone 

Moja  zimna  wnjeczua  siostrzenica 

Moja  trojurodnaja  plemiaunitza ... 
Keeza  tOrneh  brii  dapeereh  mun... 


ATtiui  serkknn  poian  tytar. 


D.  of  d.  of  d.  of  mat.  uncle  of  mo.  my 
D.  of  d.  of  d.  of  bro.  of  gd.  mo.  my. 

Gt.  gd.  d.  of  the  bro.  of  gd.  mo.  my. 
Gd.  mother's  brother's  dau.  dan.  dau 
D.  of  s.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  my  gd.  mo. 
Great  grandchild  of  brother  of  my 
[grandmother. 


Mother's  cousin's  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  g.  m.  bro.  my. 
Mother's    mother's    brother's    son's 
[daughter's  daughter. 
Pat.  uncle's  gt.  granddaught.  (m.  s.) 
Pat.  uncle's  gt.  granddau.     b  Niece. 
Niece.     b  Gt.  uncle's  gt.  pd.  dau. 
Mother's  cousin's  child's  child. 
Great  uncle's  great  granddaughter. 

X  <!  II  11 

The  great  granddaughter  of  my  great 
[uncle. 


Great  granddaughter  of  mat.  great 
[uncle. 
Great  granddaughter  of  great  uncle. 

My  niece  through  cold  mat.  uncle. 


My  treble  birth  niece. 

Daughter  of  grandchild  of  brother  of 
[grandmother  my 

Mother's  my  cousin's  son's  daughter. 


127.  Mother's  mother's  sister. 


Khalet  ummi. 
Ikht  sitti ... 


Khata  d'naaee 

Metz  morus  kooera , 

Driffur  mo  han  vahar 

Phiuthar  mo  shean  m'hathar. 

Shnyr  moir  my  moir 

Chwaer  fy  henfam , 


Mor  moders  Boater., 
Ommnsystir  min... 
Mormors  syster 


Maternal  great  aunt 

Ond  moeje 

Groote  moej [mohn 

Bess  mohders  sister.     b  Mohders 

Gross  muhme.     b  Grosstante 

Gross  muhme.     b  Grosstante 

Ma  grand'  tante 

Tia  abuela 

Tiaava 

Tiaava 

Matertera  magna 

Megale  theia 


Mnj  zimna  babka . 
Ma  staratetka.... 


Baba  m 

Moja  babka 

Neiic'iiim  kiizkilrndii-ilin. ... 
Khooshkeh  dupeereh  mun. 


Tsotatinl. 


Translation. 


Maternal  aunt  of  mother  my. 
Sister  of  grandmother  my. 


Grandmother's  sister. 
Sister  of  my  grandmother. 


Grandmother's  sister. 
Grandmother's  sister  my. 
Mother's  mother's  sister. 

Great  aunt  (mother's  side.) 


Gd.  mother's  sister.    *  Mother's  aunt. 
Great  aunt  (mother's  side). 
«         tt  «  <t 

My  great  aunt. 
Grandmother-aunt. 


Maternal  great  aunt. 
Great  aunt. 

My  cold  grandmother. 
My  great  aunt. 

Grandmother  my. 
My  great  aunt. 
Grandfather's  my  sister. 
Sister  of  grandmother  my. 


Great  mother  my. 


12S.  Mother's  mother's  sister's  son. 


Ibn  khalet  ummi. 
Ibu  ikhti  sitti 


Bruna  d'khata  d'nSnee 

Metz  morus  crocha  voretin 

Mac  driffur  mo  han  vahar 

Mac  phiuthar  mo  sheau  m'hathar 


Moders  fatter 

Systur  sonr  ommu  minnar. 
Mormors  systerson 


Maternal  great  aunt's  son 

Oud  moejes  zoon 

Groote  moejes  zoon 

Mohders  vedder 

Gross  muhme  sohn 

Gross  muhme  sohn 

Le  fils  de  ma  grand'  tante 


Materterse  magnse  films. 

Megales  theias  pais 

Moj  zimny  wnj? 


Moi  dvojnrodnyidjadja 

Laveh  khooshkeh  dapeereh  mun 

Tso  tatinl  polka 


Translation. 


Son  of  maternal  aunt  of  mother  my 
Son  of  sister  of  grandmother  my. 


Grandmother's  sister's  son. 

Son  of  sister  of  my  grandmother. 


Mother's  cousin. 

Sister's  son  of  grandmother  my. 

Mother's  mother's  sister's  son. 

Great  aunt's  son  (mother's  side). 


Mother's  cous  n  (mother's  side). 


Great  aunt's  s 


n  (mother's  side). 


The  son  of  my  great  aunt. 

Son  of  maternal  great  aunt. 

Son  of  great  aunt. 

My  cold  maternal  nncle 


My  double  birth  uncle. 

Son  of  sister  of  grandmother  my. 

Great  mother's  my  son. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


Ill 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
1-2 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


129.  Mother's  mother's  sister's  daughter. 


Bint  klialet  timmi. 
Bint  ikhtisitti 


Bratii  d'khata  d'nanee 

Metz  morns  crocha  toostra 

Ineenn  driffer  mo  ban  vahar 

Nighin  phiuthar  rno  sheau  in'hat- 
[liar 


Moders  siidskendebarn 

Systur  dottir  oinmu  minuar. 
Morniors  systurdotter 


Maternal  great  aunt's  daughter. 

Oud  moejes  dochter 

Groote  moejes  dochter 

Molnlers  nichte 

Gross  inuhine  tochter 

Gross  muhme  tochter 

La  lillu  de  ma  grand'  taute 


Materterae  magnae  filia . 

Megalus  tbeias  pais 

Moja  zimna  ciotka  ? 


Moja  dvjurodnaja  tjotka 

Keezii  khoshlvi-h  dapeereh  mun... 


Tso  tatlnl  tytar. 


Trait  eilation. 


Dau.  of  mat.  aunt  of  mother  my. 
Dau.  of  Bister  of  grandmother  my. 


Grandmother's  sister's  daughter. 
Daught.  of  sister  of  my  grandmother. 


Mother's  cousin's  daughter. 
Sister's  daughter  of  grandmother  my. 
Mother's  mother's  sister's  daughter. 

Gt.  aunt's  daught.  (mother's  side). 

it  ft  (t  tf  tt 

Great  aunt's  daughter. 
Mother's  cousin. 

Great  aunt's  daughter, 
tt  tt  tt 

The  daughter  of  my  great  aunt. 


Daughter  of  maternal  great  aunt. 
Daughter  of  great  aunt. 
My  cold  aunt. 

My  double  birth  aunt. 

Daughter  of  sister  of  gd.  mother  my. 

Great  mother's  my  daughter. 


130.  Mother's  mother's  sister's  grandson. 


Ihu  Ibn  khalet  nmmi . 
Ibn  ibn  ikbti  sitti 


Niiwipa  d'khata  d'nanee 

Metz  moms  crocha  voretein  voretin 

Mac  mif  driflur  molian  vahar 

Ogha  phiutharmo  shean  m'bathar 


Cyfferder . 


Moders  fatters  son 

Sonar  sonr  ommu  systur  minnar.. 

Monitors  systers  sonson 

[aunt's  grandson 
Second  cousin.  b  Maternal  great 
Oud  moejes  klein  zoon.  b  Neef... 
Kozyn.  b  Groote  moejes  groot  zoon 

Mohdera  vedders  soolin 

Gross  muhme  enkel 

Gross  muhme  enkel 

Le  petit  flls  de  ma  grand'  tante... 

Primo  segundo 

Primo  segundo 

Secondo  cugino 

Materterse  magnae  nepos 


Deuteroa  exadelphos. 


Moj  zimuy  cioteczny  brat. 


Moi  trojurodnyi  brat. 


TSrneh  khooshkeh  dapeereh  mun 


Altlni  serkkun  polka. 


Translation. 


S.  of  son  of  mat.  aunt  of  mother  my, 
S.  of  s.  of  sister  of  grandmother  my, 

Gd.  son  of  the  sister  of  gd.  mother  rny 
Grandmother's  sister's  son's  son. 
S.  of  s.  of  sister  of  my  grandmother. 
Gd.  child  of  sister  of  my  gd.  mother. 

Second  cousin. 


Mother's  cousin's  son. 
t-on'a  son  of  g.  m.  sifter  my. 
Mother's  mother's  sister's  son's  son. 

Great  aunt's  grandson  (moth,  side), 
Great  aunt's  grandson.     b  Nephew. 
Cousin.     b  Great  aunt's  grandson. 
Mother's  cousin's  son. 

Great  aunt's  grandson. 

u         tt  tt 

The  grandson  of  my  great  aunt. 
Second  cousin. 


Grandson  of  maternal  great  aunt. 

Second  cousin. 

My  brother  through  cold  aunt. 


My  treble  birth  brother. 
Grandchild  of  the  sister  of  g.  m.  my. 


Mother's  my  cousin's  son. 


10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


131.  Mother's  mother's  sister's  grand- 
daughter. 


Bint  ibn  khalet  limmi. 
Bint  ibii  ikhti  sitti 


Nawigta  d'khata  d'nanee 

Metz  morus  crocha  toostrin  toostra 
Ineean  mic  driffermohan  vahar.. 
Ogha  phiuthar  mo  shean  m'hathar 


Cyfferders. 


Moders  fatters  datter 

Dottur  dottir  ommnsystur  minuar 

Mormora  systers  dotterdotter 

[aunt's  granddaughter 
Second  cousin.  b  Maternal  great 
Oud  moejes  klein  dochter.  b  Nicht 
Nichte.  bGte.  moejes  gte.  dochter 

Mohders  nichtes  dochter 

Gross  muhme  enkelinn 

Gross  muhme  enkelin 

La  petite  fille  de  ma  grand'  taute 

Prima  segunda 

Prirna  segunda 

Seconda  cugina 

Materterae  magnse  neptia 

Deutera  exadelphe 

Moja  zimna  cioteczna  siostra 


Moja  trojurodnaja  sestra 

T5rneh  kooshkeh  dapeereh  mun... 

ATtini  serkknn  tytar 


Translation. 


D.  of  s.  of  mat.  aunt  of  mother  my. 
D.  of  s.  of  sister  of  grandmother  my. 

Gd.  d.  of  the  sister  of  gd.  mother  my. 
Gd.  mother's  sister's  dau.  dau. 
D-  of  s.  of  sister  of  my  grandmother. 
Gd.  child  of  sister  of  my  gd.  mother. 

Second  cousin. 


Mother's  cousin's  daughter. 
Daughter's  dau.  of  g.  m.  sister's  my. 
Mother's  mother's  sister's  daughter's 
[daughter. 

Gt.  aunt's  gd.  daughter  (ruoth.  side), 
tt        tt       tt        tt  tt        tt 

Niece.     b  Gt.  aunt's  granddaughter. 
Mother's  cousin's  daughter. 

Great  aunt's  granddaughter. 
it         ft  tt 

The  granddaughter  of  my  gt.  aunt. 
Second  cousin. 


The  gd.  daughter  of  mat.  gt.  aunt. 

Second  cousin. 

My  sister  through  cold  aunt. 


My  treble  birth  sister. 

Gd.  child  of  the  sister  of  gd.  mo.  my. 

Mother's  my  cousin's  daughter. 


132.  Mother's  mother's  sister's  great 
grandson. 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  khalet  limmi. 
Ibn  ibn  ibn  ikhti  sitti 


Translation. 


S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  mat.  aunt  of  mo.  my. 
S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sister  of  gd.  mo.  my. 

Natija  d'khata  d'nanee Gt.  gd.  son  of  the  sister  of  g.  m.  my. 

Metz  morus  crouha  v.  voretin j  Gd.  mother's  sister's  son's  son's  sou. 

Mac  mic  mic  driffer  mo  han  vahar  '  S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sister  of  my  gd.  mo. 
lar  ogha  phiuthar  mo  m'hathar...     Gt.  gd.  child  of  sister  of  my  gd.  mo. 


Modera  sodskendebarns  barnebarn 
Sonar  s.  sonr  ommusystur  minnar 

Mormora  systers  sousons  son 

[son 

Maternal  great  aunt's  great  grand- 
Oud  moejes  acht.  kl.  zoou.  bNeef 
Kozyn.  b  Gte.  moejes  gt.  gt.  zoon 

Mohdera  veddera  kinds  kind 

Gross  muhme  urenkel 

Gross  muhme  grossenkel 

L '  arriere-petit-fils  de  ma  grand' 
[tante 


Matert«rse  magnse  pronepos. 


Megates  theiaa  proeggonos 

Moj  zimny  cioteczny  siostrzeniec 

Moi  trojurodnyi  plemiannitz 

Laveh  tflrneh  kooshkeh  dapeereh 
[mun 

Altlni  serkkun  poTan  polka 


Mother's  cousin's  grandchild. 
Son's  son's  son  of  g. 'in.  sister  my. 
Mother's  mother's  sister's  son's  pen's 

[son. 

Gt.  aunt's  gt.  grandson  (moth.  side). 
Gt.  aunt's  gt.  grandson.     b  Nepliew. 
Cousin.     b  Gt.  aunt's  gt.  grandson. 
Mother's  cousin's  child's  child. 

Great  aunt's  great  grandson, 
tt         ft          tt  tt 

The  great  grandson  of  my  great  aun.. 


Great  grandson  of  mat.  great  aunt. 
Great  grandson  of  great  aunt. 
My  nephew  through  cold  aunt. 


My  treble  birth  nephew. 

Son  of  grandchild  of  sister  of  grand- 
[  mother  my. 

Mother's  my  cousin's  son's  son. 


112 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


9 

10 

11 

12 

18 
14 

15 
16 
17 
18 
19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 

26 

27 

28 

29 

30 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

37 

38 

39 


133.  Mother's  mother's  sister's  great 
granddaughter. 


Bint  bint  bint  khalet  Qmmi 

Bint  bint  bint  ikhti  sitti 

NUtijta  d'khata  d'nanee [tra 

Metz  moms  crocha  toostrin  t.  toos- 

Ineean  mic  m.driffermohan  vahar 

lar  ogha  phiuthar  mo  shean  m'hat- 

[har 


Moders  sijdskendebarns  barnebarn 
Dotturd.  dottirommusyst.  minnar 
Mormors  systers  dotters  dotter 

[dotter 

Mat.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  granddaughter 
Oud  moejes  acht.  kl.  doch.  b  Nicht 
Nichte.  b  Gte.  moejes  gte.  gte.  doch. 

Mohders  nichtes  kinds  kind 

Gross  tnuhme  urenkeliun 

Gross  muhme  grossenkelin 

L'arricre-petite-fille  de  ina  grand' 

[tante 


Materteras  magnae  proneptis 

Megales  tlieias  proeggone 

Moja  zinnia  cioteczna  siostrzenica 

Moja  trojurodnaja  plemiannitza... 

vcezil  torneh  kooshkeh  dapeereh 
[mun 

Aitini  serkknn  tyttaren  tytar 


Translation. 


D.  of  d.  of  d.  of  mat.  aunt  of  mo.  my. 
D.  of  ."..  of  d.  of  sister  of  gd.  mo.  my. 

Gt.  gd.  d.  of  the  sister  of  g.  m.  my. 
Gd.  mother's  sister's  dau.  dau.  dau, 
D.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sister  of  my  gd.  mo. 
Gt.  gd.  child  of  sister  of  my  gd.  mo, 


Mother's  cousin's  grandchild. 
Daughter's  d.  d.  of  g.  in.  sister  my. 
Mother's  mother's  sister's  daughter's 
[daughter's  daughter. 
Gt.  aunt's  gt.  gd.  daughter  (in.  s.). 
Gt.  aunt's  gt.  gd.  daughter.    *>  Niece. 
Niece.     *  Gt.  aunt's  gt.  gd.  daughter. 
Mother's  cousin's  child's  child. 
Great  aunt's  great  granddaughter. 
«         u  a  " 

The  great  granddaughter  of  my  great 

[auut. 


Great  granddaughter  of  mater,  great 

[aunt. 
Great  granddaughter  of  great  aunt. 

My  niece  through  cold  aunt. 


My  treble  birth  nieoe. 

Daughter  of  grandchild  of  the  sister 
[of  grandmother  my. 

Mother's  my  cousin's  dau.  dau. 


134.  Father's  father's  father's  brother. 


Amm  jiddi 

Akha  jadd  abi. 


AkhBna  d'biiba  d'siiwunee. 
Metz  horns  bora  yiikepira.. 
Drihar  aharmo  lian  ahar... 
Brathair  mo  shin  sean  air... 

Braar shen  shanner 

Brawd  fy  ngorheudad 


Oldefaders  broder 

Langafi  brodir  minn  . 
Farfars  farbror 


Paternal  great  great  nucle 

Over  oud  com 

Groot  groot  com 

Autke  vaders  brohr 

Urgross  oheim 

Urgross  oheim.     b  Urgross  onkel. 

Le  frere  demon  bisa'ieul 

Tio  bisabuelo 

Tio  bisav6 

Tio  bisavo 

Patru us  major 


Meizon  theios 

Moj  zimny  pradziad. 
Miij  pra  stryc 


Translation. 


Prededa  mi 

Moiprarljed 

De'lemTn  haliasunum  karndashu. 
Brii  bitveh  buvkaluhmuu... 


Tso  tsani  seta. 


Paternal  uncle  of  grandfather  my. 
Brother  of  grandfather  of  father  my. 


Great  grandfather's  brother. 
Brother  of  father  of  mv  grandfather. 
Brother  of  my  ancestral  grandfather. 
"         «  u  u 

Brother  of  my  great  grandfather. 


Great  grandfather's  brother. 
Great  grandfather's  brother  my. 
Father's  father's  father's  brother. 

Great  great  uncle  (father's  side). 
ti        u          u  (t  t« 

Great  great  uncle. 
Great  grandfather's  brother. 
Great  great  uncle. 
«t         it  it 

The  brother  of  my  great  grandfather. 
Uncle-great  grandfather. 


Paternal  great  great  uncle. 
Great  great  uncle. 

My  cold  great  grandfather. 
My  great  great  uncle. 

Great  grandfather  my. 
My  great  great  uncle. 
Grandfather's  my  father's  brother. 
Brother  of  father  of  grandfather  my 


Grandfather's  mv  uncle. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
M 
37 
88 


135.  Father's  father's  father's  brother's 

BOD. 


Ibn  amm  jiddi 

Ibu  akhi  jadd  abi. 


Metz  horus  hora  yakepora  voretin 

Mac  drihar  ahar  mo  han  ahar 

Mac  brathar  mo  shin  seau  air... 


Oldefaders  broders  son 

Brodur  sonr  langafa  minn . 
Farfars  farbrors  son  .... 


Paternal  great  great  uncle's  son. 

Over  oud  ooms  zoon 

Groot  groot  ooms  zoon 

Antke  vaders  brohrs  soohn 

Urgross  oheims  sohn 

Urgross  oheims  soon 


Patrui  majoris  filing  ., 
Meizouos  theion  pais. 


L'tiveh  bra  bUveh  bavkaleh  mun... 
Tso  tsani  setan  polka 


Translation. 


Son  of  pat.  nncle  of  gd.  father  my. 
Son  of  bro.  gd.  father  of  father  my. 


Great  grandfather's  brother's  son. 
Son  of  bro.  of  father  of  my  gd.  father. 


Great  grandfather's  brother's  son. 
Brother's  son  of  gt.  grandfather  my. 
Father's   father's   father's    brother's 

[son. 
Great  great  uncle's  son  (fath.  side). 

U  It  t<  ((  tt  U 

Great  great  uncle's  son. 

Great  grandfather's  brother's  son. 

Great  great  uncle's  son. 


Son  of  paternal  great  great  uncle. 
Son  of  great  great  uncle. 


Son  of  brother  of  father  of  grand- 
[  father  my. 

Great  father's  my  uncle's  son. 


136.  Father's  father's  father's  brother's 
grandson. 


Ibn  ibn  amm  jiddi 

Ibu  ibu  ibn  akhi  jadd  abi . 


[tin 

Metz  horus  hora  yakepora  v.  vore- 
Mac  inic  drihar  ahar  mo  han  aliar 
Ogha  brathar  jno  shin  seau  air.... 


Oldefaders  broders  barnebarn 

Sonar  sonr  brodur  langafa  miun  ... 
Farfars  farbrors  sonson 

Paternal  gt.  gt.  uncle's  grandson 
Over  oud  ooms  klein  zaon.    b  Neef 

Groot  groot  ooms  groot  zoon 

Antke  vaders  brohrs  kinds  kind... 

Urgross  oheims  enkcl 

Urgross  oheiuis  enkel 


Translation. 


Patrui  majoris  nepos 

Meizouos  theiou  eggonos  . 


Moi  trojnrodnyi  djadjaf 

Torneh  bra  biiveh  bavkaleh  mun 


Tso  tsani  setan  polan  polkii. 


Son  of  s.  of  pat.  uncle  of  g.  fa.  my. 
Sou  of  s.  of  bro.  of  g.  fa.  of  fa.  my. 


Gt.  gd.  father's  brother's  son's  son. 
Son  of  son  of  bro.  of  fa.  of  my  g.  fa. 
Gd.  child  of  bro.  of  iny  ancestral  g.  f 


Gt.  gd.  father's  brother's  gd.  child. 
Son's  sou  of  bro.  of  gt.  g.  father  my. 
Father's   father's   father's    brother's 
[son's  son. 

Gt.  gt.  uncle's  grandson  (fa.  side). 
Gt.  gt.  uncle's  grandson.    b  Nephew. 
Great  great  uncle's  grandson. 
Gt.  gd.  father's  brother's  child's  child. 
Great  great  uncle's  grandson. 


Grandson  of  paternal  gt.  gt.  uncle. 
Grandson  of  great  great  uncle. 


My  treble  birth  uncle. 

Grandchild  of  the  brother  of  father  of 
[grandfather  my. 

Groat  father's  my  uncle's  son's  son. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


113 


TABLE  I. — Continued. 


137.  Father's  father's  father's  brother's 
great  grandson. 


Translation. 


13S.  Father's  father's  father's  sister. 


Translation. 


9 

10 
11 
112 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  amm  jiddi 

Ibii  ibn  ibn  akin  jadd  abi . 


Metz  horus  hora  yUkepora  v.  v.  v. 
Macm.  m.  d rihar  ahar  mo  ban  ahar 
lar  ogha  brathar  mo  shin  sean  air 


Oldefaders  broilers  barnebarnsbarn 
Sonar  s.  sonr  brodur  langal'a  minn 

Farfars  farbrors  sonsons  son 

[gt.  grandson 

Third  cousin.  b  Pat.  gt.  gt.  uncle's 
Over  oud  ooms  acb .  kl.  zoon.  b  Neef 
Kozyn  groot  gt.  ooms  groot  gt.  zoon 
Antke  vaders  brohrs  kinds  k.  k. 

Urgross  oheims  urenkel 

Urgross  oheims  grossenkel 


Primo  terceiro 

Primo  terceiro 

Terzo  cupino 

Patrui  rnajoris  pronepos., 

Tritos  exadelphos 


Moi  tohetverojurodnyi  brat 

Laveh  tfirneh  bra  bavkaleh  mun... 

Tso  tsanT  setan  poian  poian  poTka 


Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  p.  uncle  of  g.  f.  my. 
Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  g.  f.  of  f.  my. 


Gt.  gd.  father's  bro.  son's  son's  son. 

Son  of  a.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  f.  of  my  g.  f. 

Gt  gd.  son  of  bro.  of  fa.  of  ancestral 

[grandfather. 


Gt.  gd.  father's  brother's  gd.  child. 
Son's  son's  son  of  bro.  of  gt.  g.  f.  my. 
Father's   father's   father's   brother's 
[son's  son'?  son. 

Gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  gd.  son  (fa.  side). 
Gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  gd.  s.  bN€pb.  (f.s.) 
Cousin.  b  Gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  gd.  son. 
Gt.  gd.  father's  brother's  gt.  gd.  child. 
Great  great  uncle's  great  grandson. 


Third  cousin. 
((          tt 
tt        tt 

Great  gd.  son  of  pat.  gt.  gt.  uncle. 
Third  cousin. 


My  quadruple  birth  brother. 

Son    of    grandchild   of    brother    of 
[father  of  grandfather  my. 

Gt.  fa's,  my  uncle's  son's  son's  son. 


Arnmet  jiddi.. 
Ikht  jadd  abi. 


Metz  horus  hora  kooera , 

Driffiir  ahar  mo  hau  ahar... 
Phiuthar  mo  shin  sean  air. 

Shuyr  shen  fhaner 

Chwaer  fy  ngorhendad 


Oldefaders  sb'ster.... 
Langafa  syster  min. 
Farfars  faster 


Paternal  great  great  aunt 

Over  oud  moeje 

Groote  groote  moeje 

Antke  vaders  sister 

Urgross  mnhme.     b  Urgrosstante 
Urgross  muhme.     b  Urgrosstante 


Tia  bisabuelo  . 

Tia  bisavd 

Tiabisavo 

Amita  major... 


Mrizuu  theia.c 


Moja  zimuaprababka.. 
Ma  prastryna 


Prebaba  mi 

Moja  prababka [dashu 

DSdgmin     babasnmun     kuzkarn- 
Khooshkeh  baveh  bavkaleh  mun 


Tso  tsanltati. 


Paternal  aunt  of  grandfather  my. 
Sister  of  grandfather  of  father  my. 


Great  grandfather's  sister. 

Sister  of  father  of  my  grandfather. 

Sister  of  fa.  of  my  ancestral  gd.  fa. 

tt          tt     tt       a       tt  ((  t(      tt 

Sister  of  my  great  grandfather. 


Great  grandfather's  sister. 
Great  grandfather's  sister  my. 
Father's  father's  father's  sister. 

Great  great  aunt  (father's  side). 

it  U  (I  II  U 

Great  great  aunt. 
Great  grandfather's  sister. 
Great  great  aunt, 
u          it         tt 

Aunt-great  grandfather. 

It  If  II 

II  li  tt 

Paternal  great  great  aunt. 
Great  great  aunt. 

My  cold  great  grandmother. 
My  great  great  aunt. 

Great  grandmother  my. 
My  great  great  aunt. 
Grandfather's  my  father's  sister. 
Sou  of  father  of  grandfather  my. 

Grandfather's  my  aunt. 


139.  Father's  father's  father's  sister's  son. 


Translation. 


140.  Father's  father's  father's  sister's 
grandson. 


Translation. 


10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  atnmet  jiddi.. 
Ibn  ikht  jadd  abi. 


Metz  horns  hora  crocha  voretin. 
Mac  driffur  ahar  mo  ban  ahar... 
Mac  phiuthar  mo  shin  sean  air. 


Oldefaders  siisters  son 

Systar  sonr  langafa  inins. 
Farfars  fasters  son 


Paternal  great  great  aunt's  son. 

Over  oud  moejes  zoon 

Groote  groote  moejes  zoon 

Antke  vaders  sisters  soohn 

Urgross  mnhme  sohn 

Urgross  muhme  sohn 


Amitse  majoris  filius.. 
Meizonos  theias  pais. 


Son  of  pat.  aunt  of  grandfather  my. 
Son  of  sister  of  gd.  father  of  fa.  my. 


Great  grandfather's  sister's  son. 
Sister  of  sister  of  fa.  of  my  gd.  fa. 
Sister  of  sister  of  my  ancestral  gd. 
[father. 


Great  grandfather's  sister's  son. 
Sister's  son  of  great  gd.  father  my. 
Father's  father's  father's  sister's  son. 

Great  great  aunt's  son  (fa's   side). 

It  it  tt  tt  It  tt 

Great  great  annt's  son. 

Great  grandfather's  sister's  son. 

Great  great  aunt's  son. 


Son  of  paternal  great  great  aunt. 
Son  of  great  great  aunt. 


Ibn  ibn  amniet  jiddi.. 
Ibu  ibu  ikht  jadd  abi. 


Metz  horus  hora  crocha  v.  voretin 
Mac  mic  driffer  ahar  mo  hau  ahar 
Ogha  phiuthar  mo  shean  seau  air 


Oldefaders  sosters  barnebarn 

Sonar  sonr  systur  langafa  mins.. 
Farfars  fasters  sonson 


Paternal  gt.  gt.  aunt's  grandson. 

Over  oud  moejes  klein  zoon 

Groote  groote  moejes  groot  zoon.. 
Antke  vaders  sisters  kinds  kind. 

Urgross  mnhme  enkel 

Urgross  muhme  enkel 


Amitse  majoris  nepos 

Meizonos  theias  eggonos. 


Son  of  son  of  pat.  aunt  of  gd.  fa.  my. 

Son  of  son  of  sister  of  grandfather 

[of  father  my 

Great  grandfather's  sister's  son's  son. 

S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  fa.  of  my  gd.  father. 

Grand.son  of   sister  of  my  ancestral 

[grandfather. 


Gt.  gd.  father's  sister's  grandchild. 

Son's  son  of  sister  of  gt.  gd.  fa.  my. 

Father's    father's     father's    sister's 

[son's  son. 

Great  great  aunt's  grandson  (f.  s). 
tt          tt          tt  tt  tt 

Great  great  annt's  grandson. 

Gt.  gd.   father's  sister's  grandchild. 

Great  great  aunt's  grandson. 


Grandson  of  pat.  great  great  aunt. 
Grandson  of  great  great  aunt. 


Laveh  khoushkeh  baveh  bavkaleh 
[mun 

Tso  tsanT  serkku 


Son  of  sister  of  father  of  gd.  fa.  my. 
Grandfather's  my  cousin. 


TSrneh  khooshkeh  baveh  bavka- 
[leh  mun 


Grandchild   of 


sister    of    father  of 
[grandfather  my. 


Tso  tsanT  serkknn  potka. 


Grandfather's  my  cousin's  son. 


15       November,  1860. 


114 


SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. — Continued. 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
| 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
2:5 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
3S 
39 


141.  Father's  father's  father's  sister's 
great  grandson. 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  ammet  jiddi... 
Ibn  ibn  ibn  ikht  j&dd  abi. 


Metz  horns  bora  crooha  v.v.  voretin 
Mac  mic  in .  driffer  ahar  mo  hail  ahar 
lar  ogha  phiuthar  mo  shin  seau  air 


Oldefaders  siiaters  barnebarns  barn 
Sonar  s.sonr  systnr  langafa  mins.. 

Farfars  fasters  sonson  son 

[aunt's  great  grandson. 
Third  consin.  b  Paternal  great  gt. 
Overoudmoejesach.  k.  z'n.  b  Neef 
Kozyn.  b  Qte.gte.  moejes  gt.gt.  z'n 
Antke  vaders  sisters  kinds  k.  kind 

Urgross  muhme  ureukel 

Urgross  muhme  grossenkel 


Primo  terceiro 

Primo  terceiro 

Terzo  cngino 

Ainitse  majoris  pronepos. 


Tritos  exadelphos. 


Moi  tchetverojurodnyi  brat. 


Laveh   tSrneh   khooshkeh   baveh 
[bavkaleh  luun 

Tso  tsani  serkkun  poian  polka.... 


TraDslation. 


S.  of  s.  of  8.  of  p.  a.  of  gd.  fa.  my. 
S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sist.  of  gd.  fa.  of  f.  iny. 


G.  g.  father's  sister's  son's  son's  son. 

S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  8.  of  fa.  of  my  gd.  fa. 

Great  grandson  of  sister  of  my  an- 

[cestral  grandfather. 


Gt.  gd.  fa.'s  sister's  great  grandchild. 

Son's  s.  B.  of  sister  of  pt.  gd.  fa.  my. 

Father's     father's     father's    sister's 

[sou's  sou's  son. 

Gt.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  grandson  (f.  s.). 
Gt.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  gd.  son.  b  Nephew. 
Cousin.  b  Gt.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  gd.  son. 
Gt.  gd.  father's  sister's  gt.  gd.  child. 
Great  great  aunt's  great  grandson. 


Third  cousin, 
(i        « 

ft  tt 

Gt.  grandson  of  pat.  gt.  gt.  aunt. 
Third  cousin. 


My  quadruple  birth  brother. 

Son  of  grandchild  of  sister  of  father 
[of  grandfather  my. 

Grandfather's  my  cousin's  son's  son. 


112.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  brother. 


Khal  sitti 

Akha  sitt  umiui. 


Metz  morns  mora  yiikepira 

Drihar  mahar  mo  ban  v.  ahar.... 
Brathair  mo  shin  scan  in'hattiar.. 

Braar  moir  moir  my  moir 

Brawd  fy  ngorheufain 


Oldemoders  broder 

Langommu  brodir  muni. 
Morinors  morbror 


Maternal  great  great  uncle 

Over  oud  oom 

Groot  groot  oom 

Antke  mohders  brohr 

Urgross  oheim 

Urgross  oheim.     b  Urgross  onkel. 


Tiobisabuela 

Tio  bisava 

Tio  bisavS, 

Avunculus  major. 


MeizOn  theios. 


Moj  pradziad  ?. 
Muj  babinec 


Prededa  mi 

Moi  pradjed 

DSdgmin  babasunum  karndashn. 
Bra  deeya  dapeereh  mun 


Tso  tsant   enfi. 


Translation. 


Maternal  uncle  of  grandmother  my. 
Brother  of  gd.  mother  of  mother  my. 


Great  grandmother's  brother. 
Brother  of  mother  of  my  gd.  mother. 


Brother  of  my  great  grandmother. 


Great  grandmother's  brother. 
Great  grandmother's  brother  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  brother. 

Great  great  uncle  (mother's  side). 
u         n        it  t*  tt 

Great  great  uncle. 

Great  grandmother's  brother. 

Great  great  uncle. 


Uncle-great  grandmother. 

Uncle-great  grandmother. 
it        tt  tt 

Maternal  great  great  uncle. 
Great  great  uncle. 

My  cold  great  grandfather. 

My  great  great  uncle  (mother's  side). 

Great  grandfather  my. 

My  great  great  uncle. 

My  grandmother's  mother's  brother. 

Brother  of  mother  of  gd.  mother  my. 


Grandfather's  my  uncle. 


143.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  brother's 
SOD. 


Translation. 


144.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  brother's 
grandson. 


Translation. 


10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
M 
M 
M 
87 
tt 

39 


Ibn  khal  sitti 

Ibn  akhi  sitt  umuii. 


Metz  morns  mora  yakepora  voretin 
Mac  drihar  mahar  mo  han  vahar.. 
Mac  brathar  mo  shin  seau  m'hathar 


Oldemoders  broders  son 

Brodur  sour  langommu  mins. 
Mormors  morbrors  son  ... 


Maternal  great  great  uncle's  son., 

Over  ond  ooms  zoon , 

Groot  groot  ooms  zoon 

Antke  inohders  brohrs  soohn 

Urgross  oheims  solm 

Urgross  oheims  sohn 


Avunculi  majoris  filius. 
Meizonos  theiou  pais.... 


Son  of  mat.  uncle  of  grandmother  my, 
Son  of  bro.  of  gd.  inc.  of  mother  my. 


Gt.  grandmother's  brother's  son. 
Son  of  bro.  of  mother  of  my  g.  m. 


Gt.  grandmother's  brother's  son. 
Brother's  son  of  gt.  grandmother  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  brother's 

[son. 
Gt.  gt.  uncle's  son  (mother's  side). 


Great  grandmother's  brother's  son. 
Great  great  uncle's  son. 


Son  of  maternal  great  great  uncle. 
Son  of  great  great  uncle. 


Tbn  ihn  Ich-U  sitti 

Ibn  ibn  akhi  sitt  limmi. 


Metz  mortta  mora  yakepora  v.  v. 
Macm.  driharmahar  mo  lian  vahar 
Ogha  brathar  mo  shin  seau  m'hat- 
[har 


Oldemoders  broders  barnebarn 

Sonar  sonr  brodur  laugoramu  minn 

Mormors  morbrors  sonson 

[son 
Maternal  great  groat  uncle's  graud- 

Over  ond  ooms  klein  zoon 

Groot  groot  ooms  groot  zoon 

Antke  mohders  brohrs  kinds  kind 

Urgross  oheims  enkul 

Urgross  oheims  enkel 


Avunculi  majoris  nepos..., 
Meizonos  theiou  eggonos. 


Son  of  s.  of  mat.  uncle  of  g.  in.  my. 
Son  of  s.  of  brot.  of  g.  m.  of  m.  my. 


Gt.  gd.  mother's  brother's  son's  son. 
Son  of  son  of  bro.  of  in.  of  my  p.  m. 
Grandchild  of  bro.  of  m.  of  my  g.  m. 


Gt.  gd.  mother's  brother's  pd.  child. 
Son's  son  of  bro.  of  p.  g.  mother  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  brother's 
[son's  son 
Great  great  uncle's  grandson  (m.  s.). 


Gt.  gd.  mother's  brother's  pd.  child. 
Great  great  uncle's  grandson. 


Grandson  of  maternal  gt.  gt.  uncle. 
Grandson  of  great  great  uncle. 


Laveh  bra  deeya  dapeereh  mnn. 
TsoaltTnlaerkku... 


Son  of  brother  of  mother  of  graud- 
[mother  my. 

Grandmother's  my  cousin. 


TSrneh  bra  deeyii  dlpeereh  mun. 


Tso  aitint  serkkun  poTka. 


Grandchild  of  brother  of  mother  of 
[grandmother  my. 

Grandmother's  my  cousin's  son. 


OF   THE   HUMAN    FAMILY 


115 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


145.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  brother's 
great  grandson. 


Translation. 


146.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  sister. 


Translation. 


10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  ibn  ibn   khal  sitti 

llm  ibn  ibn  aklii  sitt  uiumi. 


Metz  morns  mora  yakepora  v.  v.  v. 

Mac  m.  m.  driharmaharmoh'n  v'r 

lar  oglia   brathar  mo   slim  sean 

[m'hathar 


[barn 

Olderaoders  Vjroders  barneliarns 
Sonar  s.  sonrbrodurlangommu  m. 
Monitors  morbrors  sousons  son 

Third  cousin [b  Neef 

Over  oud  ooms  aehter  klein  zonn. 
Kozyn.  b  Gt.  gt.  ooms  gt.  gt.  zoon 
Antke  mohders  brolirs  kinds  k.  k. 

Urgross  oheims  urenkel 

Urgross  oheims  grosseukel 


Prime  terceiro 

Primo  teroeiro 

Terzo  ougino 

Avunculi  majoris  pronepos. 


Tritos  exadelphos. 


Moi  tchetverojurodnyibrat. 


Laveh  tOrneh  bra  deeya  dilpeereh 
[mun 

Tso  altlni  serkknn  poian  polka.... 


Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  mat.  u.  f.  g.  m.  my. 
S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  g.  m.  of  m.  my. 


Gt.  gd.  mother's  brother's  son's  s.  s. 
Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  m.  of  my  g.  m. 
Gt.  gd.  child  of  bro.  of  m.  of  aiy  g.  m. 


[grandchild. 

Great  grandmother's  brother's  great 

Son's  s.  s.  of  bro.  of  gt.  gd.  mo.  my. 

Mother's  mother's  mother's  brother's 

[soil's  son's  son. 

Gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson  (m.  s.). 
Gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson.    b  Neph. 
Cousin.    b  Gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  gd.  son. 
Gt.  gd.  mother's  bro.  gt.  gd.  child. 
Great  great  uncle's  great  grandson. 


Third  cousin. 


Great   grandson   of   maternal   great 
[great  uncle. 
Third  cousin. 


My  quadruple  birth  brother. 

Son  of  gd.  child  of  brother  of  mother 
[of  grandmother  uiy. 

Grandmother's  my  cousin's  son's  son. 


Khalet  sitti 

Ikht  sitt  ummi. 


Metz  morns  morii  kooera 

Uriffur  mahar  mo  han  valiar 

Phiuthar  mo  shin  sean  m'hathar 

Shuyr  moir  moir  mymoir 

Chwaer  fy  ngorhenfam 


Oldemoders  sb'ster 

Langommu  syster  min. 
Mormors  moster 


Maternal  great  great  aunt 

Over  oud  moeje 

Groote  groote  moej 

Antke  mohders  sister 

Urgross  muhme.    b  Urgrocstante., 
Urgross  muhme.    b  Urgrosstante. 


Tia  bisabuela — 

Tia  bisava 

Tia  bisava 

Matertera  major.. 


Meizon  theia. 


Moja  prababka?. 
Ma  babiuka 


Prebaba  mi 

Moja  prababka [shu 

Dedgmiu  babasunvtm  kuzkarnda- 
Khooshkeh  deeya  dapeereh  mun.. 


Tso  altTnl  tail.. 


Maternal  aunt  of  grandmother  my. 
Sister  of  grandmother  of  mother  my 


Great  grandmother's  sister. 

Sister  of  mother  of  my  grandmother 


Sister  of  my  great  grandmother. 


Great  grandmother's  sister. 
Great  grandmother's  sister  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  sister. 

Great  great  aunt  (mother's  side). 

tl  ((  U  U  tt 

Great  great  aunt. 

Great  grandmother's  sister. 

Great  great  aunt. 


Aunt-great  grandmother. 
tt  ft 

u  u 

Maternal  great  great  aunt. 
Great  great  aunt. 

My  ccld  great  grandmother. 
My  great  great  aunt. 

Great  grandmother  my. 

My  great  great  aunt. 

My  grandmother's  mother's  sister. 

Sister  of  mother  of  grandmother  my. 

Grandmother's  my  aunt. 


147.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  sister's 
son. 


Translation. 


148.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  sister's 
grandson. 


Translation. 


10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
IB 
16 
17 
IS 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibnklialet  sitti 

Ibn  ikht  sitt  ummi. 


Metz  morus  morii  crocha  voretin... 

Mac  driffer  mahar  nio  han  vahar.. 

Mac  phiuthar  mo  shin  sean  m'hat- 

[har 


Oldemoders  sosters  son ~... 

Systur  sonar  edda  minn 

Mormors  mosters  son 


Maternal  great  great  aunt's  son... 

Over  oud  inoejes  zoon 

Groote  groote  nioejes  zoon 

Antke  mohders  sisters  soohn 

Urgross  mnlime  sohn 

Urgross  muhrne  sohn 


Materterae  majoris  films , 
Meizonos  theias  pais 


Son  of  mat.  aunt  of  grandmother  my. 
Son  of  sister  of  gd.  mother  of  m.  my. 


Gt.  grandmother's  sister's  son. 

Sou  of  sister  of  m.  of  my  gd.  mother. 


Great  grandmother's  sister's  son. 
Sister's  son  of  great  grandmother  my. 
Mother's  mother's    mother's  sister's 

[son. 
Great  gt.  aunt's  son  (mother's  side). 

U  tt  ti  tt  ft  (( 

Great  great  aunt's  son. 

Great  grandmother's  sister's  son. 

Great  great  aunt's  son. 


Son  of  maternal  great  great  aunt. 
Son  of  great  great  aunt. 


Ibn  ibn  khalet  sitti 

Ibn  ibn  ikht  sitt  ummi. 


[tin 

Metz  morus  morS  c.  voretein  vore- 
Mac  m.  driffer  mahar  mo  h'nvah'r 
Ogha  phiutharmo  shin  seau  m'hat- 

[har 


Oldemoders  sosters  barnebarn 

Sonar  sonr  systur  edda  minn 

Mormors  mosters  sonson 

[son 

Maternal  great  great  aunt's  grand- 
Over  oud  ooms  klein  zoon 

Groote  groote  moejes  groot  zoon... 
Antke  mohders  sisters  kinds  kind 

Urgross  muhme  enkel 

Urgross  muhme  enkel 


Materterse  majoris  nepos. 
Meizonoa  theias  eggonos. 


Laveh  khoashkeh  deeya  dapeereh 
[mun 

Aidini  alti  serkku 


Son  of  sister  of  mother  of  gd.  mother 

[my. 

My  grandmother's  cousin. 


Tornehkhooshkeh  deeya  dapeereh 
[mun 


Aidini  altl  serkkun  poTkii.. 


Son  of  s.  of  mat.  aunt  of  g.  m.  my. 
Sou  of  a.  of  sister  of  g.  m.  of  m.  my, 


Gt.  grandmother's  sister's  son's  son 
Son  of  s.  of  sister  of  m.  of  my  g.  m. 
Gd.  child  of  sister  of  m.  of  my  g.  m 


[child. 

Great  grandmother's  sister's  grand- 
Son's  son  of  sister  of  g.  g.  m.  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's   sister's 
[sou's  son. 

Gt.  gt.  aunt's  gd.  son  (mother's  side), 
it          tt          tt  tt  <t  • 

Great  great  aunt's  grandson. 

Gt.  gd.  mother's  sister's  grandchild. 

Great  great  aunt's  grandson. 


Grandson  of  mat.  great  great  aunt. 
Grandson  of  great  great  aunt. 


Grandchild   of  sister   of  mother  of 
[grandmother  my. 

Grandmother's  my  cousin's  son. 


116 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

7 

8 

9 

10 

11 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

17 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

23 

24 

25 

26 

27 

28 

29 

30 

31 

32 

33 

34 

35 

36 

37 

38 

39 


149.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  sister's 
great  grandson. 


Ibu  ibn  ibn  khUlet  sitti 

Ibu  ibn  ibn  ikht  sitt  limmi. 


[voretin. 

Metz   morus   mora   crocha   v.   v. 

Mac  m.  m.  driff.  m'h'r  mo  h'n  v'h'r 

lar  ogha  phiuthar  mo  shin  sean 

[m'hathar 


[barn. 

Oldemoders  sostera  barne  barns 
Sonar  sonar  sonr  systur  edda  mins 
Monnors  mosters  sonsons  son 

Third  cousin -. [b  Neef 

Over  oud  ooms  achter  klein  zoon. 
Kozyii.  b  Gte.  gte.  moejes  gt.  zoon 
Autke  mohders  sisters  kinds  k.  k. 

Urgross  muhme  urenkel 

Urgross  muhme  grossenkel 


Primo  terceiro 

Frimo  terceiro 

Terzo  cugino 

Materterse  majoris  pronepos. 


Txitos  exadelphos. 


Moi  tohteverojurodnyi  brat. 


TBrneh  kooshkeh  deeya  dapeereh 
[mun 

Aidln  altl  serkkun  poian  polka.  ... 


Translation. 


Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  mat.  a.  of  g.  m.  my. 
Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  sister  of  g.  m.  of  m. 

[my. 

G.  g.  mother's  sister's  son's  son's  son. 
S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sister  of  m.  of  my  g.  m. 
Gt.  gd.  child  of  sist.  of  ».  of  my  g.  m. 


Gt.  gd.  mother's  sister's  gt.  g.  child. 

Son's  s.  son  of  sister  of  g.  g.  m.  my. 

Mother's  mother's  mother's  sister's 

[son's  son's  son. 

Gt.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  grandson  (m.  s.). 
Gt.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  gd.  son.  b  Nephew. 
Cousin.     b  Gt.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  gd.  son. 
Gt.  gd.  mother's  sister's  gt.  gd.  child. 
Great  great  aunt's  great  grandson. 


Third  cousin. 


Great  grandson  of  mat.  great  great 

[aunt. 
Third  cousin. 


My  quadruple  birth  brother. 

Grandchild   of  sister  of  mother   of 
[grandmother  my. 

Grandmother's  my  cousin's  son's  sou. 


150.  Father's  father's  father's  father's 
brother. 


Ainm  jidd  abi 

Akha  jadd  jaddi. 


Metz  horus  metz  hora  yakepira... 
Dribar  mo  han  ahar  mo  han  ahar 

Brathar  mo  shin  sin  sean  air 

Braar  ayr  my  shen  shanner 


Tip  oldefaders  broder 

Langa  langafi  brodir  minn. 
Farfars  farfars  bror. 


Paternal  great  great  great  uncle. 

Over  over  oud  oom 

Groot  groot  groot  oom 

Antke  vaders  vaders  brohr 

Ururgross  oheim 

Ururgross  oheiin 


Patruus  maximus. 
Megistos  theios 


Bra  bavkaleh  bavklileh  mun. 


Translation. 


Pat.  uncle  of  the  gd.  fath.  of  fath.  my. 
Brother  of  grandfather  of  gd.  father 

[my. 

Grandfather's  grandfather's  brother. 
Brother  of  gd.  fath.  of  my  gd.  fath. 


Great  grandfather's  father's  brother. 

Gt.  grandfather's  gd.  fa.  brother  my. 

Father's    father's    father's    father's 

[brother. 

Great  gt.  gt.  uncle  (father's  side.) 
n          ti  it  K  (t 

Great  great  great  uncle. 

Great  grandfather's  father's  brother. 

Great  great  great  uncle. 


Paternal  great  great  great  uncle. 
Great  great  great  uncle. 


Brother  of  grandfather  of  grandfather 


151.  Father's  father's  father's  father's 
brother's  son. 


Translation. 


152.  Father's  father's  father's  father's 
brother's  grandson. 


Translation. 


9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
M 
M 


Ibn  amm  jidd  abi.... 
Ibn  akUi  jadd  jaddi. 


[voretin 

Metz  horus  metz  hora  yakepora 
Mao  drih.  mo  h'n  ah'r  rno  U'n  ah'r 
Mac  brathar  mo  shin  sin  sean  air 


Tip  oldefadders  broders  son 

Brodur  sonr  langa  langafi  minus... 
Farfar  farfars  brorson 

Paternal  great  gt.  gt.  uncle's  son 

Over  over  ond  ooms  zoon 

Groot  groot  groot  ooms  zoon 

Antke  vaders  vaders  brohrs  sohn 

UrnrgrosB  oheims  sohn 

Ururgross  oheims  sohu 


Patrui  maximi  filins.. 
Megistou  theiou  pais. 


Son  of  pat.  unc.  of  g.  f.  of  fath.  my. 

Son  of  brother  of  grandfather  of  gd. 

[father  my. 

Grandfather's  grandfather's  bro.  son. 
Son  of  bro.  of  gd.  fath.  of  my  gd.  fa. 


Gt.  gd.  father's  father's  brother's  son. 
Brother's  son  of  gd.  fa.  gd.  fa.  my. 
Father's    father's    father's    father's 
[brother's  son. 

Gt.  gt.  gt.  uncle's  son  (father's  side) 
*(        it          it  n  tt  ti 

Great  great  great  uncle's  son. 
Gt.  gd.  father's  father's  bro.  son. 
Great  great  great  uncle's  sou. 


Son  of  pater,  great  great  great  uncle. 
Son  of  great  great  great  uncle. 


Ibn  ibn  amm  jidd  abi 

Ibu  ibn  akhi  jadd  jaddi . 


Metzh.  metz  h.  y.  voretein  voretin 
Mac  mic  drih.  mo  han  ahar  m.  h.  a. 
Ogha  brathar  mo  shin  sin  sean  air 


Tip  oldefaders  broders  barnebarn 
Sonar  sonrbrod.  langa  langafi  mins 

Farfars  farfars  brorsons  son 

[grandson. 

Paternal  great  great  great  uncle's 
Over  over  oud  ooms  klein  zoon.... 
Groot  groot  groot  ooms  groot  zoon 
Antke  vaders  v.  brohrs  kinds  kind 

Ururgross  oheims  enkel 

Ururgross  oheims  eukel 


Patrui  maximi  nepos 

Megistou  theiou  eggonos. 


Son  of  s.  of  pat.  unc.  of  g.  f.  of  f.  my. 
Son  of  s.  of  bro.  of  g.  f.  of  g.  f.  my. 


Gd.  father's  gd.  father's  bro.  son's  s. 
Son  of  s.  of  bro.  of  gd.  fa.  of  my  g.  f. 
Gd.  child,  of  bro.  of  gd.  fa.  of  my  g.  f. 


Gt.  gd.  father's  fath  bro.  gd.  child. 
Son's  sou  of  bro.  of  gd.  fa.  gd.  fa.  my. 
Father's    father's    father's    father's 
[brother's  son's  son. 

Gt.  gt.  gt.  uncle's  grandson  (f.  s.). 
it         tt        tt  it  it 

Great  great  great  uncle's  grandson. 
Gt.  gd.  father's  fath.  bro.  gd.  child. 
Great  great  great  uncle's  grandson. 


Grandson  of  pat.  gt.  gt.  gt.  uncle. 
Grandson  of  great  great  great  uncle. 


OP   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY. 


117 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


153.  Father's  father's  father's  father's 
hrother'u  great  grandson. 


Translation. 


154.  Father's  father's  father's  father's 
sister. 


Translation. 


1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
1G 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
2(j 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
87 
38 
39 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  amm  jidd  abi 

Ibu  ibn  ibn  akhi  jadd  jaddi. 


[mo  han  aliar 

Mac  mio  mio  drihar  mo  ban  ahar 

lar  ogha  brathar  mo  shin  sin  sean 

[air 


[barn 

Tip  oldefaders  broders  barnebarns 

Sonars,  s.  bro.  langa  langafi  mi  us 

Farfars  farfars  brorsons  sonson.... 

[great  grandson 

Paternal  great  great  great  uncle's 
Over  o.  oud  corns  acbt.  klein  zoon 
Kozyn.  bGt.  gt.gt  ooms  gt.gt.  zoon 
Antke  vaders  v.  brohrs.  kinds  k.  k. 

Ururgross  oheims  nrenkel 

Ururgross  oheims  ureukel 


Patrui  maximi  pronepos.... 

Mogistou  theiou  proggonos. 


Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  p.  u.  of  g.  f.  of  f.  my. 

Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  brother  of  gd.  father 

[of  grandfather  my. 

[of  my  grandfather. 
Son  of  s.  of  s.  of  brother  of  gd.  father 
Gt.  gd.  child  of  brother  of  gd.  father 

[of  my  grandfather. 


[grandchild. 

Gt.  gd.  father's  father's  brother's  gt. 
Son's  s.  8.  of  bro.  of  g.  f.  g.  f.  my. 
Father's     father's     father's     father's 
[brother's  son's  son's  son. 
Gt.  gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  gd.  son  (f.  s.). 

II  It  II  <(  t(  (( 

Cousin.  b  Gt.  gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  gd.  s. 
Gt.  gd.  fath.  fath.  bro.  gt.  gd.  child. 
Great  gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson. 


Great  grandson  of  pater,  great  great 
[great  uncle. 

Great  grandson  of  great  great  great 
[uncle. 


Ammet  jidd  abi. 
Ikht  jadd  jaddi. 


Metz  horus  metz  horus  kooera 

Diflur  mo  han  ahar  mo  han  ahar. 
Phiuthar  mo  shin  sin  sean  air.... 
Shuyr  inoir  my  sheii  shanuer 


Tip  oldefaders  soster 

Langa  langafa  systur  min., 
Farfars  farfars  systur , 


Paternal  great  great  great  aunt. 

Over  over  oud  moeje 

Groote  groote  groote  moeje 

Antke  vaders  vaders  sister 

Ururgross  muhme 

Urnrgross  muhme 


Amita  maxima. 

Megiote  theia  ... 


Pat.  aunt  of  gd.  father  of  father  my. 
Sister  of  gd.  father  of  gd.  father  my. 


Grandfather's  grandfather's  sister. 
Sister  of  gd.  father  of  my  gd.  father. 


Gt.  grandfather's  father's  sister. 
Gd.  father's  grandfather's  sister  my. 
Father's    father's    father's    father's 
[sister. 
Great  great  great  aunt  (father's  side). 

U  It  It  H  t(  (( 

Great  great  great  aunt. 

Gt.  grandfather's  father's  sister. 

Great  great  great  aunt. 


Paternal  great  great  great  aunt. 
Great  great  great  aunt. 


Kodshkeh  bavkaleh  bavkiileh  mun 


Sister  of  gd.  father  of  gd.  father  my. 


155.  Father's  father's  father's  father's 
sister's  SOD. 


Translation. 


156.  Father's  father's  father's  father's 
sister's  grandson. 


Translation. 


1 
2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  ammet  jidd  abi. 
Ibn  ikht  jadd  jaddi. 


Metz  horus  metz  h.  crocha  voretin 
Mao  driffur  mo  han  ahar  m.  h.  a. 
Mac  phiuthar  mo  shin  sin  sean  air 


Tip  oldefaders  sosters  son 

Systur  sour  langa  langafi  mins 

Farfara  farfars  syster  son 

Paternal  gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt's  son 

Over  over  oud  moejes  zoon 

Groote  groote  groote  moejes  zoon 
Antke  vaders  vaders  sisters  soohn 

Ururgross  muhme  sohn 

Ururgross  nmhuie  sohn 


Amitae  maxima  films. 
Megiotes  theias  pias  ... 


Son  of  pat.  aunt  of  gd.  fa.  of  fa.  my. 
Sou  of  sister  of  gd.  fa.  of  gd.  fa.  my. 


Gd.  father's  gd.  father's  sister's  son. 
Son  of  sister  of  gd.  fa.  of  my  gd.  fa. 
Son  of  sister  of  my  old  father  of  old 
[father. 


Gt.  gd.  father's  father's  sister's  son. 
Sister's  son  of  gd.  fath.  gd.  fath.  my. 
Father's  father's  father's  father's 
[sister's  son. 
Gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt's  son  (father's  side). 


Gt.  gd.  father's  father's  sister's  son. 
Great  great  great  aunt's  son. 


Son  of  pat.  great  great  great  aunt. 
Son  of  great  great  great  aunt. 


Ibn  ibn  ammet  jidd  abi. 
Ibn  ibn  ikht  jadd  jaddi 


[tin 

Metz  horus  metz  h.  crocha  v.  vore- 
Mac  micdriffurmohan  aharm.h.a. 
Ogha  phiuthar  mo  shin  sin  sean 

[air 


Tip  oldefaders  sosters  barnebarn... 
Sonar  sonr  syst.  langa  langafi  min 
Farfars  farfars  systersons  son 

Pat.  gt.  gt.  gt.  annt's  grandson.  ... 
Over  over  oud  moejes  klein  zoon.. 
Groote  groote  gte.  moejes  gt.  zoon 
Antke  vaders  vaders  sisters  k.  k. 

Ururgross  muhme  enkel 

Ururgross  muhme  enkel 


Amitse  maxima?  nepos 
Megiotes  theias  eggonos., 


Son  of  s.  of  pat.  aunt  of  g.  f.  of  f.  my, 
Sou  of  s.  of  sister  of  g.  f.  of  g.  f.  my, 


Gd.  father's  gd.  father's  sister's  son. 
Son  of  s.  of  sister  of  g.  f.  of  my  g.  f. 
Gd.  child  of  sister  of  my  old  father's 
[old  father. 


Gt.  gd.  father's  fath.  sist.  gd.  child. 
Son's  son  of  sister  of  g.  f.  g.  f.  my. 
Father's    father's    father's    father's 
[sister's  son's  son, 
Great  great  gt.  aunt's  gd.  son  (f.  s.), 


Gt.  gd.  father's  fath.  sist.  gd.  child. 
Great  great  great  aunt's  grandson. 


Grandson  of  pat.  gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt. 
Grandson  of  great  great  great  aunt. 


118 


SYSTEMS    OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 


TABLE  I. — Continued. 


157.  Father's  father's  father's  father's 
sister's  great  graudsun. 


Translation. 


158.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
brother. 


Translation. 


•2 

a 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  ammet  jidd  abi 

Urn  ibn  ibn  ikht  jidd  jaddi 


M.  h.  m.  h.  o.  voretein  v.  voretin 
Mac  m.  m.  drill',  mo  ban  aharm.h.a 
lar  ogha  phiuthar  mo  shin  sin  sean 

[air 


[barn 

Tip  oldefaders  sosters  barnebarns 
Sonar  a.  s.  syst.  langa  langafi  inins 

Farfars  farfars  systersons  son 

[great  grandson 

Paternal  great  great  great  aunt's 
Over  o.  oud  moejes  acht.  kl.  zoon 
Kozyn.  b  Gte.  gte.  gte.  moejes  g.g.z. 
Antke  vaders  v.  sisters  kinds  k.  k. 

Ururgross  muhme  urenkel 

Ururgross  muhme  grosseukel 


Amitse  maximsepronepos.... 
Megiotes  tbeias  proeggonos. 


S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  p.  a.  of  g.  f.  of  f.  my. 
S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sist.  of  g.  f.  of  g.  f.  my. 

[son. 

Gd.  father's  gd.  fa.  sister's  son's  son's 

S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sist.  of  g.  f.  of  my  g.  f. 

Great  grandchild  of  sister  of  my  old 

[father's  old  father. 


[great  grandchild. 

Great  grandfather's  father's  sister's 
Son's  son's  s.  of  sist.  of  g.  f.  g.  f.  my. 
Father's  father's  father's  father's  sis- 
[ter's  son's  son. 
Gt.  gt.  gt.  annt's  gt.  gd.  sou  (f.  s.). 

tf         tl         II  II  ft         it  It  II 

Cousin.    b  Gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  gd.  s. 
Gt.  gd.  fa',  fa.  sister's  gt.  gd.  child. 
Gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt's  great  grandson. 


Great  grandson  of  paternal  great  gt. 
[great  aunt. 
Great  grandson  of  great  great  great 

[aunt. 


Khal  silt  ummi. 
Akhasitt  sitti... 


Metz  morns  metz  morns  yiikepira 

Drihar  mo  han  vahair  m.  h.  v 

Brathar  mo  shin  sin  sean  rn'hat- 
[hair 


Tip  oldefaders  broder 

Langa  langommu  brodir  miiin 

Mormors  mormors  bror... 


Maternal  great  great  great  uncle. 

Over  over  oud  com..... , 

Groot  groot  groot  oom 

Antke  mohders  mohders  brohr. .. 

Ururgross  oheim 

Ururgross  oheim 


Avnnculns  maximns. 
Megistos  theios 


Mat.  uncle  of  gd.  mo.  of  mother  my. 
Brother  of  gd.  mo.  of  gd.  mother  my, 

Gd.  mother's  gd.  mother's  brother. 
Brother  of  gd.  mother  of  my  gd.  mo. 
Brother  of  my  x>ld  mother's  old  mo. 


Gt.  grandmother's  mother's  brother. 
Gd.  mother's  gd.  mother's  bro.  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother' 
[brother. 
Great  gt.  gt.  uncle  (mother's  side). 


Great  gd.  mother's  mother's  brother 
Great  great  great  uncle. 


Maternal  great  great  great  uncle. 
Great  great  great  uucle. 


Bra  dilpcereh  dapeereh  muu. 


Brother  of  grandmother  of  gd. mother 

[my 


1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
B 
9 

10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
3V 
38 
39 


159.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother1! 
brother's  son. 


Ibn  khal  sitt  ummi. 
Ibu  akhi  sitt  sitti... 


M.  m.  m.  m.  ySkepora  voretin 

Mac  drihar  mo  han  vahair  m.  h.  v. 

Mac  brathar  mo  shin  sin  seau  m' 

[hathar 


Tip  oldemoders  broders  son 

Brodur  sonr  langa  langommu  ruins 
Mormors  mormors  brorsou 

Mat.  great  gt.  gt.  uncle's  son 

Over  over  oud  oonis  zoon 

Groot  groot  groot  ooms  zoon "... 

Antke  mohders  moli.  brohrssoohn. 

Ururgross  oheims  sohn 

Ururgross  oheims  sohn 


Avunculi  mazimi  filing. 
Megiston  theiou  pais 


Translation. 


Son  of  mat.  unc.  of  g.  m.  of  mo.  my. 
Son  of  brother  of  g.  m.  of  g.  m.  my. 

Gd.  mother's  gd.  mother's  bro.  son. 
Son  of  bro.  of  gd.  mo.  of  my  gd.  mo. 
Son  of  brother  of  my  old  mother's 
[old  mother. 


Gt.  gd.  mother's  mother's  bro.  son. 
Brother's  sou  of  gd.  mo.  gd.  mo.  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
[brother's  son. 
Great  great  great  uncle's  son  (m.  s.). 

II  II  II  II  <(  <f 

II  II  II  II  (I  ft 

Gt.  gd.  mother's  mother's  bro.  son. 
Great  great  great  uncle's  son. 


Son  of  maternal  great   great   great 
[uncle. 
Son  of  great  great  great  uncle. 


160.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
brother's  grandson. 


Ibu  ibn  khal  ummi .... 
Ibn  ibu  akhi  sitt  sitti . 


M.  m.  m.  m.  y.  voretein  voretin 

Mac  mic  drihar  mo  h.  v.  mo  h.  v. 

Ogha  brathar   mo  shin  sin  sean 

[m'hathar 


Tip  oldemoders  broders  bamebarn 

Sonars,  bro.  langa  langommu  mins 

Mormors  mormors  brorsons  son.... 

[grandson 

Maternal  great  great  great  uncle's 
Over  over  oud  ooms  klein  zoon... 
Groot  groot  groot  ooms  groot  zoon 
Antke  mohders  m.  bro  kinds  k. 

Ururgross  oheims  enkel 

Ururgross  oheims  eukel 


Avunculi  maximi  nepos. 
Megistou  theiou  eggonos. 


Translation. 


Son  of  s.  of  m.  u.  of  g.  m.  of  m.  my 
Sou  of  s.  of  bro.  of  g.  m.  of  g.  m.  my 

[son's  son. 

Gd.  mother's  gd.  mother's  brother's 

Sou  of  s.  of  bro.  of  g.  m.  of  my  g.  m. 

Grandchild  of  brother  of  my  old  mo- 

[ther's  old  mother. 


[grandchild. 

Great  gd.  mother's  mother's  brother's 
Son's  son  of  bro.  of  g.  in.  g.  m.  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
[brother's  son's  son. 
Gt.  gt.  gt.  uncle's  grandson  (m.  s.). 


Gt.  gd.  mo.  mother's  bro.  gd.  child. 
Great  great  great  uncle's  grandson. 


Gd.  son  of  maternal  great  great  great 

[uncle. 

Grandson  of  great  great  great  uncle. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


119 


TABLE  I. —  Continued. 


161.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
brother's  great  grandson. 


Translation. 


162.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
sister. 


Translation. 


10 
11 
12 
13 

14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
'21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  ibn  ibn  kMl  sitt  timmi. 
Ibn  ibn  ibn  aklii  sitt  sitti... 


Metz  m.  metz  m.  y.  v.  v.  voretin 

Mac  m.  m.  drihar  m.  b.  v.  m.  h.  v. 

lar  ogha  brathar  mo  shin  sin  sean 

[m'liattiar 


[barns  barn 

Tip    oldemoders    broders    barne- 

Sonar  s.  s.  bro.  langa  1'mmu  mins 

Mormors  mormors  brorson  sonson 

[great  grandson 

Maternal  great  great  great  uncle's 
Over  o.  oud  ooms  achter  kleiu  zoon 
Kozyn.  b  Gt.  gt.  ooms  gt.  gt.  zoon 
Antke  mohders  m.  brohrs  k.  k.  k. 

Ururgross  oheims  ureukel 

Ururgross  oheiins  grosseukel 


Avnnculi  maximi  pronepos. 
Megistou  theiou  proggonos.. 


S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  m.  u.  of  g.  m.  of  m.  my. 
H.  of  s.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  g.  m.  of  g.  m.  my. 

[son's  son's  son. 

Gd.  mother's  gd.  mother's  brother's 

S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  bro.  of  g.  m.  of  my  g.m. 

Gt.  gd.  child  of  brother  of  my  old 

[mother's  old  mother. 


[great  grandchild. 

Gt.  gd.  mother's  mother's  brother's 
Son's  s.  s.  of  bro.  of  g.  m.  g.  m.  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
[brother's  son's  son's  son. 
Gt.  gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  gd.  son  (m.  s.). 

u      «      it  it         u      K        it  t( 

Cousin.   b  Gt.  gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  gd.  s. 
Gt.  gd.  mo.  mo.  bro.  gt.  gd.  child. 
Great  gt.  gt.  uncle's  gt.  grandson. 


Great  grandson  of  mater,  great  great 
[great  nncle. 

Great  grandson  of  great  great  great 
[uncle. 


Khalet  sitt  ummi., 
Ikht  sitt  sitti 


Metz  morns  metz  mora  kooera 

Driffur  mo  han  vahair  mo  ban  v'r 

Phiuthar  mo  shin  sin  seau  m'hat- 

[har 


Tip  oldemoders  soster 

Langa  langommu  systirr  min.... 
Mormors  mormors  syster 


Maternal  great  great  great  aunt. 

Over  over  oud  moeje 

Groote  groote  groote  moeje 

Antke  mohders  mohders  sister.. 

Ururgross  muhme 

Ururgross  muhme 


Matertera  maxima. 
Megiste  theia 


Mat.  aunt  of  gd.  moth,  of  moth.  my. 
Sister  of  gd.  moth,  of  gd.  moth.  my. 


Grandmother's  grandmother's  sister. 
Sister  of  gd.  moth,  of  my  gd.  moth. 
Sister  of  my  old  mother's  old  mother. 


Great  grandmother's  mother's  sister. 
Gd.  mother's  gd.  mother's  sister  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
[sister. 
Great  great  gt.  annt  (mother's  side). 


Great  grandmother's  mother's  sister. 
Great  great  great  annt. 


Maternal  great  great  great  aunt. 
Great  great  great  aunt. 


Khooshkeh  dapeereh  dapeereh  uiun 


Sister  of  grandmother  of  grandmother 

[my. 


163.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
sister's  sun. 


Translation. 


164.  Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
sister's  grandnon. 


Translation. 


10 

11 

12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 


Ibn  khalet  sitt  ummi. 
Ibn  ikht  sitt  sitti 


Metz  m.  metz  m.  crocha  voretin... 

Mac  driffur  mo  han  vahair  m.  h.  v. 

Mac  phiuthar  mo  shin   sin   sean 

[m'hathar 


Tip  oldemoders  sb'sters  son 

Systur  sonr  langa  langommn  mins 
Mormors  mormors  systerson 


Maternal  gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt's  son 

Over  over  oud  mojes  zoon 

Groote  groote  groote  moejes  zoon.. 
Antke  mohders  mohders  sist.  soohn 

Ururgross  muhme  sohn 

Ururgross  muhme  sohn 


Materterae  maximse  filius  . 
Megistes  theias  pais 


Son  of  mat.  aunt  of  g.  m.  of  mo.  my. 
Son  of  sister  of  g.  m.  of  g.  m.  my. 


Gd.  mother's  gd.  mother's  sist.  son. 

Son  of  sister  of  gd.  mo.  of  my  gd.  mo. 

Son  of  sister  of  my  old  mother's  old 

[mother. 


Gt.  gd.  mother's  mother's  sist.  son. 
Sister's  son  of  gd.  mo.  gd.  mo.  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
[sister's  son. 
Gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt's  son  (mother's  side]. 


Gt.  gd.  mother's  mother's  sist.  son. 
Great  great  great  aunt's  son. 


Son  of  mat.  great  great  great  aunt 
Son  of  great  great  great  aunt. 


Ibn  ibn  khalet  sitt  ummi.. 
Ib  11  ibn  ikht  sitt  sitti 


M.  m.  m.  m.  c.  voretein  voretin... 

Mac  mic  driffer  m.  h.  v.  m.  h.  v. 

Ogha  phiuthar  mo  shin  sin  sean 

[m'hathar 


Tip  oldemoders  sosters  barnebarn 
Sonar  s.  syst.  langa  I'mmim  mins 
Mormors  mormors  systers  sonson.. 

Mat.  gt.  gt.  gt.  annt's  grandson... 
Over  over  oud  moejes  klein  zoou.. 
Groote  gte.  gte.  moejes  klein  zoon 
Antke  mohders  m.  sisters  kinds  k. 

Ururgross  muhme  enkel 

Ururgross  muhme  enkel 


Materterse  maximse  nepos. 
Megistes  theias  eggonos... 


S.  of  s.  of  mat.  u.  of  g.  m.  of  m.  my. 
S.  of  s.  of  sister  of  g.  m.  of  g.  m.  my. 


Gd.  mo.  gd.  mo.  sister's  son's  son. 
S.  of  s.  of  sister  of  g.  mo.  of  my  g.  m. 
Gd.  child  of  sister  of  my  old  mother's 
[old  mother. 


[grandchild. 

Gt.  grandmother's  mother's  sister's 
Son's  son  of  sister  of  g.  m.  g.  m.  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
[sister's  sou's  son. 
Gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt's  grandson  (m.  s.) 


Gt.  gd.  mother's  sister's  grandchild. 
Great  great  great  aunt's  grandson. 


Grandson  of  matern.  gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt. 
Grandson  of  great  great  great  aunt. 


120 


SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

165..  Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
sister's  great  grandson. 

Translation. 

166.  Husband. 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Ibn  ibn  ibn  khalet  sitt  finiini  

S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  m.  a.  of  g.  m.  of  m.  my. 
S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sist.  ofg.m.  ofg.  rn.my. 

Gd.  mo.  gd.  mo.  sist.  son's  son's  son. 
S.  of  s.  of  s.  of  sis.  of  g.  m.  of  my  g.  m. 
Great  grandchild  of  sister  of  my  old 
[mother's  old  mother. 

[great  grandchild. 
Great  grandmother's  mother's  sister's 
Son's  s.  s.  of  sist.  ofg.  m.  g.  m.  my. 
Mother's  mother's  mother's  mother's 
[sister's  son's  son's  son. 
Gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  gd.  son  (m.  s.). 

it     tf      ft           tt             ft           it             it, 

Cousin.  b  Gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt's  gt.  gd.  s. 
Gt.  gd.  mother's  sister's  gt.  gd.  child. 

Great  gt.  gt.  aunt's  great  grandson. 
«        tt           tt           tt            it 

Great   grandson   of   maternal   great 
[great  great  aunt 
Great  grandson  of  great  great  great 
[aunt. 

Zuji  

Husband  my. 

t(           u 

Husband  my  (lit.  man  iny). 

Husband  my. 

a           ct 

My  husband. 

It                      (( 

(t            ft 
ft            ft 

Husband, 
tt 

it 

Husband  my. 
Man. 
Husband, 
ft 

u 

ti 

tt 
tf 
u 

My  husband. 

tt          tt 

Husband. 
tt 
it 
tt 
tt 

My  husband. 
«t          u 

(C                 ff 

Husband  my. 

u           tt 

My  husband. 
Husband  my.     b  Old  man. 
Husband  my. 
Lord  my. 
Husband. 
Man  my.     b  Consort. 

[tin 
Metz  m.  metz  m.  crocha  v.  v.  vore- 
Mac  mio  m.  driffer  m.  h.  v.  m.  h.  v. 
lar  ogha  phiuthar  mo  shin  sin  sean 
[m'hathar 

[barn 
Tip  oldemoders  sosters  barnebarns 
Sonars,  s.  syst.  langa  I'ommu  mins 
Mormors  niormors  systersons  son- 
[son 
Mat.  gt.  gt.  gt.  aunt's  grandson... 
Over  o.  oud  nioejes  aoht.  kl.  zoon 
Kozyn.  b  Ge.  ge.  ge.  moejes  g.  g.  z. 
Antke  mohders  m.  sisters  k.  k.  k. 

Ishi  

Snohixr             

Pati.     b  Bhartar.     °  Dhavar  

Husbond.     b  Mand.     c  Genial  
Madr  (boiidi)  min  

Huv.     b  Wir.     c  Bonda  

Mann.     b  Gatte.     c  Gemahl  

Ururgross  muhuie  grossenkel  

Gatte  

Vir.     b  Maritua  

M6reh  mun  

167.  Husband's  father. 

Translation. 

168.  Husband's  mother. 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Uncle  my. 
tt       (t 

Father-in-law  my. 

ft         K    t(      u 

Half  father. 

My  other's  father. 
it           t(             ft 

u          tt             tt 
Father  of  my  husband. 

Father-in-law. 
tt        it    it 

Father-in-law  my. 

Father-in-law. 

u        tt    tt 

tt        it    it 
tt        tt    it 
tt        tt    tt 

Father. 
Father-in  law. 
it        it    u 

My  father-in-law. 

Father-in-law. 

tt        u    it 

it        it    it 
tt        it    tt 
tt        tt    it 

My  husband's  father. 
My  father-in-law. 
tt        it       tt     tt 

Father-in-law  my. 
tt         <t    tt      tt 

My  father-in-law, 
tt        tt      tt     tt 

Father  of  husband  my. 
Father-in-law  my. 

Wife  of  uncle  my. 
Mother-in-law  my. 

tt         tt     u     a 
tf         tf     ft     ft 

Half  mother. 

My  other's  mother. 
ti         tf           ti 
it         tt           tf 

Mother  of  my  husband. 

Mother-in-law. 

tf      tt     a 

Mother-in-law  my. 

Mother-in-law. 
ft       <f     it 

it       u     tt 

ft       tf     tt 
<t       ft     ti 

Mother. 
Mother-in-law. 

it       tt     ft 

My  mother-in-law. 

Mother-in-law. 
ti       tt     ft 
K       tt     tf 
tt       ft     tt 
<t       ft     ft 

My  husband's  mother. 
My  mother-in-law. 

tt         tt         11     tt 

Mother-in-law  my. 

tt       ti     tt     ft 

My  mother-in-law. 
(i        ft        tt     tt 

Mother-in-law  my. 
Mother-in-law  my. 

Hamati  

KIlflMlI     

Svarfar.... 

Vader  

Schwiegervater.     b  Schwaher  

Sogro  

So^ra  

Mano  szeszuras  

Svekr  mi  

Kayni  biibam  

Baveh.  m6reh  mun  

Ipaxu  

AppTni  

OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


121 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

168.  Husband's  grandfather. 

Translation. 

170.  Husband's  grandmother. 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Jidd  zoji  

Grandfather  of  husband  my. 
u           *t  -       a            tf 

it          if        tt            u 
Father  of  my  half  father. 
Father  of  my  husband. 

Grandfather  of  my  wife. 

Father-in-law's  father. 
Grandfather  of  man  my. 
Husband's  grandfather 

Father-in-law's  father. 
Husband's  grandfather. 

it                u 
My  husband's  grandfather. 

it                    t(                                    U 

The  grandfather  of  my  husband. 
Great  father-in-law. 

U                ((              ((         tt 

Father  of  father-in-law. 
My  grandfather. 

tt                        U 

Grandfather  my. 

My  grandfather-in-law. 
Grandfather  of  husband  iny. 

Great  father-in-law  my. 

Sitt  zoji  

Grandmother  of  husband  my. 

ti            it        K            ti 

u            u        tt            it 

tt                        tt                It                        U 

Grandmother  of  my  husband. 
ti                  ti          tf 

Father-in-law's  mother. 
Grandmother  of  man  my. 
Husband's  grandmother. 

Mother  of  mother-in-law. 
Husband's  grandmother. 

it                        ti 

My  husband's  grandmother, 
tt          tt                    tt 

The  grandmother  of  my  husband. 
Great  mother-in-law. 

tf               ft            it       (i 

Mother  of  father-in-law. 

My  grandmother. 

tt            tt 

Grandmother  my. 

My  grandmother-in-law. 
Grandmother  of  husband  my. 

Great  mother-in-law  my. 

Sitt  zauji  

Sawunta  d'goree  

Ante  su  opera  

Muj  ded  

Deda  mi  

171.  Wife. 

Translation. 

172.  Wife's  father. 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
G 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Ainrati  

Woman  my. 
Wife  my. 
Wife  my  (lit.  woman  my). 

Wife  my. 
"it       a 

My  woman. 
if           it 
it           tf 

My  wife. 

Wife, 
it 

H 

Wife  my. 

Wife. 
u 

It 

tt 
It 
It 
It 
It 

My  wife.     b  My  woman. 
Spouse.     b  Wife.     c  Consort. 
Wife. 
Wife.     b  Consort. 

Wife. 
<( 

My  wife. 

ft      ft 

tt      ft 

Wife  iny. 

u      ti 

My  wife. 
Wife  uiy.     b  Woman. 
Wife  my. 
Half  my. 

Wife. 
Woman  my.     h  Consort.. 

Uncle  my. 
tt       ft 

Giver  in  marriage  my  (masculine). 
Wife's  father  my. 
Father-in-law  my. 

My  other's  father. 

tt         it           ft 
tt         it           it 

My  father-in-law. 

Father-in  law. 
<t       tf      tf 

Father-in-law  my. 

Father-in-law, 
ft         it        if 
it        if        (f 
tt         tt        tt 
it         tt        ii 

Wife's  father. 
Father-in-law. 

it          if      it 

My  father-in-law. 
Father-in-law. 

it          ii      it 

K        it     ti 
it        it     ti 
ti        tt     it 

My  wife's  father. 
My  father-in-law. 

If                   ft              U          tt 

Father-in-law  my. 

ft          it       it        ft 

My  father-in-law, 
tt         tt      tt     ti 

Father-in-law  my. 
Father-in-law  my. 

Ishtl*  

Klidtk'  in!  

Ahnare  

zau  

Patui.     b  Bhirya.     c  Juya  

Svarfar  

\Vif  

Wife.     Spouse  

Frau        

Weib.    bFrau.   cGattin.  dGemah- 
Gattin          [lin 

Epose.     b  Mujir.     °  Consorte  

Test  mi  

Tust  mi  

16       November,  1809. 


122 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

173.  Wife's  mother. 

Translation. 

174.  Wife's  grandfather. 

Translation. 

I 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Ararat  ammi  

Wife  of  unule  my. 

((           tl              tl            U 

Giver  in  marriage  my  (fem.). 
Wife's  mother  my. 
Mother  of  wife  my. 
My  other's  mother. 
11         a          11 
it        11          ti 
My  mother-in-law. 

Mother-in-law. 
11      11     u 

Mother-in-law  ray. 
Mother-in-law, 
ti       u     u 
ti      u     11 
u       u     u 

11           (1       11 

Wife's  mother. 
Mother-in-law. 
ti       u     i< 

My  mother-in-law. 
Mother-in-law. 

11            It         fl 

a        tc      (t 
11        u      a 

it        ti      tt 

My  wife's  mother. 
My  mother-in-law. 
it          it       ti     it 

Mother-in-law  my. 
ti       ii     it     it 

My  mother-in-law. 

it          u      ti     it 

Mother  of  wife  my. 
Mother-in-law  my. 

Jidd  amrati  

Grandfather  of  wife  my. 
u            ti      n      it 

tt                  if        It        tc 

Grandfather  of  my  wife, 
tt            tt      tf      ii 

Wife's  grandfather. 
Grandfather  of  wife  my. 
Wife's  grandfather. 

u                u 
it                   tt 

tt               ti 
The  grandfather  of  my  wife. 

it                            It                                It          '             U 

ft                  ft                     ff               ft 

Great  father-in-law. 

(f                       tt             tf          it 

Wife's  grandfather. 

My  grandfather, 
ft            tt 

Grandfather  my. 

My  grandfather-in-law. 
Grandfather  of  wife  my. 

Great  father-in-law  my. 

Ininu'it  ammi  
Khiith  «'antl  

Jaddzauji  

Klimiitee  

Mo  han  ahair  mo  cheli  

Aiinarocnus 

Moir  si  laigh  

Mam  fy  ngwraig  
(Jvaqura  

Svigermoder  

Afl  gonu  minnar  

Hustrus  farfar  -..  

Wife's  grandfather  

Behuwd  groot  vader  

Frauen  bess  vader  

Der  grossvater  meiner  frau  

Schwiegermutter  

L'ai'eul  de  ma  femme  

Ante  suocero  

Socer  magnus  

Moj  dziadek  

Kayni  dSdSm  •  

Tso  appTni  

175.  Wife's  grandmother. 

Translation. 

176.  Step-father. 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
•29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
M 
37 
38 
39 

Sitt  amrati                          

Grandmother  of  wife  my. 
u               tt            a 

it               ii            ti 
My  other's  old  mother. 

Grandmother  of  my  wife. 

Wife's  grandmother. 
Grandmother  of  wife  mine. 
Wife's  grandmother. 

it              ii 
a              ti 

ii              ii 

The  grandmother  of  my  wife, 
it              ti              ti    "      ti 
u              u              ii          it 

Great  mother-in-law. 

tt          it      ii     it 

Wife's  grandmother. 

My  grandmother. 

it            u 

Grandmother  my. 

My  grandmother-in-law. 
Grandmother  of  wife  my. 

Great  mother-in-law  my. 

Uncle  my. 

it                U 

Husband  of  mother  my. 
Father  my  (step). 
My  step-father, 
tt      tt         tt 
ft       tt         tt 

ft            U                 tf 

ft       ll          tl 

Step-  father. 
Step-father  mine. 
Step-father, 
ft         it 
a         f< 
(t         tt 
tt         tt 
tt        ft 
ft        ft 
tt        tt 
My  step-father. 
Step-father, 
tt         tt 
it         tt 
ft         tf 
tt         tt 

My  step-  father. 

tt      a         n 
tt      tt         it 

Step-father  my. 
My  step-father. 
My  fatherhood. 
My  step-father. 

My  father  half. 

Sawiiuta  d'  bakhtee 

M'oide                              

Fy  llus  tad  

Stedfader  

Styupfadir  min  

Styffar                   

Frauen  bess  mohder  

Stief  vader        

Kayni  mSnfina  

Diipeereh  zhumay  

Ts&  anopplnl  

OP    THE    HUMAN   FAMILY. 


123 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

177.  Step-mother. 

Translation. 

178.  Step-son. 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 

5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
l(i 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
3t> 
37 
38 
39 

Khaleti  

Aunt  my. 
ft        it 

Wife  of  father  my. 
Mother  my  (step) 

My  step-mother. 
it       a         ti 

(i       n         it 

Step-mother. 

n        it 

Step-mother  mine. 

Step-mother. 

ti        tt 

tt        it 
it          u 
tt          it 
tt          tt 
tt          tt 
ti          tt 

My  step-mother. 

Step-mother. 
tt         tt 

it         it 
tt         tt 
tt         it 

My  step-mother. 

tt       n         n 

ti       it         ti 

Step-mother  my. 

"        it          tt 

My  step-mother. 
My  motherhood. 
Step-mother  my. 

My  mother  half. 

Karfiti 

Step-son  my. 
Son  of  wife  my. 
Son  of  husband  or  wife  my. 
Son  my  (step). 
My  step-son. 

ti            U            it 
((            (C            11 

Husband's  son. 
Step-son. 
Step-son  mine. 
Step-son. 

((             4i 
tt             11 

I            It 

c        tt 

t        u 
t        ti 

I            U 

My  step-son. 

Step-son. 
u       tt 

II           <C 

tt         tl 
tt        tl 

My  step-son. 

((           U             tl 

n      tt       it 
Step-son  my. 

(i          u       it 

My  step-son. 
My  souhood.     b  Not  own  son. 
My  step-son. 

Son  half  my. 

Khiilati  

Kiibihi                                       .        ... 

Esheth  abhi  

Ymmee  ligii  

Hortmire  

Mo  las  valiair  

Fy  llus  fam  

Fy  llus  fab 

Vimuta  

Stedmoder  

Styupmodir  mill  

Styfmor  

gtyf^nn 

Steop  modor  

Stepmother  

Stief  moeder  

Step  moeder  

Stief  mohder  

Stiefmutter  

Stief  sohn  . 

Ma  belle-mere  

Madrastra  

Madrastra  

Matrigna  

Noverca  

Matruia  

Mano  moczeka  

Moja  macocha  

Ma  ruacocha  

Mash  te!i  a  mi  

Mashteha  mi  

Maja  matchikha  

(Vhulukun      b  Eoy£  oghiil 

DamSereli  mun  

Mostoha  anyain  

Alt!  puoleni  

Poikix  puoleni 

170.  Step-danghter. 

Translation. 

180.  Step-brother. 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
IS 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Kariiteti  

Step-daughter  my. 
Daughter  of  wife  my. 
Daughter  of  husband  or  wife  my. 
Daughter  my  (step). 
My  step-daughter. 
a      ti            a 

ti      it            it 

Husband's  daughter. 
Step-daughter. 
Step-daughter  my. 
Step-daughter. 
a           tt 
it           ti 
it           it 
it           it 
it           it 
ti           tt 
tt           it 

My  step-daughter. 

Step-daughter. 
a          a 

it          it 
u          a 
it          it 

My  step-daughter. 
<(       u          n 

t<       it          it 

Step-daughter  my. 
tt           tt             tt 

My  step-daughter. 
My  daughterliood.     ''  Not  own  dau. 
My  step-daughter. 

Daughter  half  my. 

Akhi  

Brother  my. 
ti          n 

Son  of  father  or  mother  my. 
Son  of  mother  my  (step). 
My  step-brother. 

U             ((                   (( 

It       tt          tl 
It       tl          tl 

Step-brother. 

(t        <( 

Step-brother  mine. 

Step-brother. 

tt 

it 
it 
tt 
u 
tt 
it 

My  step-brother. 
My  step-brother  or  half  brother. 
Step-brother. 
a         u 
tt         ti 

My  half  brother. 
tt      it         tt 

Step-brother  my. 

My  brotherhood. 
My  .step-  brother. 
Son  of  father  my. 

Brother  half  my. 

Kabihati  

Akhi..  

Bath  Mil  "  bath  Ishti  . 

Bgn  abhi  or  ben  immi 

Horte  tooster  

Fy  llus  ferch  . 

Bhartr  suta  

Vaimatra  

Steddatter  

Styupdottir  miu  

Styfdotter  

Styfbror  

Step  dochter  

Stief  dochter  

Stief  brohr  

Stieftoohter  

Stieftochter    . 

Stiefbruder  

Ma  belle-fille  

Hijastra  

Fratellastro  

Frater  

Dovedenitsa  mi  
Paisterka  mi  

Zavarnik  mi  

Maja  padtcheritza  

124" 


SYSTEMS    OP    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

181.  Step-sister. 

Translation. 

182.   Son-in-law. 

Tran.slation. 

I 
Z 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Akhti 

Sister  my. 

ft              U 

Daughter  of  father  or  mother  my. 
Daughter  of  mother  my  (step). 

My  step-sister, 
u      ft        tt 

tt        ti         tt 
it        it         tt 

Step-sister. 

«t        it 

Step-sister  my. 
Step-sister, 
u        it 

tt        tt 
tt        tt 
tt        tt 
tt        tt 
tt        it 
tt        tt 

My  step-sister. 
My  step-sister  or  half-sister. 
Step-sister. 

tt               If 

t<         tt 

My  half-sister, 
tt      tt         tt 

Step-sister  my. 

My  not  own  sister. 
My  step-sister. 

Sister  half  my. 

Khatan.     b  Saha  

Son-in-law.     l(  Bridegroom. 

«                      11                                          U 
it                   U                                     ti 
U                   ti                                    11 

Son  in-law  my. 
My  son-in-law. 

u      «           a 

11          11                  H 
it          tt                  tt 

Son-in-law. 

a          tt 

Son-in-law  my. 

Son-in-law. 

it           tt 

tt           tt 
tt           M 
«           it 

Daughter's  husband. 
Son-in-law.     b  Daughter's  husband. 

tt                       U                                              ft                                     (( 

My  son-in-law. 

Son-in-law. 

t<           u 

tt          tt 
ft           tt 
tt           <t 

tt           <t 

My  son-in-law. 
Son-in-law. 

Son-in-law  my. 

tt           tt     tt 

My  son-in-law. 

U             H                   (t 

Son-in-law  my. 

It                       tt           U 

tt            tl      tt 

Ikhti 

Suhri  

Klrthani  

Mo  chliamhiun  

Mabnnghy  fraith  

Vaimatri                          .  . 

Mag... 

Schwiegersohn.     b  Tochtermann.. 
Schwiegersohn.     b  Tochterniann.. 

Mfmo  pussesu  (utrao)  

Ma  newlastna  aestra  

Eoy6  knzkarndashum  

ihooshkee  munch  khort  

Slsar  puolent  

WS-vyut 

183.  Daughter-in-law. 

Translation. 

184.  Brother-in-law  (husbaud's  brother). 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
:i4 

u 

M 

37 
88 
89 

Kinnet  

Daughter-in-law. 

ti            tt 

Daughter-in-law.     b  Bride. 

tt            ti                  tt 

My  son's  woman. 

My  danghter-in-law. 
tt            it              tt 

Danghter-in-law. 
tf            ft 

ft            tf 

Danehter-in-Iaw  mine. 
Daughter-in-law, 
f             tt 
t             tt 
t             tf 
t             tf 
Son  s  daughter. 

Daughter-in-law, 
it             it 

My  danghter-in-law. 
Daughter-in-law, 
if             u 
it             it 
tt             ti 
ft             tt 

My  daughter-in-law, 
fi          it                 it 

Daughter-in-law  my. 

ti             tt         ft 

My  daughter-in-law, 
u               tt             it 

Daughter-in-law  my. 
ti             u         it 

ti             u         u 

Son  of  uncle  my. 
Husband's  brother  my. 
Brother-in-law  my. 

Husband's  brother  my. 
Brother-in-law. 

My  other's  brother, 
tt         u             t< 

Husband  of  my  brother. 
My  brother-iii-law. 

Brother-in-law, 
tf           ft 

Brother-in-law  mine. 

Brother-in-law. 

tt           it 

i           it 
t           ti 
t           u 
t          tt 
i             tt 
t             it 
My  brother-in-law. 

Brother-in-law, 
tt           tt 

tt           tt 

tt           <t 
tt           tt 

Husband's  brother. 
My  brother-in-law. 
a         tt           tt 

Brother-in-law  my. 

ft           ft         tt 

My  brother-in-law, 
tt         it           tt 

Husband's  brother  my. 
tt              tt         ti 

Kinnati  

Silfi 

Kallathf  

Y'bhami 

Kelta  

Ban  mo  vie  

Inneen  sy  laigh  

Mo  bhrathair  ceille  

Merch  yunghy  fraith  

R            1                 1                 -fl 

Aroos  

Snuska  

Svigerdatter  

Tengdadottir  min  

Sonhustru  

Snor.     b  Snorn  

Daughter-in-law  

Schoon  dooliter  

7 

Schoon  dochter  

<Z    \                V.          A 

Soohns  frail  

Schwiegertochter.     b  Schnnr 
Schwiegertochter  
Ma  bru  
Nuera  
Nora  

Schwager  
Sch  wager  
Mon  beau-frere  
Cxinado  

Figliastra  
Nurns  
Nuos  

Moja  ziec  

Cognato  
Lerir  
Daer  

Ma  nevesta  
Snnha  mi  

MQj  swat  (swagor)  

Snuha  mi  
Moja  tmokha.     b  Nevestka  
GSlInim  

Dever  mi  
Moi  dever  
Kiiyinim  

Menyem  
Mlnl&ni  

Vu.stiioora  
Kytyni  

OF   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY. 


125 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

185.  Brother-in-law  (sister's  husband). 

Translation. 

186.  Brother-in-law  (wife's  brother). 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Znj  akhti 

Husband  of  sister  my. 
it            (t            it 

a               tt               it 

My  sister's  man. 
it        tt          it 

Husband  of  my  sister. 
My  brother-in-law. 

Brother-in-law. 
Brother-in-law  (sister's  man). 
Brother-in-law  mine. 

Brother-in  law. 
< 

i 

i 
c 
< 

ft 

(C 

My  brother-in-law. 
Brother  by  courtesy. 
Brother-in-law. 
tt         tt 
it         it 
tt         tt 

My  brother-in-law. 
tt        tt            n 

Brother-in-law  my. 

tt         tt          it 

My  brother-in-law, 
tt         tt             it 

Brother-in-law  my. 
Sister's  husband  my. 

Son  of  uncle  my. 

ft             it                        if 

Brother  of  wife  my. 

Suhri  

AkhSna  d'bakhtee  

My  other's  brother. 

tl                U                        it 

Brother  of  my  wife. 
My  brother-in-law. 

Brother-in-law. 
n         « 

Brother-in-law  mine. 
Brother-in-law. 

a         n 

tt                H 
tl                11 
It                It 
tt                tt 
11                tt 
tt                It 

My  brother-in-law. 
Brother-in-law. 

u         t( 

t(                 (C 

((            It 

Wife's  brother. 

My  brother-in-law, 
u         tt           tt 

Brother-in-law  my. 

tt         «           tt 

My  brother-in-law. 

(4                   tt                       if 

Son. 
Wife's  brother  my. 

Fear  uio  pkiuthar  cbeille  

Brawd  ynnghy  fraith  

Syalah.     b  Syalakah 

Svo^er.     Sosters  mand  

Svager  

Athum  

Z  wager  

Reihtswaer  

Swoger  

Sch  waiter  

Srhwager  

Mon  beau-frere  

Cunhado  

Cognati  

Maritus  sororis  

Kedestes  

Laigon&s  

Muj  swat  

Muj  swat  

Zet  mi  

Zet  mi  

Moi  dever  

EuTshtim  

NaalS.ni 

187.  Brother-in  law  (wife's  sister's  husband). 

Translation. 

188.  Sister-in-law  (wife's  sister). 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
2!) 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
:J>7 
38 
39 

Zoj  bint  ammi  

Daughter  of  uncle  my. 
Sister's  husband  of  wife  my. 

Husband  of  my  wife's  sister. 

My  other's  sister's  man. 
tt         tt           tt           tt 

Sister's  husband  of  wife  mine. 
Sister's  husband  of  wife. 

Wife's  sister's  husband. 
The  husband  of  my  sister-in-law. 

Wife's  sister's  husband. 
tt            ft            tt 

Husbands  of  two  sisters. 

Brother-in-law  my. 
Brother-in-law. 

My  brother-in-law. 
Husband  of  my  wife's  sister. 

Wife's  sister's  husband  my. 

Daughter  of  uncle  my. 

ft           ft       tt       tt 

Sister  of  my  wife. 
Sister  of  my  wife. 
My  other's  sister, 
tt         tt          tt 

Sister  of  my  wife. 
My  sister-iu-Iaw. 

Sister-in-law. 

(f                U 

Sister-in-law  my. 

Sister-in-law. 

«         tt 
tt         tt 
it         ti 
ti         tt 
it         tt 
it         it 

My  sister-in-law. 

Sister-in-law, 
tt         tt 

if         it 
u         u 

Wife's  sister. 
My  sister-in-law, 
tt        ft        tt 

Sister-in-law  (Turkish). 

My  sister-in-law. 
tt         it         tt 

Sister-in-law  my. 
tt        tt        tt 

Audili  

Barakhmatee 

Far  driflur  mo  chelT  

Driffur  mo  ch&H  

Brathair  ceille  mo  rnhua  

Syalika  

Svigerinde.     b  Kones  soster  

Maggona.     b  Tengdasystur  min.  ... 

Der  uiaiiu  meiuer  suhwagerin  

Concuiihado  

Badjanak  (Turkish)  

126 


SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

189.  Sister-iu-law  (husband's  sister). 

Translation. 

190.  Sister-in-law  (brother's  wife). 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Bint    m    ' 

Daughter  of  uncle  ray. 
a               ii                ii 

Sister  of  husband  my. 
Sister-in-law  my. 
My  other's  sister. 
11        11        11 

Sister  of  my  husband. 
My  sister-in-law. 

Sister-in-law. 
Sister-in-law.     (b  Man's  sister.) 
Sister-in-law  mine. 
Sister-in-law. 

11                 <! 

11 
11 
11 
it 
it 

My  sister-in-law. 
My  sister-in-law  by  courtesy. 
Sister-in-law. 

41                It 
((                11 

Husband's  sister. 

My  sister-in-law, 
u       tt          11 

Sister-in-law  my. 
Sister-in-law. 

My  sister-in-law. 

tt        it        tt 

Sister-in-law  my. 

tt         ti        tt 

Husband's  sister  my. 

Ararat  akhi  

Wife  of  brother  my. 
ti      it        ti         tt 

Sister-in-law  my. 
Sister  my. 
Sister-in-law. 
My  brother's  woman. 

Wife  of  my  brother, 
it      tt     it         ii 

My  sister-in-law. 

Brother's  wife. 
Sister-in-law.     b  Brother's  wife. 
Sister-in-law  mine. 
Sister-in-law. 

a        ii 
ti         i 
ti          i 
nt                  . 
ti          i 
ii          i 

My  sister-in-law. 

Sister-iu-law. 
it         it 

ii         ii 

My  sisler-in-law. 

it        it         tt 

Sister-in-law  my. 
tt         it         ti 

My  sister-in-law. 
My  brother's  wife. 
Wife  of  brother  my. 

Brother's  my  wife. 

Silfati  

Kliata  d'jroree 

Y'chimti  

Khatee  

Dalles 

Beau  mo  bhrathair  

Beu  my  braar  

Chwaer  ynughy  fraith  

Prajavati  

Svigerinde.     b  Broders  kone. 

Maggona.     »  Systur  Manns  rains.. 

Maggona.     b  Br5dur  koua  mins... 

Schwiigerin  

Schwagerin  

Canada  politica  

Glos  

Fratria  . 

Galos  

Mosza  

Moja  zolovka  

Ma  swatine.     b  Swagrina  

Zolovka.    b  Sestritza  

Zulva  

Moja  zolovka  

Gorfimeh  mun  

NatonI  

191.  Sister-in-law  (husband's  brother's 
wife). 

Translation. 

192.  Two  father's-in-law  to  each  other. 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
S3 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Ararat  ibn  ammi  

Wife  of  son  of  unole  my. 
11         it        it      11      tt 

Sister-in-law  my. 
Wife  of  my  husband's  brother. 
Sister-in-law. 
My  other's  brother's  woman. 

Sister-in-law. 

Wife  of  brother  of  man  my. 
Wife  of  brother. 

My  brother-in-law's  wife. 
The  wife  of  my  brother-in-law. 

Husband's  brother's  wife, 
it                11           it 

11                it          11 
Wives  of  brothers. 

Sister-in-law  my. 
Sister-iu-law. 

My  sister-in-law. 
Sister-iu-law. 

Brother's  wife  my. 

Uncle  of  son  my. 
Marriage  relations. 

Marriage  relations. 
(If  not  of  same  family.) 

Not  related. 
The  fathers  of  the  married  pair. 

Marriage  relations. 

Silfati  

Y'clrimtl  

Nare  ess  

Ban  drihar  mo  ehell  

Yata  

Kona  brodur  manns  minfl..  .        . 

Svagerska  

Meines  schwagers  frau  

Die  frau  ineiuea  schwagers  

Concufiada  

Concunhada  

Jamitrices  

Einateres  

Etnrva  mi  

.Svat  

Eltl-m  

Svat  

Father-in-law. 

Idemta  

Kalynl  

OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


127 


TABLE  I.  —  Continued. 

193.  Two  mothers-in-law  to  each  other. 

Translation. 

194.  Widow. 

Translation. 

1 

2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 
26 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Wife  of  uncle  of  son  my. 

Marriage  relations. 

Marriage  relations. 
(If  not  of  same  family.) 

Not  related. 
The  mothers  of  the  married  pair. 

Mother-in-law. 

Widow. 

< 

i 
i 
t 

t 
t 

t 

Widow  (wedder  —  single). 
u 

M 
It 
H 
(( 
U 

a 

t 
i 

< 
t 

t 

A  widow. 
Widow. 

M 

U 
M 

tt 

u 
tt 
M 

M 
(C 

tt 

tt 
it 
tt 

it 

Enke  

Ekkya                .  . 

Enka  

Laf  

Widdefrau  

Wittfrau.     b  Wittwe  

Wittwe  

Vidua  ' 

Naszle  

Wdowa  

Vdovitsa 

Leskf  

195.  Widower. 

Translation. 

196.  Twins. 

Translation. 

1 
2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 

21; 
27 
28 
29 
30 
31 
32 
33 
34 
35 
36 
37 
38 
39 

Widower. 

« 

M 

It 
il 
fl 
tt 
• 
H 

a 

H 
M 

({ 

| 

( 
1 
I 
I 

A  TV  i  dower. 
Widower. 

H 
M 
H 
M 

tt 
it 
M 
H 

11 

• 
H 
M 
H 

H 

T6me 

Twins. 

u 
tt 

Pairs. 
Twins. 
A  pair. 

Twins. 

it 

H 

tt 
it 
It 
it 

tt 

tt 
tt 
tt 
it 
tt 
it 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 
tt 

tt 
tt 
It 
tt 
it 
tt 
tt 

tt 

it 

•Taum 

T'omim 

Beirth      b  Deesh 

Efilliaid  

Ekkill  

Tviburar  

Twins  

Z  welling     

Widdeman  

Wittmaun.     b  Wittwer  

Wittwer  

Viduo  

Gemelli.    bMellizi  

Viduus  

Naszlyg  

Wdowiec  

Blinatzi  

Dvoini  

Dfil  ... 

Ekiz  

Zhunebee  

Iker  

PART    II. 

CLASSIFICATORY  SYSTEM  OF  RELATIONSHIP. 


GANOWANIAN    FAMILY 


WITH  A   TABLE. 


17       Deoemoer,  1869.  i  -,  on  \ 


CHAPTER   I. 

SYSTEM   OF   RELATIONSHIP   OF   THE    GANOWANIAN   FAMILY. 

GENERAL  OBSERVATIONS,  TOGETHER  WITH  AN  ANALYSIS  OF  THE  SYSTEM. 

Evidence  of  the  Unity  of  Origin  of  the  Indian  Family— Name  proposed  for  this  Family — Their  System  elaborate 
and  complicated — Opulence  of  Nomenclatures — Usages  tending  to  its  Maintenance — American  Indians,  when 
related,  salute  by  Kin — Never  address  each  other  by  Personal  Name — Manner  of  Procuring  their  System  of  Rela- 
tionship— White  Interpreters — Indians  speaking  English — Their  Progress  in  this  respect — Many  Languages  now 
accessible — Others  which  are  not — The  Table — Dialectical  Variation — Less  than  has  been  supposed — Advan- 
tages of  a  Uniform  Notation — Of  Using  same  Pronominal  Forms — Etymologies  of  Terms  lost — Identity  of  the 
System  throughout  the  Family — Deviations  from  Uniformity — Their  Uses — The  Tribal  Organization — Prohibi- 
tion of  Intermarriage  in  the  Tribe — Descent  in  the  Female  Line — Exceptions — Two  Great  Divisions  of  the 
Family — Roving  Indians — Village  Indians — Intermediate  Nations — Three  Stages  of  Political  Organization — 
The  Tribe,  the  Nation,  and  the  Confederacy  of  Nations — Founded  upon  Consanguinity,  Dialect,  and  Stock  Lan- 
guage— Numbers  of  the  American  Aborigines  overestimated — Analysis  of  their  System  of  Relationship. 

THE  recognized  families  of  mankind  have  received  distinctive  names,  which  are 
not  only  useful  and  convenient  in  description,  but  serve  to  register  the  progress  of 
ethnology  as  well.  Up  to  the  present  time  the  linguistic  evidence  of  the  unity  of 
origin  of  the  American  aborigines  has  not  been  considered  sufficiently  complete 
to  raise  them  to  the  rank  of  a  family,  although  the  evidence  from  physical  charac- 
teristics, and  from  institutions,  manners,  and  customs,  tends  strongly  in  the  direction 
of  unity  of  origin.  Altogether  these  currents  of  testimony  lead  so  uniformly  to 
this  conclusion  that  American  ethnologists  have  very  generally  adopted  the  opinion 
of  their  genetic  connection  as  the  descendants  of  a  common  parent  nation.  In  the 
ensuing  chapters  additional  and  independent  evidence,  drawn  from  their  system 
of  relationship,  will  be  produced,  establishing,  as  we  believe,  their  unity  of  origin, 
and,  consequently,  their  claim  to  the  rank  of  a  family  of  nations.  The  name 
proposed  for  this  family  is  the  Ganowanian;  to  consist  of  the  Indian  nations 
represented  in  the  table,  and  of  such  other  nations  as  are  hereafter  found  to 
possess  the  same  system  of  relationship.  This  term  is  a  compound  from  Ga'-no, 
an  arrow,  and  Wa-a'-no,  a  bow,  taken  from  the  Seneca  dialect  of  the  Iroquois 
language,  which  gives  for  its  etymological  signification  the  family  of  "  the  Bow  and 
Arrow."1  It  follows  the  analogy  of  "Aryan,"  from  cm/a,  which,  according  to  Miiller, 
signifies  "  one  who  ploughs  or  tills,"  and  of  "  Turanian,"  from  tura,  which,  according 
to  the  same  learned  author,  "  implies  the  swiftness  of  the  horseman."  Should  the 
family  thus  christened  become  ultimately  merged  in  the  Turanian  or  Indo-American, 


1  Ga-no-wa/-ni-an  :  a,  as  a  in  father ;  ft,  as  a  in  at ;  a,  as  a  in  ale. 

(131) 


132  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND    AFFINITY 

which  is  not  improbable,  the  term  would  still  remain  as  an  appropriate  designation 
for  the  American  division. 

There  are  several  features  in  the  elaborate  system  of  relationship  about  to  be 
presented  that  will  arrest  attention,  and,  perhaps,  prompt  inquiries,  some  of  which 
it  may  be  advisable  to  anticipate. 

It  may  be  premised,  first,  that  every  relationship  which  is  discriminated  by  the 
Aryan  family,  as  well  as  a  large  number  unnoticed,  is  recognized  by  the  Gano- 
wanian  ;  secondly,  that  the  nomenclatures  of  relationship  in  the  dialects  of  the  latter 
family  are  more  opulent  than  those  of  any  other,  not  excepting  the  Turanian; 
and  thirdly,  that  their  system  is  so  diversified  with  specializations  and  so  compli- 
cated in  its  classifications  as  to  require  careful  study  to  understand  its  structure 
and  principles.  Upon  the  strength  of  these  statements  it  may  be  asked  how  rude 
and  uncultivated  Indians  have  been  able  to  maintain  such  a  system  of  relationship 
as  that  unfolded  in  the  table  \  and,  lastly,  how  it  was  possible  to  prosecute,  through 
so  many  unwritten  dialects,  the  minute  inquiries  necessary  to  its  full  development, 
and  to  verify  the  results  ?  The  answers  to  these  questions  have  such  a  direct 
bearing  upon  the  truthfulness  of  the  table,  upon  which  the  final  results  of  this 
research  must  depend,  as  to  overcome,  in  a  great  measure,  the  repugnance  of  the 
author  to  refer  to  his  personal  labors  in  tracing  out  this  extraordinary  system  of 
relationship  amongst  the  American  Indian  nations ;  and  he  trusts  that  the  necessity 
which  impels  him  to  such  a  reference  will  be  received  as  a  sufficient  apology. 

A  single  usage  disposes  of  the  first  of  the  proposed  questions.  The  American 
Indians  always  speak  to  each  other,  when  related,  by  the  term  of  relationship,  and 
never  by  the  personal  name  of  the  individual  addressed.  In  familiar  intercourse, 
and  in  formal  salutation,  they  invariably  address  each  other  by  the  exact  relation- 
ship of  consanguinity  or  affinity  in  which  they  stand  related.  I  have  put  the 
question  direct  to  native  Indians  of  more  than  fifty  different  nations,  in  most  cases 
at  their  villages  or  encampments,  and  the  affirmance  of  this  usage  has  been  the 
same  in  every  instance.  Over  and  over  again  it  has  been  confirmed  by  personal 
observation.  When  it  is  considered  that  the  number  of  those  who  are  bound 
together  by  the  recognized  family  ties  is  several  times  greater  than  amongst 
ourselves,  where  remote  collateral  relatives  are  practically  disowned,  the  necessity 
for  each  person  to  understand  the  system  through  all  its  extent  to  enable  him  to 
address  his  kinsman  by  the  conventional  term  of  relationship  becomes  at  once 
apparent.  It  is  not  only  the  custom  to  salute  by  kin,  but  an  omission  to  recognize 
in  this  manner  a  relative,  would,  amongst  most  of  these  nations,  be  a  discourtesy 
amounting  to  an  affront.  In  Indian  society  the  mode  of  address,  when  speaking 
to  a  relative,  is  the  possessive  form  of  the  term  of  relationship;  e.  g.,  my  father, 
my  elder  brother,  my  grandson,  my  nephew,  my  niece,  my  uncle,  my  son-in-law,  my 
brotlier-in-law,  and  so  on  throughout  the  recognized  relationships.  If  the  parties 
are  not  related,  then  my  friend.  The  effect  of  this  custom  in  imparting  as  well  as 
preserving  a  knowledge  of  the  system  through  all  of  its  ramifications  is  sufficiently 
obvious.  There  is  another  custom  which  renders  this  one  a  practical  necessity. 
From  some  cause,  of  which  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  seek  an  explanation,  an 
American  Indian  is  reluctant  to  mention  his  own  personal  name.  It  would  be  a 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  133 

violation  of  good  manners  for  an  Indian  to  speak  to  another  Indian  by  his  name. 
If  I  ask  one  to  tell  me  his  name  he  will  probably  comply  with  my  request  after  a 
moment's  hesitation,  because,  as  an  American,  the  question  is  not  singular  from 
me ;  but,  even  then,  if  he  has  a  companion  with  him,  the  latter  will  at  once  relieve 
him  from  embarrassment  by  answering  in  his  place.1  In  repeated  instances  I  have 
verified  this  peculiarity  in  widely  separated  localities.  This  reserve  in  the  use 
of  personal  names  has  tended  to  prevent  the  relaxation  of  the  usage  of  addressing 
by  kin,  whilst,  at  the  same  time,  it  has  contributed  powerfully  to  the  knowledge 
and  maintenance  of  the  system.  It  may  also  be  stated,  as  a  summary  of  the  causes 
which  have  contributed  to  its  perpetuation,  that  it  is  taught  to  each  in  childhood, 
and  practised  by  all  through  life.  Amongst  the  numerous  and  widely  scattered 
nations  represented  in  the  table  the  system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  therein 
unfolded  is,  at  this  moment,  in  constant  practical  daily  use. 

To  the  second  question  the  answer  is  equally  plain.  Thirty  years  ago  it  would 
have  been  impossible  to  work  out  this  system  of  relationship,  in  its  details,  in  any 
considerable  number  of  the  languages  named,  from  the  want  of  a  medium  of  com- 
munication. There  are  nations  still  on  the  Pacific  side  of  the  continent  whose 
languages  are  not  sufficiently  opened  to  render  them  accessible,  except  for  the 
most  common  purposes.  The  same  difficulty,  also,  exists  with  respect  to  some 
of  the  nations  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  Nevada,  and  of  the  Upper  Missouri.  The 
trapper  and  the  trader  who  spend  their  lives  in  the  mountains,  or  at  the  posts 
of  the  Fur  Companies,  usually  acquire  so  much  only  of  each  language  as  is 
necessary  to  their  vocation,  although  there  are  instances  among  this  class  of  men 
where  particular  languages  have  been  fully  acquired  after  a  residence  of  twenty  or 
thirty  years  in  the  Indian  country ;  as  in  the  case  of  Robert  Meldrum,  of  the  Crow 
language,  of  Alexander  Culbertson,  of  the  Blackfoot,  and  of  James  Kipp,  of  the 
Mandan.  Even  the  Missionaries  do  not  acquire  the  complete  range  of  an  Indian 
language  until  after  a  residence  of  fifteen  or  twenty  years  among  the  people 
expended  in  its  constant  study  and  use.  The  difficulty  of  filling  up  one  of  the 
schedules  was  by  no  means  inconsiderable  when  perfectly  competent  white  inter- 
preters were  employed.  The  schedule  used  contains  two  hundred  and  thirty-four 
distinct  questions,  all  of  which  were  necessary  to  develop  the  system  without  passing 
beyond  the  third  collateral  line  except  to  elicit  the  indicative  relationships.  To 
follow  it  through  without  confusion  of  mind  is  next  to  impossible,  except  by 
persons  accustomed  to  investigation.  With  a  white  interpreter  the  first  obstacle 
was  the  want  of  a  systematic  knowledge  of  our  own  method  of  arranging  and 
describing  kindred.  He  had,  perhaps,  never  had  occasion  to  give  the  subject  a 


1  Indian  names  are  single,  and  in  almost  all  cases  significant.  When  a  nation  is  subdivided  into 
tribes,  the  names  are  tribal  property,  and  are  kept  distinct.  Thus,  the  Wolf  Tribe  of  the  Senecas  have 
a  class  of  names  which  have  been  handed  down  from  generation  to  generation,  and  are  so  well  known 
that  among  the  Iroquois  the  tribe  of  the  person  can  generally  be  determined  from  his  or  her  name. 
As  their  names  are  single,  the  connection  of  brothers  and  sisters  could  not  be  inferred  from  them,  nor 
that  of  father  and  son.  Many  of  the  nations  have  a  distinct  set  of  names  for  childhood,  another  for 
maturity,  and  still  another  for  old  age,  which  are  successively  changed. 


134  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY 

moment's  reflection ;  and  when  he  was  taken  through  the  second  or  more  remote 
collateral  line,  with  a  description  of  each  person  by  the  chain  of  consanguinity,  he 
was  first  bewildered  and  then  confounded  in  the  labyrinth  of  relationships.  It  was 
necessary,  in  most  cases,  to  explain  to  him  the  method  of  our  own  system;  after 
which  the  lineal  and  first  collateral  line,  male  and  female,  and  the  marriage  rela- 
tionship in  this  line,  were  easily  and  correctly  obtained  from  the  native  through 
him ;  and  also  the  first  relationships  in  the  second  collateral  line  in  its  several 
branches.  But,  on  passing  beyond  these,  another  embarrassment  was  encountered 
in  the  great  and  radical  differences  between  the  Indian  system  and  our  own,  which 
soon  involved  the  interpreter  in  new  difficulties  more  perplexing  than  the  first. 
Suffice  it  to  state  that  it  required  patient  and  often  repeated  attempts  to  prosecute 
the  questions  successfully  to  the  end  of  the  schedule ;  and  when  the  work  was 
finally  completed  it  was  impossible  not  to  be  suspicious  of  errors.  The  schedule, 
however,  is  so  framed  as,  from  its  very  fulness,  to  be,  in  many  respects,  self-correc- 
tive. It  was  also  certain  to  develop  the  indicative  relationships  of  the  system 
however  defective  it  might  prove  to  be  in  some  of  its  details.  The  hindrances 
here  referred  to  were  restricted  to  cases  where  white  interpreters  were  necessarily 
used. 

Another  and  the  chief  answer  to  the  supposed  question  is  found  in  the  progress 
made,  within  the  last  thirty  years,  in  the  acquisition  of  our  language  by  a  number 
of  natives  in  the  greater  part  of  the  Indian  nations  represented  in  the  table. 
The  need  of  our  language  as  a  means  of  commercial  and  political  intercourse  has 
been  seriously  felt  by  them ;  and,  within  the  period  named,  it  has  produced  great 
changes  amongst  them  in  this  respect.  At  the  present  time  among  the  emigrant 
Indian  nations  in  Kansas,  in  the  Indian  territory  occupied  by  the  Cherokees, 
Creeks,  and  Choctaws,  in  the  territories  of  Nebraska  and  Dakota,  and  also  among 
the  nations  still  resident  in  the  older  States,  as  the  Iroquois  in  New  York,  the 
Ojibwas  on  Lake  Superior,  and  the  Dakotas  in  Minnesota,  there  are  many  Indians, 
particularly  half-bloods,  who  speak  our  language  fluently.  Some  of  them  are 
educated  men.  The  Indian  has  proved  his  linguistic  capacities  by  the  facility  and 
correctness  with  which  he  has  learned  to  speak  the  English  tongue.  It  is,  also, 
not  at  all  uncommon  to  find  an  Indian  versed  in  several  aboriginal  languages.  To 
this  class  of  men  I  am  chiefly  indebted  for  a  knowledge  of  their  system  of  relation- 
ship, and  for  that  intelligent  assistance  which  enabled  me  to  trace  out  its  minute 
details.  Knowing  their  own  method  of  classification  perfectly,  and  much  better 
than  we  do  our  own,  they  can,  as  a  general  rule,  follow  the  branches  of  the  several 
collateral  lines  with  readiness  and  precision.  It  will  be  seen,  therefore,  that  with 
a  native  sufficiently  versed  in  English  to  understand  the  simple  form  used  in  the 
schedule  to  describe  each  person,  it  was  only  necessary  to  describe  correctly  the 
person  whose  relationship  was  sought  to  ascertain  the  relationship  itself.  In  this 
way  the  chain  of  consanguinity  was  followed  step  by  step  through  the  several 
branches  of  each  collateral  line  until  the  latter  were  merged  in  the  lineal.  With 
a  knowledge,  on  my  own  part,  of  the  radical  features  of  the  Indian  system,  and 
of  the  formulas  of  our  own,  there  was  no  confusion  of  ideas  between  my  interlocutor 
and  myself  since  we  were  able  to  understand  each  other  fully.  If,  at  times,  he 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  135 

lost  the  connection  in  following  the  thread  of  consanguinity,  we  commenced  again ; 
recording  the  several  degrees,  as  we  advanced,  by  counting  the  fingers  on  each 
hand,  or  resorting  to  some  other  device  to  preserve  the  continuity  of  the  line  we 
were  following.  If  his  knowledge  of  English  was  limited,  which  was  frequently 
the  case,  it  was  always  manifest  whether  or  not  he  understood  the  question,  in  a 
particular  instance,  by  his  answer.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  to  obtain  their  system 
of  relationship  it  was  far  preferable  to  consult  a  native  Indian,  who  spoke  English 
even  imperfectly,  rather  than  a  white  interpreter  well  versed  in  the  Indian  language. 
Every  question  on  the  schedule  was  made  personal  to  obtain  the  precise  term  of 
relationship  used  by  Ego,  when  addressing  the  person  described.  Aside  from  the 
reason  that  this  is  the  true  method  of  ascertaining  the  exact  relationship,  the 
Indian  sometimes  uses,  when  speaking  of  a  relative,  a  different  term  from  the  one 
used  when  speaking  to  him ;  and  if  he  employs  the  same  term  in  both  cases  the 
pronominal  form  is  usually  different.  The  following  are  illustrations  of  the  form 
of  the  question:  "What  do  I  call  my  father's  brother  when  I  speak  to  him."  If 
the  question  is  asked  a  Seneca  Indian  he  will  answer  "Ha'-nih,"  my  father.  "  What 
do  I  call  my  father's  brother's  son  if  he  is  older  than  myself]"  He  will  answer 
" Ha'-je"  my  elder  brother.  "  What  do  I  call  my  father's  brother's  son's  son V 
He  will  answer  " Ha-ali' -wuk"  my  son.  "What  should  I  call  the  same  person 
were  I  a  woman  1"  He  will  reply  "  Ha-so'-neh,"  my  nephew.  After  going  through 
all  of  the  questions  on  the  schedule  in  this  manner,  with  a  native  speaking  English, 
settling  the  orthography,  pronunciation,  and  accent  of  each  term  by  means  of 
frequent  repetitions,  and  after  testing  the  work  where  it  appeared  to  be  necessary, 
I  was  just  as  certain  of  the  correctness  of  the  results  as  I  could  have  been  if  a 
proficient  in  this  particular  Indian  language.  The  same  mode  of  procedure  was 
adopted,  whether  a  native  speaking  English  or  a  white  interpreter  speaking  Indian 
was  employed.  Such  schedules  as  were  obtained  through  the  former  agency  were 
always  the  most  satisfactory,  and  procured  with  the  least  labor. 

It  is  a  singular  fact,  but  one  which  I  have  frequently  verified,  that  those 
Americans  who  are  most  thoroughly  versed  in  Indian  languages,  from  a  long 
residence  in  the  Indian  country,  are  unacquainted  with  their  system  of  relationship 
except  its  general  features.  It  does  not  appear  to  have  attracted  their  attention 
sufficiently  to  have  led  to  an  investigation  of  its  details  even  as  a  matter  of  curiosity. 
Not  one  of  the  number  have  I  ever  found  who,  from  his  own  knowledge,  was  able 
to  fill  out  even  a  small  part  of  the  schedule.  Even  the  missionaries,  who  are 
scholars  as  well  as  proficients  in  the  native  languages,  were  unfamiliar  with  its 
details,  as  they  had  no  occasion  to  give  the  matter  a  special  examination.  The 
Rev.  Cyrus  Byington,  who  had  spent  upwards  of  forty  years  of  missionary  life 
among  the  Choctas,  wrote  to  me  that  "  it  required  the  united  strength  of  the 
mission"  to  fill  out  correctly  the  Chocta  schedule  in  the  table ;  but  the  difficulty 
was  not  so  much  in  the  system  of  consanguinity,  although  it  contained  some  extra- 
ordinary features,  as  in  following  the  several  lines  and  holding  each  person 
distinctly  before  the  mind  as  formally  described  in  the  schedule.  The  same  is  also 
true  of  the  returned  missionaries  from  Asia,  Africa,  and  the  islands  of  the  Pacific, 
as  to  the  system  of  relationship  which  prevailed  among  the  people  with  whom  they 


136  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 

had  severally  resided  for  years.  The  attention  of  many  of  them  had  been  arrested 
by  peculiarities  in  the  classification  of  kindred,  but  the  subject,  from  its  very  nature, 
was  without  the  range  of  their  investigations.  But  with  native  assistance  this  class 
of  men  possess  peculiar  qualifications  for  reaching  the  details  of  the  system.  The 
most  perfectly  executed  schedules  in  the  tables  were  furnished  by  the  American 
Home  and  Foreign  Missionaries.  On  the  other  hand,  the  rudest  Indian  is  familiar 
with  the  system  of  his  own  nation,  having  used  it  constantly  throughout  its  entire 
range  from  early  childhood.  He  will  follow  you  through  the  several  branches 
of  each  line  with  but  little  embarrassment  if  you  can  manage  to  engage  him  in  the 
work.  It  requires  experience,  as  well  as  a  knowledge  of  the  Indian  character,  to 
hold  a  native  to  a  protracted  labor  of  such  a  tedious  character,  and  to  overcome 
his  aversion  to  continuous  mental  exertion.  He  is,  also,  suspicious  of  literary 
investigations  unless  he  understands  the  motive  which  prompts  them ;  and  sensitive 
to  ridicule,  when  their  peculiar  usages  are  sought,  from  his  knowledge  of  their 
great  unlikeness  to  our  own.  After  answering  a  few  questions  he  may  abruptly 
turn  away  and  refuse  to  be  interrogated  further  unless  his  interest  is  awakened  by 
a  sufficient  inducement.  It  was  not  always  possible  to  complete  a  schedule  without 
consulting  the  matrons  of  the  tribe.  They  are  skilled  in  relationships  beyond  the 
males,  and  can  resolve,  with  facility,  questions  of  remote  consanguinity,  if  the 
person  is  described  with  sufficient  accuracy  to  show  who  is  intended.  A  sketch  of 
the  incidents  connected  with  the  procurement  of  such  of  the  schedules  as  were 
worked  out  by  the  writer  in  the  Indian  country  would  furnish  a  number  of  singular 
illustrations  of  Indian  character. 

Another  fact  will  become  apparent  upon  a  close  examination  of  the  table,  namely, 
the  near  approach  of  the  terms  of  relationship  to  each  other  in  the  several  dialects 
of  the  same  stock-language ;  or,  in  other  words,  the  small  amount  of  dialectical 
change  these  words  have  undergone,  as  compared  with  other  words  in  the  published 
vocabularies  of  the  same  dialects.  This  was  a  matter  of  no  slight  surprise  to  the 
author.  It  may  be  accounted  for  in  part  by  the  constant  use  of  these  terms  in 
every  family,  and  among  the  members  of  different  families  which  would  tend  to 
preserve  uniformity  of  pronunciation ;  but  the  chief  reason  is  that  these  dialects,  in 
reality,  are  much  nearer  to  each  other  than  is  shown  by  the  ordinary  vocabularies. 
The  greater  portion  of  the  schedules  in  Table  II  attached  to  Part  II  were 
filled  out  by  the  writer,  using  the  same  notation,  and  after  hearing  the  words,  or 
terms  of  relationship,  many  times  repeated  by  native  speakers.  This,  of  itself, 
would  tend  to  keep  the  amount  of  dialectical  variation  within  its  actual  limits.  On 
the  contrary,  the  published  vocabularies  were  made  by  different  persons,  using 
notations  not  uniform,  and  in  many  cases  none  at  all,  which,  of  itself,  would  tend 
to  exaggerate  the  amount  of  change.  The  words  in  the  table  are  also  given  with 
the  pronoun  my  in  combination  with  the  root,  which  in  Indian  languages  is  a 
matter  of  much  importance  where  the  words  are  to  be  used  for  philological  pur- 
poses. The  pronoun  my  or  mine,  if  not  in  every  case  inseparable,  enters  so  con- 
stantly into  combination  with  terms  of  a  personal  kind,  and  with  names  for  objects 
which  are  personal,  that  a  very  marked  change  is  produced  in  the  word  itself 
when  the  pronominal  form  is  changed.  The  following  may  be  taken  as  illustrations : — 


OF   TUB   HUMAN   FAMILY. 


137 


My  father. 
Thy  " 
His  " 
Our  " 
Your  " 
Their  " 


Kenistenaux  or  Cree. 
Noh --tab- we'. 
Koh'-ta-we'. 
Oh'-tii-we'. 
Koolr-ta-we'. 
Koh'-ta-we-woo'. 
Oolr-tii-we-woo-wa' 


My  mother.  N'-ga'-we. 

Thy       "  Ke-ga'-we. 

His       "  Oh'-ga'-we-a, 

Our       "  Ke-ga-we-nan'. 

Your     "  Ke-ga-we-woo'. 

Their    "  Oh'-ga'-we-woo-a'. 


Cherokee. 
A-do'-da. 

Seneca-Iroquois. 
Ha'-nih. 

Tsa-do'-da. 

Ya'-nih. 

Oo-do'-da. 

Ho'-nih. 

E-ge-do'-da. 
E.-tse-do-da. 

Sa-dwa'nih. 
Sez-wa'-nih. 

Oo-ne-do'-da. 

Ha-go'-nih. 

A'-tse. 
Is-huh'-tse. 

Noh-yeh'. 
Ga-no'-eh. 

Oo'tse. 

Hoo-no'-eh. 

E-ge'tse. 
E-tse'-tse. 

A-te'no-eh. 
A-che'-no-eh. 

Oo-ne'-tse. 

Ho-un-de-no'-eh. 

These  pronominal  inflections  are  carried  much  further  in  the  Ganowanian  lan- 
guages than  philologists  have  generally  supposed,  although  this  characteristic  has 
been  fully  recognized.1  From  the  fact  that  the  terms  of  relationship  almost  uni- 
versally involve  the  pronoun  it  became  important — to  secure  the  advantages  which 
would  result  from  a  comparison  of  these  terms  as  well  as  for  ascertaining  the  direct 
relationship  to  Ego  of  his  blood  kindred — that  all  the  answers  to  the  questions  in  the 
table  should  be  in  the  same  pronominal  form.  These  questions,  therefore,  are  to 
be  understood  as  made  in  the  direct  form.  "  What  do  I  call  the  person  (described 
in  the  question)  when  I  speak  to  him  by  the  relationship  which  he  sustains  to 
me  V  and  the  term  given  in  the  table  is  to  be  understood  as  responsive  to  the 
question  in  this  form ;  e.  g.,  "  my  father,"  "  my  son,"  "  my  nephew."  It  would  be 
impossible  for  an  American  Indian,  in  most  of  the  nations,  to  use  one  of  these  terms 
in  the  abstract.2  There  are  some  exceptions. 


1  There  are  specializations  in  the  dual  and  plural  numbers  which,  so  far  as  the  writer  is  aware, 
have  never  been  presented  by  Indian  grammarians.  My  attention  was  first  called  to  these  additional 
inflections  by  the  Rev.  Evan  Jones,  who  for  upwards  of  forty  years  has  been  a  missionary  among  the 
Cherokees,  and  who  during  this  period  has  fully  mastered  the  structure  and  principles  of  this  lan- 
guage. The  pronoun  myself  in  the  Cherokee  is  perfect  and  independent ;  the  pronoun  my,  as  also 
in  Iroquois,  is  capable  of  a  separate  inflection ;  and  all  the  terms  of  relationship  pass  through  the 
same  form.  The  following  illustrations  are  from  the  Cherokee  : — 


a  a 
cc 


& 


Person.  Myself. 

/•  1.         A-gwa'-suh,     Myself. 
•J   2.         Tsa'-suh,         Thyself. 
(  3.         Oo-wa'-suh,     Himself. 
I  1  &  2.  Ge'-na-suh,     Ourselves,  thou  and  I. 
1  &  3.  O-ge-na'-suh,  Ourselves,  he  and  I. 


2.         Sda'-suh, 
1  &  2.  E-ga'-suh, 

1  &  3.  O-ga'-suh, 


2. 
3. 


E-tsa'-suh, 
.  O-na'-suh, 


Yourselves,  you  two. 

Ourselves,  three  or  more  of 

yon  and  me. 
Ourselves,  three  or  more  of 

them  and  me. 
Yourselves,  three  or  more. 
Themselves. 


My  or  mine. 

A-gwa-tsa'-le,  Mine. 

Tsa-tsa'-le,  Thine. 
Oo-tsa'-le, 
Gin-e-tsa'-le, 

O-gin'-a-tsa-le,  His  and  mine. 

Sta-tsa'-le,  Yours,  you  two. 

E-ga-tsa'-le,  Ours,  yours  and  mine. 


His. 

Ours,  thine  and  mine. 


My  elder  sister. 
Un'-ge-do. 
Tsuu'-doh. 
Oo-doh'. 
Gin-e-doh'. 
O-gin'-e-doh. 
Sta-doh'. 
E-ge-doh'. 


O-ga-tsa'-le,         Ours,  thine  and  mine.     0-ge-doh'. 


E-ga-taa  -le, 
Oo-tsa'-le, 


Yours,  three  or  more. 
Theirs. 


E-tse-doh'. 
Oo-ne-doh'. 


3  Many  of  the  words  used  in  the  formal  vocabularies  of  the  philologists  are  inferior  for  comparison, 
particularly  such  as  are  generic,  as  tree,  fish,  deer;  such  as  relate  to  objects  which  are  personal,  as 

18       December,  1869. 


138  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

It  was  found  impossible  to  recover  the  etymological  signification  of  the  terms  of 
relationship.  This  signification  has  long  since  disappeared  beyond  retrieval.  In 
a  few  instances  the  terms  are  still  significant ;  but  we  know  at  once,  from  that  fact, 
that  these  terms  are  of  modern  introduction.  The  preservation  of  the  meanings  of 
this  class  of  words  in  languages  which  have  been  simply  oral  from  time  immemo- 
rial would  have  been  more  remarkable  than  the  loss,  since  presumptively  the  larger 
portion  of  these  terms  must  have  originated  in  the  primitive  speech. 

A  comparison,  in  detail,  of  the  forms  of  consanguinity  which  prevail  in  the 
nations  represented  in  the  table  (Table  II,  Part  II)  will  disclose  a  number 
of  deviations  from  uniformity.  These  deviations,  since  they  do  not  invade  the 
radical  features  of  the  system,  are  invested  with  special  importance.  They  are 
insufficient  to  lessen  the  number  of  fundamental  characteristics  which  should  be 
common  in  order  to  demonstrate,  by  internal  evidence,  the  common  origin  of  the 
system.  In  general  plan,  minute  details,  and  apparent  design  it  is  one  and  the 
same  throughout,  with  the  exception  of  the  Eskimo,  which  detaches  itself  from  the 
Ganowanian  connection.  It  will  be  seen  and  recognized  that  it  is  far  more  difficult 
to  maintain  unchanged  a  complicated  and  elaborate  system  of  relationship  than 
one  which  is  free  from  complexity ;  although  it  may  be  found  to  be  as  difficult  for 
one  as  the  other  to  depart  essentially  from  its  radical  form.  Absolute  uniformity  in 
such  a  system  of  relationship  as  the  one  about  to  be  considered  is  a  naked  impos- 
sibility. Where  we  know  that  the  period  of  separation  of  the  several  branches  of 
the  family  from  each  other  must  be  measured  by  centuries,  not  to  say  by  decades 
of  centuries  of  time,  it  would  be  to  exclude  at  once  development  and  modification, 
both  of  which,  within  narrow  limits,  are  inseparable  from  all~  systems  of  rela- 
tionship. When  this  comparison  has  been  made,  the  inconsiderable  amount 
of  deviation  and  the  constancy  of  the  indicative  features  of  the  system  will 
occasion  the  greater  surprise.  These  diversities  were,  for  a  time,  a  source  of 
much  perplexity ;  but  as  the  range  of  investigation  widened  their  limits  began  to 
be  circumscribed.  They  appeared  to  have  taken  their  rise  far  back  in  the  past,  and 
to  have  perpetuated  themselves  in  the  several  subdivisions  of  that  branch  of  the 
family  in  which  they  originated  It  was  perceived  at  once  that  they  might  envelop 
a  record  still  decipherable  of  the  immediate  genetic  connection  of  those  nations, 
however  widely  separated  geographically,  in  whose  domestic  relationship  these 
diversities  were  common.  If  they  could  deliver  any  testimony  upon  such  questions, 
they  were  worthy  of  careful  investigation.  These  deviations  thus  become  attractive 

head,  mouth,  nose,  or  which  are  subject  to  personal  ownership,  as  hat,  pipe,  tomahawk,  and  so  on. 
In  most  of  our  Indian  languages  there  are  names  for  the  different  species  of  trees,  and  of  animals, 
but  no  generic  name  for  tree,  or  fish,  or  deer.  The  pronoun  also  is  nsually,found  incorporated  with 
the  names  of  the  different  organs  of  the  body,  and  with  the  names  of  objects  which  are  personal.  If, 
for  example,  I  ask  an  Indian,  "What  do  you  call  this  ?"  touching  the  hat  of  a  person  standing  near 
me,  he  will  reply,  "  His  hat;"  if  I  point  to  mine,  "Your  hat,"  and  if  to  his  own,  he  will  say,  "My  hat." 
This  element  of  change  tends  to  impair  the  usefulness  of  these  words  for  comparison.  ^Such  terms 
as  are  founded  upon  generalizations,  as  spring,  summer,  morning,  evening,  are  of  but  little  value. 
Many  of  the  words  commonly  used,  however,  are  free  from  objection,  such  as  fire,  water,  rain,  hail, 
hot,  cold,  jngeon,  crow,  elk  ;  the  names  of  the  colors,  the  numerals,  and  other  words  of  that  character. 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  139 

rather  than  repellent  as  blemishes  upon  the  system.     They  also  furnish  some  inde- 
pendent testimony  concerning  the  migrations  of  the  Ganowanian  family. 

A  brief  explanation  of  the  tribal  organization  as  it  now  prevails  amongst  the 
American  aborigines  is  necessary  to  a  right  understanding  of  the  terms  tribe  and 
nation,  as  used  in  American  Ethnology.  This  organization  has  some  connection 
with  the  origin  of  some  portion  of  the  classificatory  system  of  relationship.  It  is 
generally  found  that  all  the  people  speaking  the  same  dialect  are  under  one  inde- 
pendent political  government.  For  this  reason  they  are  called  a  nation,  although 
numbering  but  a  few  hundred,  and  at  most  but  a  few  thousand  persons.  Dialect 
and  nation,  therefore,  are  coextensive,  as  employed  in  Indian  ethnography.  Such 
is  usually  the  case  with  respect  to  civilized  nations  where  language  becomes  the 
basis  of  the  distinction.  The  use  of  the  term  nation  instead  of  tribe,  to  distinguish 
such  small  communities  was  rendered  the  more  necessary,  because  the  greater  pro- 
portion of  these  so  called  Indian  nations  were  each  subdivided  into  a  number  of 
tribes,  which  were  such  in  the  strict  generic  sense  of  the  term.  The  Scr.eca- 
Iroquois,  for  example,  are  subdivided  into  eight  tribes,  the  Wolf,  Bear,  Beaver, 
Turtle,  Deer,  Snipe,  Heron,  and  Hawk.  Each  tribe  is  a  great  family  of  consan- 
guinei,  the  tribal  name  preserving  and  proclaiming  the  fact  that  they  are  the  lineal 
descendants  of  the  same  person.  It  embraces,  however,  but  a  moiety  of  such 
person's  descendants.  The  separation  of  a  portion,  and  their  transference  to  other 
tribes,  were  effected  by  the  prohibition  of  intermarriage  between  individuals  of 
the  same  tribe,  and  by  limiting  tribal  descent  to  the  female  line.  None  of  the 
members  of  the  Wolf  or  other  tribes  were  allowed  to  intermarry  in  their  own 
tribe.  A  woman  of  the  Wolf  tribe  might  marry  a  man  of  any  other  tribe 
than  her  own,  but  the  children  of  the  marriage  were  of  her  tribe.  If  she  married 
a  Cayuga  or  even  an  Alien,  her  children  would  be  Senecas  of  the  Wolf  tribe,  since 
the  mother  confers  both  her  nationality  and  her  tribal  name  upon  her  children.  In 
like  manner  her  daughters  must  marry  out  of  the  tribe,  but  the  children  would 
nevertheless  belong  to  the  Wolf  tribe.  On  the  other  hand,  her  sons  must  also 
marry  women  of  other  tribes,  and  their  children,  belonging  to  the  tribes  of  their 
respective  mothers,  are  lost  to  the  Wolf  connection.  The  eight  tribes  are,  in  this 
manner,  intermingled  throughout  the  nation,  two  tribes  being  necessarily  repre- 
sented in  the  heads  of  every  family. 

A  tribe  may  be  denned  as  a  group  of  consanguinei,  with  descent  limited  either 
to  the  male  or  to  the  female  line.  Where  descent  is  limited  to  the  male  line,  the 
tribe  would  consist  of  a  supposed  male  ancestor  and  his  children,  together  with  the 
descendants  of  his  sons  in  the  male  line  forever.  It  would  include  this  ancestor 
and  his  children,  the  children  of  his  sons,  and  all  the  children  of  his  lineal  male 
descendants,  whilst  the  children  of  the  daughters  of  this  ancestor,  and  all  the  chil- 
dren of  his  female  descendants  would  be  transferred  to  the  tribes  of  their  respec- 
tive fathers.  Where  descent  is  limited  to  the  female  line,  the  tribe  would  consist 
of  a  supposed  female  ancestor  and  her  children,  together  with  the  descendants  of 
her  daughters  in  the  female  line  forever.  It  would  include  the  children  of  this 
ancestor,  the  children  of  her  daughters,  and  all  the  children  of  her  lineal  female 
descendants,  whilst  the  children  of  the  sons  of  this  ancestor,  and  all  the  children  of 


140  SYSTEMS   OP   CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 

her  male  descendants  would  be  transferred  to  the  tribes  of  their  respective  mothers. 
Modifications  of  this  form  of  the  tribe  may  have  existed,  but  this  is  the  substance 
of  the  institution. 

Each  tribe  thus  becomes  territorially  coextensive  with  the  nation,  since  they  were 
not  separated  into  independent  communities.1  For  the  reason,  therefore,  that  there 
are  several  tribes  of  the  Senecas,  they  cannot  be  called  collectively  the  Seneca  tribe ; 
but  inasmuch  as  they  all  speak  the  same  dialect  and  are  under  one  political  organi- 
zation, there  is  a  manifest  propriety  in  calling  them  the  Seneca  nation.  Among 
the  nations  whose  institutions  were  the  most  developed,  the  office  of  sachem  or  chief 
was  hereditary  in  the  female  line.  Each  tribe  had  the  right  to  furnish  its  own  civil 
ruler,  and  consequently  the  office  could  never  pass  out  of  the  tribe.  One  singular 
result  of  this  institution  relating  to  the  descent  of  official  dignities  was  the  perpetual 
disinheritance  of  the  sons  of  sachems.  As  father  and  son  were  necessarily  of  dif- 
ferent tribes,  the  son  could  not  succeed  to  his  father's  office.  It  passed  to  the 
sachem's  brother,  who  was  of  the  same  tribe,  or  to  one  of  the  sons  of  one  of  his 
sisters,  who  was  also  of  the  same  tribe,  the  choice  between  them  being  determined 
by  election.  This  was  the  rule  among  the  Iroquois,  among  a  portion  of  the 
Algonkin  nations,  and  also  among  the  Aztecs.  In  a  number  of  Indian  nations 
descent  is  now  limited  to  the  male  line,  with  the  same  prohibition  of  intermarriage 
in  the  tribe,  and  the  son  succeeds  to  the  father's  office.  There  are  reasons  for 
believing  that  this  is  an  innovation  upon  the  ancient  custom,  and  that  descent  in 
the  female  line  was  once  universal  in  the  Ganowanian  family. 

The  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  North  America,  when  discovered,  were  divided  into 
two  great  classes,  or  were  found  in  two  dissimilar  conditions  ;  each  of  which 
represented  a  distinct  mode  of  life.  The  first  and  lowest  condition  was  that  of  the 
Roving  Indians,  who  lived  chiefly  upon  fish,  and  also  upon  game.  They  were 
entirely  ignorant  of  agriculture.  Each  nation  inhabited  a  particular  area  which 
they  defended  as  their  home  country ;  but  roamed  through  it  without  being  sta- 
tionary in  any  locality.  They  spent  a  part  of  the  year  at  their  fishing  encamp- 
ments, and  the  remainder  in  the  mountains,  or  in  the  "forest  districts  most  favora- 
ble for  game.  Of  this  class  the  Athapascans,  west  of  Hudson's  Bay,  the  nations  of 
the  valley  of  the  Columbia,  the  Blackfeet,  Shoshonees,  Crees,  Assiniboines,  and 
Dakotas,  and  the  Great  Lake  and  Missouri  nations  are  examples.  The  second  and 
highest  condition  was  that  of  the  Village  Indians,  who  were  stationary  in  villages, 
arid  depended  exclusively  upon  agriculture  for  subsistence.  They  lived  in  com- 

1  Among  the  nations,  besifles  the  Iroquois,  who  are  subdivided  into  tribes,  are  the  Wyandotes, 
Winnebagoes,  Otoes,  Kaws,  Osages,  lowas,  Omahas,  Punkas,  Cherokees,  Creeks,  Choetas,  Chickasas, 
Ojibwas,  Otawas,  Potawattamies,  Sauks  and  Foxes,  Menominies,  Miamas,  Shawnees,  Delawares, 
Mohegans,  Munsees,  Shoshonees,  Comanches,  the  Village  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  the  Aztecs,  and 
some  other  ancient  Mexican  nations.  Some  of  the  Algonkin  find  Dakotan  nations  have  lost  the  tribal 
organization,  which  presumptively  they  once  possessed,  as  the  Crees  and  the  Dakotas  proper.  It  is  not 
found  among  the  Athapascas,  nor  amongst  the  nations  in  the  valley  of  the  Columbia,  although  it  is  said 
to  prevail  amongst  the  nations  of  the  northwest  coast.  In  addition  to  the  Iroquois  tribes  above  men- 
tioned, the  following  may  be  named :  Crane,  Duck,  Loon,  Turkey,  Musk-rat,  Sable,  Pike,  Sturgeon, 
Carp,  Buffalo,  Elk,  Reindeer,  Eagle,  Hare,  Babbit,  and  Snake. 


OFTHEHUMANFAMILY.  141 

munal  houses  constructed  of  adobe  brick,  or  of  rubble-stone  and  mud  mortar,  or  of 
stone  and  mortar,  and  several  stories  high.  This  class  had  made  considerable  pro- 
gress in  civilization,  but  without  laying  aside  their  primitive  domestic  institutions. 
The  Village  Indians  of  New  Mexico,  of  Mexico,  and  Yucatan  are  examples  of  this 
class.  Between  these  two  great  divisions  of  the  American  aborigines  there  was  a 
third  or  intermediate  class,  which  exhibited  all  the  gradations  of  condition  be- 
tween them,  apparently  forming  the  connecting  links  uniting  them  in  one  great 
family.  The  gradations  were  so  uniform  as  to  be  substantially  imperceptible,  unless 
the  extremes  were  contrasted.  These  intermediate  nations  were  the  partially 
Roving  and  partially  Village  Indians,  who  united  agricultural  subsistence  with 
that  upon  fish  and  game,  and  resided  for  the  greater  part  of  the  year  in  villages. 
Of  this  class  the  Iroquois,  the  Hurons,  the  Powhattan  Indians  of  Virginia,  the 
Creek,  Choctas,  Natches,  Sauks  and  Foxes,  Mandans,  and  Minnetaries,  are  ex- 
amples. The  two  classes  of  nations,  with  those  intermediate  in  condition,  represent 
all  the  phases  of  Indian  society,  and  possess  homogeneous  institutions,  but  under 
different  degrees  of  development. 

In  their  civil  organizations  there  are,  and  have  been,  but  three  stages  of  progres- 
sive development,  which  are  represented  by  the  tribe,  the  nation,  and  the  confede- 
racy of  nations.  The  unit  of  organization,  or  the  first  stage,  was  the  tribe,  all  the 
members  of  which,  as  consanguinei,  were  held  together  by  blood  affinities.  The 
second  stage  was  the  nation,  which  consisted  of  several  tribes  intermingled  by  mar- 
riage, and  all  speaking  the  same  dialect.  They  were  held  together  by  the  affinities 
of  an  identical  speech.  To  them,  as  a  nation,  appertained  the  exclusive  possession 
of  an  independent  dialect,  of  a  common  government,  and  of  territorial  possessions. 
The  greater  proportion  of  the  Ganowanian  family  never  advanced  beyond  the 
national  condition.  The  last,  and  the  ultimate  stage  of  organization  was  the  con- 
federacy of  nations.  It  was  usually,  if  not  invariably,  composed  of  nations  speaking 
dialects  of  the  same  stock-language.  The  Iroquois,  Otawa,  Powhattan,  and  Creek 
Confederacies,  the  Dakota  League  of  the  Seven  Council  Fires,  the  Aztec  Confede- 
racy between  the  Aztecs,  Tezcucans,  and  Tlacopans,  and  the  Tlascalan  Confede- 
racy are  familiar  examples.  It  thus  appears,  that  whilst  we  have  for  our  own 
political  series,  the  town,  the  county,  the  state,  and  the  United  States,  which  are 
founded  upon  territory,  each  in  turn  resting  upon  an  increasing  territorial  area  cir- 
cumscribed by  metes  and  bounds,  the  American  aborigines  have  for  theirs,  the  tribe, 
the  nation,  and  the  confederacy  of  nations,  which  are  founded  respectively  upon 
consanguinity,  dialect,  and  stocJc-language.  The  idea  of  a  state,  or  of  an  empire 
in  the  proper  sense  of  these  terms,  founded  upon  territory,  and  not  upon  persons, 
with  laws  in  the  place  of  usages,  with  municipal  government  in  the  place  of  the 
unregulated  will  of  chiefs,  and  with  a  central  executive  government  in  the  place 
of  a  central  oligarchy  of  chiefs,  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  existed  amongst  any 
portion  of  our  aboriginal  inhabitants.  Their  institutions  had  not  developed  to  this 
stage,  and  never  could  have  reached  it  until  a  knowledge  of  property  and  its  iises 
had  been  formed  in  their  minds.  It  is  to  property  considered  in  the  concrete  that 
modern  civilization  must  ascribe  its  origin. 

With  respect  to  their  numbers,  there  are  no  reasons  for  believing  that  they  were 


142  SYSTEMS    OF   CONSANGUINITY    AND   AFFINITY 

ever  very  numerous,  even  in  the  most  favored  localities.  Although  spread  over 
immense  areas  and  in  the  occupation  of  many  fruitful  regions,  still,  without  field 
agriculture,  or  flocks  and  herds,  it  was  impossible  that  they  should  develop  a  large, 
much  more  a  dense  population.  They  possessed  neither  flocks  nor  herds,  and  their 
agriculture  never  rose  above  garden-bed  culture,  performed  with  no  better  imple- 
ments than  those  of  wood  and  bone.  In  the  valley  of  Mexico,  where  there  are 
reasons  for  supposing  that  irrigation  upon  a  large  scale  was  practised,  production 
was  greater  than  in  other  areas.  But  notwithstanding  the  exception  to  some 
extent  of  this  region,  the  current  statements  with  reference  to  the  numbers  of  the 
American  aborigines  are  unsupported  by  trustworthy  evidence.  The  history  of  the 
human  family  does  not  afford  an  instance  of  a  large  population  without  ample 
pastoral  subsistence  or  field  agriculture.  It  may  also  be  safely  affirmed  that  the 
real  distance  in  social  condition  between  the  Aztecs,  as  one  of  the  highest  represen- 
tatives of  the  Village  Indians,  and  the  Iroquois,  as  one  of  the  highest  representa- 
tives of  the  Northern  Indians,  was  not  as  great  as  has  been  generally  supposed, 
although  the  former  had  reached  a  state  considerably  more  advanced.  If  the  civil 
and  domestic  institutions,  arts,  inventions,  usages,  and  customs  of  the  Northern 
Indians  are  compared  with  those  of  the  Southern  Village  Indians,  so  far  as  the 
latter  are  reliably  ascertained,  whatever  differences  exist  will  be  found  to  consist 
in  the  degree  of  development  of  the  same  homogeneous  conceptions  of  a  common 
mind,  and  not  of  ideas  springing  from  a  different  source.  With  the  common  origin 
of  the  Village  and  Northern  Indians  established,  there  is  no  further  problem  of 
much  difficulty  in  American  Ethnology. 

It  now  remains  to  present  an  analysis  of  the  Indian  system  of  relationship ;  and 
after  that  to  take  up  in  detail  the  system  of  the  several  nations  represented  in  the 
Table ;  and  to  trace  its  radical  characteristics  as  well  as  the  extent  of  its  distribu- 
tion. It  will  be  found  that  a  common  system  prevails  amongst  all  the  nations 
named  therein,  with  the  exception  of  the  Eskimo. 

The  system  of  relationship  considered  in  Part  I  was  characterized  as  descriptive 
because,  in  its  original  form,  the  collateral  and  a  portion  of  the  lineal  consanguine! 
of  every  person  were  described  by  a  combination  of  the  primary  terms.  For 
example,  the  phrase  "  father's  brother"  was  used  to  designate  an  uncle  on  the 
father's  side ;  "  brother's  son"  for  a  nephew,  and  "  father's  brother's  son"  for  one 
of  the  four  male  cousins.  The  discrimination  of  these  relationships,  in  the  con- 
crete, was  an  aftergrowth  in  point  of  time,  and  exceptional  in  the  system.  After 
it  was  effected  and  special  terms  had  been  introduced  to  express  those  relationships, 
in  some  of  the  branches  of  the  great  families  named,  they  were  sufficient  for  the 
designation  of  but  a  small  portion  of  the  blood  kindred  of  each  individual.  At 
least  four-fifths  within  the  limits  of  the  first  five  collateral  lines,  and  within  six 
degrees  from  the  common  ancestor,  could  only  be  indicated  by  means  of  descriptive 
phrases.  At  the  present  time,  therefore,  it  is  a  descriptive  system.  It  has  also 
been  called  a  natural  system,  because  it  is  founded  upon  a  correct  appreciation  of 
the  distinction  between  the  lineal  and  several  collateral  lines,  and  of  the  perpetual 
divergence  of  the  latter  from  the  former.  Each  relationship  is  thus  specialized 
and  separated  from  every  other  in  such  a  manner  as  to  decrease  its  nearness,  and 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  143 

diminish  its  value  according  to  the  degree  of  the  distance  of  each  person  from  the 
central  Ego.  By  this  formal  recognition  of  the  divergence  of  the  streams  of  the 
blood  and  the  connection  of  consanguinei  through  common  ancestors,  the  numerical 
system  suggested  by  the  nature  of  descents  was  affirmed.  It  also  assumed  the 
existence  of  marriage  between  single  pairs. 

In  contradistinction  from  descriptive  the  term  classificatory  will  be  employed  to 
characterize  the  system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  of  the  Ganowanian,  Turanian, 
and  Malayan  families,  which  is  founded  upon  conceptions  fundamentally  different. 
Among  the  latter  families  consanguinei  are  never  described  by  a  combination  of  the 
primary  terms ;  but  on  the  contrary  they  are  arranged  into  great  classes  or  categories 
upon  principles  of  discrimination  peculiar  to  these  families.  All  the  individuals  of 
the  same  class  are  admitted  into  one  and  the  same  relationship,  and  the  same  special 
term  is  applied  indiscriminately  to  each  and  all  of  them.  For  example,  my  father's 
brother's  son  is  my  brother  under  the  system  about  to  be  considered ;  and  I  apply 
to  him  the  same  term  which  I  use  to  designate  an  own  brother :  the  son  of  this 
collateral  brother  and  the  son  of  my  own  brother  are  both  my  sons.  And  I  apply 
to  them  the  same  term  I  would  use  to  designate  my  own  son.  In  other  words,  the 
person  first  named  is  admitted  into  the  same  relationship  as  my  own  brothers,  and 
these  last  named  as  my  own  sons.  The  principle  of  classification  is  carried  to 
every  person  in  the  several  collateral  lines,  near  and  remote,  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  include  them  all  in  the  several  great  classes.  Although  apparently  arbitrary 
and  artificial,  the  results  produced  by  the  classification  are  coherent  and  systematic. 
In  determining  the  class  to  which  each  person  belongs,  the  degrees,  numerically, 
from  Ego  to  the  common  ancestor,  and  from  the  latter  to  each  kinsman,  are  strictly 
regarded.  This  knowledge  of  the  lines  of  parentage  is  necessary  to  determine  the 
classification.  As  now  used  and  interpreted,  with  marriage  between  single  pairs 
actually  existing,  it  is  an  arbitrary  and  artificial  system,  because  it  is  contrary  to 
the  nature  of  descents,  confounding  relationships  which  are  distinct,  separating 
those  which  are  similar,  and  diverting  the  streams  of  the  blood  from  the  collateral 
channels  into  the  lineal.  Consequently,  it  is  the  reverse  of  the  descriptive  system. 
It  is  wholly  impossible  to  explain  its  origin  on  the  assumption  of  the  existence  of 
the  family  founded  upon  marriage  between  single  pairs ;  but  it  may  be  explained 
with  some  degree  of  probability  on  the  assumption  of  the  antecedent  existence  of 
a  series  of  customs  and  institutions,  one  reformatory  of  the  other,  commencing  with 
promiscuous  intercourse  and  ending  with  the  establishment  of  the  family,  as  now 
constituted,  resting  upon  marriage  between  single  pairs. 

From  the  complicated  structure  of  the  system  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  separate, 
by  analysis,  its  constituent  parts  and  present  them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  render 
them  familiar  and  intelligible  without  close  application.  There  are,  however, 
several  fundamental  conceptions  embodied  in  the  system,  a  knowledge  of  which 
will  contribute  to  its  simplification.  The  most  of  them  are  in  the  nature  of  indi- 
cative characteristics  of  the  system,  and  may  be  stated  as  follows:  First,  all  of  the 
descendants  of  an  original  pair  are  not  only,  theoretically,  consanguinei,  but  all  of 
them  fall  within  the  recognized  relationships.  Secondly,  relations  by  blood  or 
marriage  are  never  described  by  a  combination  of  the  primary  terms,  but  a  single 


SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

special  term,  is  applied  to  each  of  them.  Persons  who  stand  to  Eyo  in  unequal 
degrees,  and  who  are  related  to  him  in  different  ways,  are  thus  placed  upon  the 
same  level  in  the  rank  of  their  relationship.  It  makes  no  difference  that  it  is  a 
false  use  of  terms,  for  example,  to  call  my  father's  brother  my  father,  when  he  is  not 
my  father  in  our  sense  of  progenitor,  since  it  is  the  Indian  method  of  classification, 
and  with  that  alone  we  are  now  concerned.  Thirdly,  the  several  collateral  lines 
in  every  case  are  ultimately  merged  in  the  lineal  line,  by  means  of  which  the  pos- 
terity of  my  collateral  consanguinei  become  my  posterity.  Fourthly,  the  relation- 
ship of  cousin  is  the  most  remote  collateral  degree  which  is  recognized :  conse- 
quently, none  of  the  descendants  of  an  original  pair  can  fall  without  this  collateral 
relationship.  The  number  of  recognized  consanguinei  is  exceedingly  multiplied  by 
the  operative  force  of  the  last  two  provisions.  Fifthly,  the  children  of  brothers  are 
brothers  and  sisters  to  each  other;  the  children  of  sisters  are  brothers  and  sisters 
to  each  other ;  but  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister  stand  to  each  other  in  a  dif- 
ferent and  more  remote  relationship.  Sixthly,  the  relationship  of  uncle  is  restricted 
to  the  mother's  brothers,  and  to  the  brothers  of  such  other  persons  as  stand  to  Ego 
in  the  relation  of  a  mother.  Seventhly,  the  relationship  of  aunt  is  restricted  to  the 
sister  of  a  father,  and  to  the  sisters  of  such  other  persons  as  stand  to  Ego  in  the 
relation  of  a  father.  Eighthly,  the  relationships  of  nephew  and  niece  arc  restricted, 
where  Ego  is  a  male,  to  the  children  of  his  sisters,  and  to  the  children  of  such  col- 
lateral persons  as  stand  to  him  in  the  relation  of  a  sister.  But  when  Ego  is  a 
female  they  are  restricted  to  the  children  of  her  brother,  and  to  the  children  of 
such  other  persons  as  stand  to  her  in  the  relation  of  a  brother.  Ninthly,  the  cor- 
relative relationships  are  strictly  applied ;  the  person  whom  I  call  grandson  calls 
me  grandfather;  the  one  I  call  nephew  calls  me  uncle;  the  one  I  call  father-in-law 
calls  me  son-in-law;  and  so  on  through  every  recognized  relationship.  To  each  of 
the  foregoing  propositions  there  are  some  exceptions,  but  they  are  few  in  number. 
Lastly,  whilst  this  system  of  relationship  recognizes  and  upholds  the  bond  of  con- 
sanguinity to  an  unprecedented  extent,  it  contradicts,  and  attempts  apparently  to 
thwart,  the  natural  outflow  of  the  streams  of  the  blood.  At  the  same  time  the 
principles  upon  which  it  rests  are  enforted  with  rigorous  precision. 

An  analysis  of  this  system  of  relationship  will  develop  its  fundamental  conceptions 
in  the  form  of  independent  propositions,  by  means  of  which  a  comparison  can  be 
made  between  the  several  forms  as  they  now  exist  in  the  branches  of  the  family. 
This  comparison  will  determine  whether  or  not  the  system  is  one  and  the  same 
throughout  the  family.  At  the  same  time  the  features  in  which  there  is  a  devia- 
tion from  uniformity  will  be  separated  from  those  which  are  constant.  It  will  then 
be  seen  whether  these  deviations  invade  any  characteristics  of  the  system  which 
must  be  regarded  as  fundamental,  or  simply  represent  an  amount  of  contraction 
and  expansion  which  must  be  considered  inseparable  from  its  complicated  structure. 
It  is,  therefore,  important  that  this  analysis  should.be  rigorous  and  exact;  and  that 
the  points  of  disagreement  should  be  not  less  definitely  traced.  Among  the  more 
important  questions  involved  in  the  final  comparison  to  be  made  are  the  two 
following :  first,  whether  or  not  the  forms  which  prevail  in  the  several  branches  of 
the  Ganowanian  family  are  identical  in  whatever  is  ultimate  or  radical;  and  secondly, 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  145 

if  identical  throughout  all  these  nations,  whether  or  not  it  was  transmitted  to  each 
with  the  blood,  involving,  consequently,  the  genealogical  connection  of  the  nations 
themselves. 

The  following  propositions  develop  all  of  the  material  characteristics  of  the 
system  of  relationship  of  the  nations  represented  in  the  Table.  They  are  severally 
true  of  each  and  every  form  in  each  and  every  nation,  with  the  exceptions  stated. 

I.  Consanguine!  are  not  described  by  a  combination  of  primary  terms,  but  are 
classified  into  categories  under  some  one  of  the  recognized  relationships,  each  of 
which  is  expressed  by  a  particular  term. 

II.  The  several  collateral  lines,  in  their  several  branches,  are  ultimately  merged 
in  the  lineal  line. 

III.  In  familiar  intercourse  and  in  formal  salutation,  consanguinei,  near  and 
remote,  address  each  other  by  the  term  of  relationship. 

IV.  From  Ego  a  male  to  the  children  of  his  brother  a  male,  and  from  Ego  a 
female  to  the  children  of  her  sister  a  female,  the  relationship  of  these  children  to 
Ego  approaches  in  the  degree  of  its  nearness ;  but  from  Ego  a  male,  to  the  children 
of  a  female,  and  from  Ego  a  female  to  the  children  of  a  male,  it  recedes.     There  are 
some  exceptions  to  these  rules. 

V.  Ascending  one  degree  above  Ego  in  the  lineal  line,  and  crossing  over  to  the 
first  members  of  the  four  branches  of  the  second  collateral  line,  it  follows  again 
that  from  male   line  to  male   line,  and  from  female  to  female,  the   relationship 
to  Ego  approaches  in  the  degree  of  its  nearness,  while  from  male  line  to  female 
line,  and  from  female  to  male,  it  recedes,  and  that  irrespective  of  the  sex  of  Ego. 
To  these  rules  there  are  a  few  exceptions.     The  father's  sister,  in  some  cases,  is  a 
mother  instead  of  an  aunt,  and  the  mother's  brother,  in  two  instances,  is  an  elder 
brother  instead  of  an  uncle. 

VI.  There    are    original  terms    for   grandfather  and  grandmother,   father  and 
mother,  son  and  daughter,  and  grandson  and  granddaughter  in  all  of  the  languages 
represented  in  the  Table  without  an  exception.     In  a  few  instances  some  of  these 
terms  are  in  common  gender.     These,  with  those  of  brother  and  sister,  are  called 
the  primary  relationships. 

VII.  All  of  my  ancestors  above  grandfather  and  grandmother,  are  my  grand- 
fathers and  grandmothers,  without  further  distinction,  except  that  in  some  of  the 
nations  they  are  discriminated  as  second,  third,  and  more  remote  grandfathers  and 
grandmothers.      In    common   usage,   however,    the   former   are    the    recognized 
relationships.     The  Pawnee  form  is  an  exception. 

VIII.  All  the  brothers  and  sisters  of  my  grandfather  and  of  my  grandmother, 
and  all  the  brothers  and  sisters  of  my  several  ancestors  above  the  latter,  are,  without 
distinction,  my  grandfathers  and  grandmothers,  with  the  occasional  modifications 
stated  in  the.  seventh  proposition. 

IX.  All   my    descendants   below  grandson    and    granddaughter,  are,    without 
distinction,  my  grandsons  and  granddaughters,  with  the  occasional  modifications 
named  in  the  seventh  proposition.     The   Pawnee  form  is  also  an  exception. 

X.  There  is  one  term  for  elder  brother  and  another  for  younger  brother,  one 
term  for  elder  sister  and  another  for  younger  sister ;  and  no  term  for  brother  or 

19       December,  1869. 


146  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINTY 

sister  in  the  abstract,  except  in  the  plural  number.  These  terms  are  not  applied 
to  the  oldest  and  youngest  specifically,  but  to  each  and  all  who  are  older  than  the 
brother  or  sister  speaking.  In  several  languages  there  is  a  double  set  of  terms, 
one  of  which  is  used  by  males,  and  the  other  by  females.  In  some  cases  the  term 
for  elder  and  younger  sister  is  common.  There  are  also  a  few  instances  in  which 
additional  terms  for  brother  and  sister  in  the  abstract  are  found. 

XI.  All  the  children  of  my  several  own   brothers,  and  of  my  several  collateral 
brothers,  myself  a  male,  are  my  sons  and  daughters,  and  all  the  children  of  the  latter 
are  my  grandsons  and  granddaughters.     There  are   exceptions  to  the  first  branch 
of  this  proposition.     In  a  few  nations  they  are  step-sons  and  step-daughters. 

XII.  All  the  children  of  my  several  own  sisters,  and  of  my  several  collateral 
sisters,  myself  a  male,  are  my  nephews  and  nieces,  and  all  the  children  of  the  latter 
are  my  grandsons  and  granddaughters.     The  exceptions  are  few  in  number. 

XIII.  All  the  children  of  my  several  own  brothers,  and  of  my  several  collateral 
brothers,  myself  a  female,  are  my  nephews  and  nieces.    There  are  many  exceptions. 
The  children  of  these  nephews  and  nieces  are  my  grandsons  and  granddaughters. 

XIV.  All  the  children  of  my  several  own  sisters,  and  of  my  several  collateral 
sisters,  myself  a  female,  are  my  sons  and  daughters.     The  exceptions  are  few,  and 
chiefly  confined  to  those  cases  where  the  relationship  is  that  of  step-son  and  step- 
daughter.    The  children  of  these  sons  and  daughters  are  my  grandsons  and  grand- 
daughters. 

XV.  All  the  brothers  of  my  own  father,  and  all  the  brothers  of  such  other  persons 
as  stand  to  me  in  the  relation  of  a  father,  are  my  fathers  ;  and  all  the  sisters  of  my 
own  mother,  and  of  such  other  persons  as  stand  to  me  in  the  relation  of  a  mother, 
are   severally  my  mothers,  the  same  as  by  own  mother.      In  several  nations  they 
are  step-fathers  and  step-mothers ;  in  some  others  they  are  little  fathers  and  little 
mothers. 

XVI.  All  the  brothers  of  my  own  mother,  and  all  the  brothers  of  such  other 
persons  as  stand  to  me  in  the  relation  of  a  mother,  are   severally  my  uncles ;  and 
all  the  sisters  of  my  own  father,  and  all  the  sisters  of  such  other  persons  as  stand 
to  me  in  the  relation  of  a  father,  are  severally  my  aunts.     In  a  few  nations  the 
relationship  of  aunt  is  not  recognized,  in  which  cases  my  father's  sisters  are  my 
mothers.      In  two  nations  that  of  uncle  is  unknown,  in  which  cases  my  mother's 
brothers  are  my  elder  brothers. 

-ff~  XVII.  All  the  children  of  several  brothers  are  brothers  and  sisters  to  each  other; 
and  they  use,  in  each  case,  the  respective  terms  for  elder  and  younger  brother,  and 
for  elder  and  younger  sister,  which  they  do  in  the  case  of  own  brothers  and  sisters. 
Exceptions  exist  in  the  limited  number  of  nations  in  which  step-father  and  step- 
son are  used.  Among  them  the  relationship  is  that  of  step-brother  and  step-sister. 
XVIII.  All  the  sons  of  the  sons  of  several  brothers  are  brothers  to  each  other, 
elder  or  younger ;  all  the  sons  of  the  latter  are  brothers  again,  and  the  same  rela- 
tionship of  males  in  the  male  line  continues  downward  indefinitely,  so  long  as  each 
of  these  persons  stands  at  the  same  degree  of  remove  from  the  original  brother. 
But  when  one  is  further  advanced,  by  a  single  degree,  than  the  other,  the  rule 
which  turns  the  collateral  line  into  the  lineal  at  once  applies :  thus,  the  son  of 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  147 

either  of  these  my  collateral,  elder/tor  younger,  brothers,  myself  being  a  male,  be- 
comes my  son,  and  the  son  of  the  latter  is  my  grandson. 

XIX.  All  the  children  of  several  sisters  are  brothers  and  sisters  to  each  other; 
and  the  terms  of  relationship  are  applied  as  in  the  last  case.     The  exceptions  also 
are  the  same. 

XX.  All  the  daughters  of  the  daughters  of  several  sisters  are  sisters  to  each 
other,  elder  or  younger,  and  the  daughters  of  the  latter  are  sisters  again ;  and  the 
relationship  of  females  in  the  female  line  continues  to  be  that  of  sisters,  elder  or 
younger,  at  equal  removes,  downward  indefinitely,  with  the  same  result  as  in  the 
former  case,  where  one  is  further  removed  than  the  other  from  the  original  sisters. 

XXI.  All  the  children  of  several  brothers  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  the  several 
sisters  of  these  brothers  on  the  other,  are  cousins  to  each  other  among  some  of  the 
nations.     Among  other  nations  the  males  of  the  former  class  are  uncles  to  the 
males  and  females  of  the  latter  class ;  and  the  males  and  -females  of  the  latter  are 
nephews  and  nieces  to  those  of  the  former;  whilst  to  still  others  the  females  of 
the  former  class  are  mothers  to  the  males  and  females  of  the  latter  class,  and  the 
males  and  females  of  the  latter  are  sons  and  daughters  to  the  females  of  the  former. 
To  illustrate :  my  father's  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  nephew 
and  niece,  each  of  them  calling  me  (their  mother's  brother's  son)  uncle ;  but  with 
Ego  a  female,  the  same  persons  are  my  son  and  daughter,  each  of  them  calling  me 
mother.     Among  other  nations  these  relationships  are  still  different,  and  they  can 
be  easier  expressed  by  an  illustration  than  by  a  rule ;  namely,  my  father's  sister's 
son,  Ego  a  male,  is  my  father,  and  he  calls  me  his  son ;  my  father's  sister's  daugh- 
ter is  my  aunt,  and  she  calls  me  her  nephew ;  but  with  Ego  a  female,  my  father's 
sister's  son  is  my  father,  and  calls  me  his  daughter ;  whilst  my  father's  sister's 
daughter  is  my  grandmother,  and  calls  me  her  granddaughter.     Among  still  other 
nations  the  children  of  brothers  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  sisters  on  the  other,  are 
brothers  and  sisters  to  each  other.     Upon  this  relationship  occurs  the  most  im- 
portant, as  well  as  the  principal,  deviation  from  uniformity. 

XXII.  All  the  children  of  several  cousins  are  cousins  again;  the  children  of  the 
latter  are   also  cousins ;    and  this  relationship  continues  downward   indefinitely. 
Where  the  relationship  of  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister  is  that  of  uncle  and 
nephew,  the  son  of  this  uncle  is  an  uncle  again ;  and  this  relationship  continues 
downwards  in  the  male  line  indefinitely.     Where,  in  the  same  case,  it  is  that  of 
son  and  father,  the  son  and  grandson  of  this  father  are  each  my  father,  and  this 
relationship  continues  downward  in  the  male  line  indefinitely.     In  all  other  cases 
the  collateral  line  is  brought  into  the  lineal. 

XXIII.  As  a  general  result  the  descendants  of  brothers  and  sisters,  or  of  an 
original  pair,  can  never  pass,  in  theory,  beyond  the  degrees  of  cousin  and  grand- 
child, these  being  the  most  remote  collateral  and  descendant  relationships ;  nor  in 
the  ascending  series  beyond  the  degree  of  grandfather.     Hence  the  bond  of  con- 
sanguinity which  can  never,  in  fact,  be  broken  by  lapse  of  time  or  distance  in 
degree,  is  not  permitted,  by  the  fundamental  provisions  of  the  Ganowanian  system, 
to  be  broken  in  principle. 

XXIV.  All  the  wives  of  my  several  nephews  and  collateral  sons  are  my  daugh- 


148  SYSTEMS    OP    CONSANGUINITY    AND   AFFINITY 

ters-in-law ;  and  all  the  husbands  of  my  several  nieces  and  collateral  daughters  are 
my  sons-in-law ;  and  I  apply  to  them  the  same  terms  respectively  which  I  use  to 
designate  the  husbands  and  wives  of  my  own  sons  and  daughters.  There  are  some 
exceptions  to  this  proposition. 

XXV.  All  the  wives  of  my  several  collateral  brothers  and  of  my  several  male 
cousins  are  my  sisters-in-law ;  and  all  the  husbands  of  my  several  collateral  sisters 
and  of  my  several  female  cousins  are  my  brothers-in-law,  without  regard  to  the 
degree  of  nearness.     There  are  some  exceptions. 

XXVI.  In  all  of  the  preceding  relationships  the  correlative  terms  are  strictly 
applied ;  thus,  the  one  I  call  my  son  calls  me  father ;  the  one  I  call  grandson  calls 
me  grandfather :   the  one  I  call  nephew  calls  me  uncle ;  the  one  I  call  brother-in- 
law  calls  me  the  same ;  the  one  I  call  father-in-law  calls  me  son-in-law ;  and  so  on 
throughout  the  entire  series,  whether  of  affinity  or  of  consanguinity. 

When  the  foregoing  propositions  have  been  verified  by  passing  through  one  of 
the  schedules  in  the  Table,  the  system  itself  will  become  perfectly  familiar,  and 
any  deviations  from  the  standard  form  in  other  schedules  will  at  once  be  recognized 
wherever  they  occur.  A  number  of  discrepancies  will  also  be  discovered,  falling 
below  the  character  of  permanent  deviations;  but  they  relate  to  subordinate  details, 
and  do  not  disturb  the  general  plan  of  consanguinity.  Some  of  them  may  represent 
a  misapprehension  of  the  question  to  be  answered ;  others  an  ignorance  of  the  true 
relationship,  and  still  others  a  discrepancy  in  some  part  of  the  form  of  the  particular 
nation.  In  the  details  of  a  system  so  complicated  and  elaborate,  drawn  out  from 
uncultivated  languages,  and  with  a  nomenclature  so  opulent,  a  large  amount  of 
variation  would  not  only  be  unavoidable,  but  an  exemption  from  it  would  excite 
surprise.  A  sufficient  number  of  features,  which  may  be  called  indicative  of  the 
typical  form,  are  so  constant  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  the  identity  of  the  system  as 
it  now  prevails  in  the  several  branches  of  the  family,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Eskimo.  The  fundamental  conceptions  upon  which  the  system  rests  are  simple 
and  clearly  defined,  and  work  out  their  results  with  logical  accuracy. 

The  deviations  from  uniformity  may  be  recapitulated  as  follows : — 

I.  Relationship  of  Uncle  and  Aunt.     In  the  Crow  and  Minnitaree,  and  in  one  or 
more  of  the  Athapascan  nations,  these  relationships  are  wanting.     These  nations 
form  an  exception,  in  this  respect,  to  the  entire  Ganowanian  family.     In  a  number 
of  other  nations  the  relationship  of  aunt  is  unknown,  and  that  of  mother  visually 
takes  its  place. 

II.  Relationships  of  Nephew  and  Niece.     In  four  or  five   dialects  terms  for 
nephew  and  niece  are  wanting.     These  relationships  limited,  with  Ego  a  male,  to 
the  children  of  his  sister,  and  with  Ego  a  female,  usually  to  the  children  of  her 
brother,  is  one  of  the  most  striking  of  the  indicative  features  of  the  system.     But 
a  failure  of  five  out  of  seventy-five  Indian  nations  upon  these  relationships  is  not 
sufficient  to  require  an  explanation,  even  if  it  could  be  made. 

III.  Double  Set  of  Terms.     The  use  of  one  set  of  terms  by  the  males,  and  another 
set  by  the  females  in  some  nations  for  certain  relationships ;  also  the  use  of  step- 
father, step-brother,  and  step-son,  among  other  nations  in  the  place  of  the  full 
terms ;  and  finally  the  use,  in  still  other  nations,  of  little  father  and  little  mother 


OP    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  149 

for  the  brother  of  a  father  and  the  sister  of  a  mother,  must  be  regarded  in  the 
light  of  modifications  of  the  primitive  form  by  particular  usage  rather  than  as 
deviations  from  uniformity. 

IV.  Relationships  of  the  Children  of  a  Brother  and  Sister.     It  is  evident  that  the 
relationship  of  a  cousin  was  unknown  in  the  original  system,  and  that  it  was  an 
aftergrowth,  or  further  development,  designed  to  remove  a  blemish.     The  four 
different  forms  in  which  the  relationships  of  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister 
appear,  render  it  difficult  to  determine  which  was  the  primitive  form,  only  that 
cousin  was  not.     The  principles  of  the  system  required  that  they  should  stand  in  a 
more  remote  relationship  than  that  of  brother  and  sister ;  and  thus  we  are  led  to 
the  inference  that  it  was  either  that  of  uncle  and  nephew,  or  that  of  son  and 
father. 

V.  Marriage  Relationships.     There  are  a  number  of  diversities  in  these  relation- 
ships, but  a  sufficient  number  are  constant  to  establish  the  unity  of  the  system  from 
this  source  of  evidence  alone. 

VI.  Mergence  of  Collateral  Lines.     In  a  few  of  the  nations  some  branches  of  the 
collateral  lines  are  more   abruptly  merged  in  the  lineal  than  the  common  form 
allows  ;  but  of  this  peculiarity  no  explanation  can  be  given. 

We  are  now  the  better  prepared  to  take  up  the  system  of  relationship  of  the 
Ganowanian  family  in  its  several  branches ;  and  by  an  examination  of  its  structure 
and  details,  to  verify  the  preceding  propositions,  and  also  to  trace  this  form  of  the 
classificatory  system  to  its  limits.  In  no  other  manner  can  its  remarkable  charac- 
ter, as  a  domestic  institution,  be  understood  or  appreciated,  or  its  value  estimated 
for  ethnological  purposes. 


150  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 


CHAPTER  II. 

SYSTEM  OF  RELATIONSHIP  OF  THE  GANOWANIAN  FAMILY— CONTINUED. 

Position  of  the  Iroquois— Area  of  their  Occupation— Their  Home  Country— Epoch  of  the  Establishment  of  the 
League— Hodenosaunee,  their  Proper  Name— Other  Nations  of  the  same  Lineage — the  Hurons  or  Wyandotes — 
Neutral  Nation— Eries— Susquehannocks — Nottoways— I.  Iroquois — Their  System  of  Relationship — Seneca  Form 
adopted  as  typical ;  also  as  typical  of  the  System  of  the  Ganowanian  Family— Lineal  Line — First  Collateral 
Line— Diagrams— Second  Collateral  Line — Diagrams — Indicative  Relationships— Marriage  Relationships — Third 
and  Fourth  Collateral  Lines— Diagrams— Methods  of  Verifying  same. — Other  Marriage  Relationships — Necessary 
Knowledge  of  Numerical  Degrees — Consanguine!  not  allowed  to  Intermarry— Systems  of  Remaining  Iroquois 
Nations— Identical  with  the  Seneca— One  Deviation  from  Uniformity— II.  Hurons,  or  Wyandotes— Their  System 
identical  with  the  Seneca— Common  Origin  of  the  System— Coeval  with  their  Existence  as  one  People. 

Dakotan  Nations. 

I.  Hodenosaunian  Nations.     1.  Iroquois.     2.  Hurons. 

Among  the  Indian  nations  found  in  possession  t)f  the  North  American  continent, 
north  of  New  Mexico,  the  Iroquois  deservedly  hold  the  highest  rank.  In  energy 
and  intelligence,  and  the  degree  of  development  of  their  civil  institutions  they  are 
far  in  advance  of  the  Northern  Indian  nations.  At  the  period  of  their  discovery 
(1609),  or  within  fifty  years  of  that  event,  they  reached  their  culminating  point. 
It  found  them  in  acknowledged  supremacy  from  the  Hudson  on  the  east,  to  the 
Wabash  on  the  west,  and  from  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  lakes  Ontario  and  Erie  on 
the  north,  to  the  Tennessee  and  the  Upper  Potomac  on  the  south.  After  the 
overthrow  of  the  Hurons  and  Neutral  Nation  in  the  peninsula  between  lakes  Huron, 
Erie,  and  Ontario,  their  dominion  was  extended  northward  to  the  Otawa1  River  and 
Lake  Nipessing.  Within  the  boundaries  named  there  were  areas  of  several  thou- 
sand square  miles  which  were  unbroken  solitudes,  except  as  they  were  occasionally 
traversed  by  war  parties,  or  visited  for  hunting  and  fishing.  Other  portions  of  the 
same  area  were  occupied  by  Indian  nations  recognizing  their  supremacy.  The  pre- 
sent State  of  New  York  was  the  home  country  of  the  Iroquois,  first  to  the  Genesee, 
and  afterwards  to  Lake  Erie.  Their  presence,  as  an  intrusive  population,  so  near 
the  centre  of  the  Algonkin  area,  sufficiently  attests  their  superiority  over  the 
Algonkin  nations.  It  also  serves  to  explain  the  otherwise  eccentric  spread  of  the 
latter  along  the  Atlantic  coast  to  the  southern  limits  of  North  Carolina,  implying 
that  the  Iroquois  area  was  originally  Algonkin.  The  Iroquois  were,  as  there  are 
reasons  for  believing,  an  early  offshoot,  and  one  of  the  advanced  bands  of  the 

1  Pronounced  O-ta'-wa 


OF   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  151 

great  Dakota  stock,  who  first  made  their  way  eastward  to  the  valley  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  near  Montreal,  where  they  were  once  established,  and  afterwards  into 
the  lake  region  of  Central  New  York,  where  they  were  found  at  the  epoch  of  their 
discovery. 

The  prominent  position  of  the  Iroquois  among  the  Northern  nations  was  acquired 
subsequently  to  the  establishment  of  the  league  under  which  they  were  consolidated 
into  one  political  family.  That  tendency  to  disintegration,  from  the  secession  of 
successive  bands  which  has  ever  been  the  chief  element  of  weakness  in  Indian 
society,  was  counteracted  by  the  federative  principle,  retaining,  as  it  did,  the  natural 
increase  of  their  population  to  the  largely  increased  development  of  their  intelli- 
gence, and  to  the  great  augmentation  of  their  military  strength.  Such  a  league 
was  rendered  possible  by  a  limited  agricultural  cultivation  through  which  their 
means  of  subsistence  had  become  permanently  enlarged.  Their  superiority  over 
their  cotemporaries  in  the  art  of  government  is  demonstrated  by  the  structure  and 
principles  of  the  league  itself,  which  for  originality  and  simplicity  of  plan,  for  effi- 
ciency in  organizing  the  power  of  the  people,  and  for  adaptation  to  military  enter- 
prises is  worthy  of  commendation.1  Since  the  commencement  of  European  inter- 
course they  have  passed  through  a  novel  and  severe  experience,  in  the  progress  of 
which  they  have  produced  a  greater  number  of  distinguished  men  than  any  other 
Northern  nation. 

As  near  as  can  now  be  ascertained  the  league  had  been  established  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  when  Champlain,  in  1609,  first  encountered  the  Mohawks 
within  their  own  territories  on  the  west  shore  of  Lake  George.  This  would  place 
the  epoch  of  its  formation  about  A.  D.  1459,  or  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  years 
subsequent  to  the  foundation  of  the  pueblo  of  Mexico,  according  to  the  current 
representations.2  At  the  time  the  Iroquois  nations  confederated  they  were  inde- 
pendent bands,  speaking  dialects  of  the  same  stock-language,  but  each  having  its 
own  distinct  previous  history ;  with  the  exception  of  the  Oneidas,  who  separated 
themselves  from  the  Mohawks  after  their  settlement  in  New  York,  and  the  Cayugas 
who,  in  like  manner,  separated  themselves  from  the  Onondagas.  According  to  their 
traditions,  which  are  confirmed  to  some  extent  by  other  evidence,  they  had  resided 
in  this  area  for  a  long  period  of  time  before  the  league  was  formed,  and  had  at 
times  made  war  upon  each  other.  The  Tuscaroras,  who  were  of  kindred  descent, 
were  admitted  into  the  Confederacy  about  the  year  1715,  upon  their  expulsion  from 
North  Carolina. 

There  were  but  five  other  nations  of  the  same  immediate  lineage  of  whom  we 
have  any  knowledge.  First  among  these,  in  numbers  and  importance,  were  the 
Hurons,  the  ancestors  of  the  present  Wyandotes,  who  occupied  the  shores  of  the 
Georgian  Bay  and  ranged  southward  toward  Lake  Erie.  Their  principal  vil- 
lages were  along  the  Georgian  Bay  and  around  Lake  Simcoe.  Although  divided 

1  In  another  work,  "  The  League  of  the  Iroquois,"  I  have  presented  and  discussed  the  structure 
and  principles  of  their  civil  and  domestic  institutions. 

8  "  The  foundation  of  Mexico  happened  in  the  year  2  Calli,  corresponding  with  the  year  1325  of 
the  vulgar  era."—  Clavigero's  Hist,  of  Mexico,  I,  162.  (Cullen's  Trans.  181 1.) 


152  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

into  several  bands  they  spoke  a  common  dialect.  With  these  near  kinsmen  the 
Iroquois  waged  a  savage  and  unrelenting  warfare,  continued  with  slight  intermis- 
sions from  the  commencement  of  European  intercourse  down  to  1650,  when  they 
captured  and  destroyed  their  principal  villages,  and  forced  the  remnant  into  exile. 
A  portion  of  them  afterwards  established  themselves  near  Quebec,  where  their 
descendants  still  remain.  But  much  the  largest  portion,  after  several  changes, 
settled  near  the  Sandusky,  in  Ohio,  where  they  were  known  under  their  Iroquois 
name  of  Wyandotes  ;l  and  from  thence  were  finally  removed,  about  thirty  years 
ago,  to  Kansas,  where  their  descendants  now  reside.2 

Next  in  importance  was  the  Neutral  Nation,  who  were  established  upon  both 
banks  of  the  Niagara  River,  and  spread  from  thence  westward  along  the  north  shore 
of  Lake  Erie.  They  were  called  by  the  Iroquois  the  Wild-cat  nation  (Je-gol -sa-sa), 
which  is  the  same  name  applied  by  Charleroix  to  the  Eries.3  It  seems  probable 
that  the  two  were  bands  of  the  same  nation,  not  as  yet  entirely  distinct,  although 
known  to  the  Iroquois  under  different  names,  the  latter  being  called  Oa-kwa-ga-o-no. 
The  Eries,  here  treated  as  a  third  nation,  were  seated  upon  the  southeast  shore  of 
Lake  Erie,  and  ranged  eastward  towards  the  Genesee.  Both  the  Eries  and  the 
Neutral  Nation  spoke  dialects  so  near  the  Seneca  that  the  three  could  understand 
each  other's  speech.  With  the  acknowledged  political  astuteness  of  the  Iroquois 
it  seems  remarkable  that  these  nations,  together  with  the  Hurons,  were  not  incor- 
porated together  in  a  common  confederacy,  which  would  have  saved  as  well  as 
greatly  augmented  their  strength.  They  were  fully  sensible  of  its  importance ;  and 
we  have  the  testimony  of  the  Senecas  that  the  Iroquois  offered  both  to  the  Eries 
and  to  the  Neutrals  the  alternative  of  admission  into  the  League  or  of  extermina- 
tion before  the  final  conflict.  After  the  overthrow  of  the  Hurons  they  turned  next 
upon  the  Neutrals  and  immediately  afterwards  upon  the  Eries,  both  of  whom  were 
defeated  and  expelled,  between  1650  and  1655.  A  portion  of  the  Eries,  after  their 
defeat,  voluntarily  surrended  to  the  Senecas,  and  were  incorporated  with  them. 

On  the  south  were  the  Susquehannocks,  who  occupied  the  lower  part  of  the 
Susquehanna  River,  in  Southern  Pennsylvania  and  Northern  Maryland.  The  Iro- 
quois were  as  relentless  and  uncompromising  towards  the  Susquehannocks,  as  they 
had  been  towards  their  other  kinsmen.  In  1673,  a  delegation  of  Iroquois  chiefs 
met  Count  Frontenac,  Governor  of  Canada,  near  Kingston,  and  amongst  other  things 
asked  him  "  to  assist  them  against  the  Andastiguez  (Andastes  or  Susquehannocks), 


1    Wane-dote'  in  Seneca-Iroquois. 

*  Since  the  completion  of  this  work,  Francis  Parkman,  Esq.,  has  given  to  the  public  "The  Jesuits 
in  North  America,"  which  contains  the  most  complete  account  of  the  Hurons  ever  published.    It  is  a 
work  of  rare  excellence,  founded  upon  accurate  and  comprehensive  researches,  and  written  in  the  most 
attractive  style.     Whilst  the  ferocious  characteristics  of  the  Iroquois,  as  displayed  in  many  a  scene 
of  carnage,  are  delineated  with  graphic  power,,  and  are  not  exaggerated,  there  is  another  side  of  the 
picture  which  should  not  be  overlooked.     The  Iroquois  displayed  many  virtues  in  their  relations 
with  each  other,  both  in  the  family  and  in  political  society,  which  tend  to  relieve  the  otherwise  harsh 
judgment  upon  their  national  character  and  name.     Mr.  Parkman  derives  the  Wyandotes  chiefly 
from  the  Tionnontates,  the  southernmost  band  of  the  Hurons.    (Jesuits  in  North  America,  Intro,  xliii. 

*  Hist,  of  New  France,  II,  162. 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  153 

the  sole  enemies  remaining  on  their  hands."1  About  the  year  1676,  the  Susque- 
hannocks  made  their  submission  to  the  Senecas.2 

Last  were  the  Nottoways  of  Virginia,  an  inconsiderable  band,  who,  with  several 
Algonkin  nations,  occupied  a  part  of  the  area  between  the  Potomac  and  Iloanoke 
Rivers.  They  are  mentioned  in  treaties  between  the  Colonial  Governors  of  Vir- 
ginia and  the  Iroquois  as  late  as  1721.3  The  foregoing  are  the  only  branches  of 
the  Iroquois  stock  of  which  any  knowledge  has  been  preserved.  The  last  three 
named  are  now  extinct,  or  rather  have  been  dispersed  and  incorporated  with  other 
nations.  Above  Montreal  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  there  is  a  small  band  called  the  "  Two 
Mountain  Iroquois,"  who  were  colonists  chiefly  from  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas. 

In  addition  to  what  has  been  stated  of  the  probable  immediate  blood  connection 
of  the  Eries  and  Neutral  nation  with  each  other  and  with  the  Senecas,  there  is 
some  evidence  that  the  Ilurons  and  Senecas  were  subdivisions  of  one  original  nation. 
It  is  contained  in  their  systems  of  relationship,  both  of  which  agree  with  each 
other  in  the  only  particular  in  which  the  Seneca  form  differs  from  that  of  the  other 
Iroquois  nations,  except  the  Tuscarora ;  and,  therefore,  tends  to  show  that  the 
Seneca  and  Hurons  were  one  nation  after  the  Mohawks  and  Onondagas  had  become 
distinct  from  the  Senecas.  If  this  be  so,  the  original  Iroquois  stock  before  their 
occupation  of  New  York,  and  whilst  they  resided  north  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and 
the  Lakes,  consisted  of  but  four  subdivisions,  the  Hurons  or  Senecas,  the  Tuscaro- 
ras,  the  Onondagas,  and  the  Mohawks ;  or,  in  short,  Senecas  and  Mohawks. 

At  the  formation  of  the  league  the  Iroquois  called  themselves  Ho-de-no-saii-nee, 
"  The  People  of  the  Long  House,"  which  term,  notwithstanding  its  inconvenient 
length,  will  furnish  a  proper  name  for  this  branch  of  the  Ganowanian  family.4 
They  symbolized  their  political  structure  by  the  figure  of  a  "  Long  House,"  and 
were  always  partial  to  this  name,  which  was,  in  fact,  their  only  designation  for 
themselves  as  one  people.5  They  were  Village  Indians  to  a  very  considerable 
extent,  although  not  exclusively  such.  In  this  respect  they  were  in  advance  of 
most  of  the  northern  Indian  nations.  In  the  drama  of  colonization  the  influence  of 
this  Indian  confederacy  was  conspicuously  felt,  and  cast  upon  the  side  of  the 
English  colonists.  It  is  made  clear  by  the  retrospect  that  France  must  ascribe,  in 
no  small  degree,  to  the  Iroquois,  the  overthrow  of  her  great  plans  of  empire  in 
North  America. 

1  Journal  of  Frontenac's  Voyage  to  Lake  Ontario,  Col.  His.,  N.  Y.,  ix,  110. 

a  Ib.,  ix.  227,  Note  2.  »  Ib  ,  v.  673. 

4  The  primitive  bark  house  of  the  Iroquois  was  usually  from  forty  to  sixty  feet  in  length,  by  about 
fifteen  to  eighteen  in  width,  comparted  at  equal  distances,  but  with  a  common  hall  through  the 
centre,  and  with  a  door  at  each  end  of  the  hall,  which  were  the  only  entrances.  There  were  from 
six  to  ten  fire  pits  in  each  house,  located  in  the  centre  of  the  hall,  and  so  as  to  give  a  fire  to  each 
compartment.  There  were  two  families  to  each  fire,  one  upon  each  side  of  the  hall.  A  house  with 
ten  fires  would  thus  accommodate  twenty  families.  In  ancient  times  these  houses  were  clustered 
together  and  surrounded  with  a  stockade.  The  size  of  the  village  was  estimated  by  the  number  of 
houses,  (eighty  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  forming  the  largest  of  their  villages) ;  and  also  by  the  num- 
ber of  fires.  The  idea  revealed  in  this  communal  house  of  the  Iroquois  runs  through  all  the  architec- 
ture of  the  Indian  family. 

s  League  of  the  Iroquois,  p.  51. 
20       December,  18CO. 


154  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

The  Iroquois  language,  which  is  the  proper  representative  of  their  intellectual 
life,  compares  favorably  with  that  of  any  other  in  the  circle  of  the  family,  with 
respect  to  the  fulness  of  its  vocables,  and  to  the  regularity  of  its  grammatical 
forms.  In  the  table  will  be  found  favorable  specimens  of  its  vocables,  of  its  inflec- 
tions for  gender,  and  of  the  flexibility  of  its  pronouns. 

I.  Iroquois.  1.  Mohawks.  2.  Oneidas.  3.  Onondagas.  4.  Cayugas.  5. 
Senecas.  6.  Tuscaroras.  7.  Two  Mountain  Iroquois. 

From  the  prominent  position  of  the  Iroquois  in  the  Ganowanian  family  their 
system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  possesses  a  proportionate  value.  It  is  so  fully 
developed  in  all  of  its  parts  that  it  may  be  taken  as  typical  of  the  system  of  this 
family.  The  nomenclature  of  relationships  is  opulent,  the  classification  of  kindred 
systematic,  and  the  plan  itself,  although  complicated,  and  apparently  arbitrary  and 
artificial,  is  yet  simple,  and  in  logical  accordance  with  the  principles  of  discrimina- 
tion upon  which  it  is  founded.  As  the  standard  form,  it  is  advisable  to  examine 
it  minutely.  When  traced  out  step  by  step,  through  its  entire  range,  a  perfect 
knowledge  of  the  system  will  be  obtained,  as  well  as  of  the  fundamental  conceptions 
upon  which  it  rests,  which  will  render  an  examination  of  the  remaining  forms 
comparatively  easy. 

For  convenience  of  reference  a  table  of  the  Seneca-Iroquois  and  the  Yankton- 
Dakota  forms  is  appended  to  this  chapter.  It  contains  the  lineal  and  first,  second, 
third,  and  fourth  collateral  lines,  in  their  several  branches,  in  which  are  given  the 
terms  of  relationship  applied  to  the  several  persons  described  in  the  questions,  with 
a  translation  of  each  term  into  equivalent  English.  This  method  of  arrangement 
for  presenting  the  system  of  a  single  nation  is  preferable  to  the  one  necessarily 
used  in  the  comparative  Table,  since  it  is  brought  out  in  a  continuous  form  and 
separate  and  apart  from  other  forms.  With  the  aid  of  this  special  table,  and  of 
the  diagrams  which  follow,  all  the  facilities  are  afforded  that  can  be  necessary  for 
the  illustration  and  explanation  of  the  system.  As  the  Seneca  system  is  developed 
as  to  one  of  the  indicative  relationships,  beyond  that  of  the  remaining  Iroquois 
nations,  with  the  exception  of  the  Tuscarora,  theirs  will  be  adopted  as  the  standard 
form  of  the  Iroquois.  The  terms  of  relationship  used  in  the  illustrations,  as  well 
as  in  the  diagrams,  are  also  in  the  Seneca  dialect.1 

There  are  terms  for  grandfather  and  grandmother,  Hoc'-sote  and  Oc'-sote;  for 
father  and  mother,  Hd'~nih  and  No-yeli' ;  for  son  and  daughter  Ha-ali'-wuk  and 
Kn-aJi'^wulc ;  and  for  grandson  and  daughter  Hcv-yd'da  and  Ka-yii'-dal  ;  and  no 
terms  for  ancestors  or  descendants  beyond  those  named.  All  above,  without  dis- 
tinction, are  grandfathers  or  grandmothers ;  and  all  below  are  grandsons  or  grand- 
daughters. When  it  is  necessary  to  be  more  specific  the  person  is  described. 

The  relationships  of  brother  and  sister  are  conceived  in  the  twofold  form  of 
elder  and  younger,  for  each  of  which  there  are  special  terms,  namely :  Ha'-je,  my 
elder  brother;  Ah'-je,  my  elder.^ sister ;  Ha'-ga  my  younger  brother;  Ka'-ga,  my 
younger  sister.  These  terms  are  applied,  respectively,  to  each  and  all  of  the 
brothers  and  sisters  who  are  older  or  younger  than  the  person  who  speaks.  There 

1  For  notation  see  Fly  Leaf  to  table  appended  to  part  II. 


OF   THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  155 

is  no  term  either  for  brother  or  sister  in  the  abstract ;  but  there  is  a  compound 
term  in  the  plural  number,  and  in  common  gender,  Da-ya' '-gwa-dari '-no-da  for 
brothers  and  sisters  in  general. 

In  the  diagrams  (Plates  IV  and  V)  the  lineal  and  first  collateral  line,  male  and 
female,  are  represented  ;  in  the  first  with  Ego  a  male,  and,  in  the  second,  with  Ego  a 
female.  The  relationships  of  the  same  persons  in  certain  clearly  defined  cases,  are 
entirely  different  to  Ego  a  female,  from  what  they  are  to  Ego  a  male.  It  is,  there- 
fore, imperative  that  the  sex  of  Ego  be  noted  in  every  case.  To  exhibit  fully  these 
discriminations  double  diagrams  are  used,  and  in  the  table  double  questions,  the 
necessity  for  which  will  be  seen  by  comparing  the  diagrams,  and  also  by  comparing 
the  questions  and  answers  in  the  table.  In  these  diagrams  the  connecting  lines 
follow  the  chain  of  descent  from  parent  to  child,  and  the  figures  which  stand  in  the 
same  horizontal  or  transverse  line  show,  that  the  several  persons  represented  are 
equally  removed  in  degree  from  the  common  ancestor.  The  relationship  expressed 
in  each  figure  is  that  which  the  person  sustains  to  Ego  and  no  other.  A  single  person 
is  represented  by  each  figure,  with  the  exception  of  the  lowest,  upon  which  the 
several  branches  of  the  collateral  line  converge.  This  figure  represents  as  many 
persons,  all  of  whom  are  the  grandsons  and  granddaughters  of  Ego,  as  there  are 
lines  terminating  in  it.  In  reading  the  diagrams  we  ascend  by  the  chain  of  con- 
sanguinity from  Ego  first  to  the  common  ancestor,  and  then  down  to  the  person 
whose  relationship  is  sought ;  thus,  my  father's  son  who  is  my  brother,  elder  or 
younger,  is  upon  the  right  of  Ego;  and  my  father's  daughter,  who  is  my  sister,  elder 
or  younger,  is  upon  the  left  of  Ego;  the  three,  as  they  are  equally  removed  in  degree, 
being  on  the  same  horizontal  line.  Again  the  son  and  daughter  of  this  brother 
and  of  this  sister,  are  placed  one  degree  lower  down  in  the  diagram,  and  in  the 
same  horizontal  line  with  my  own  son,  since  they  are  equally  removed  from  my 
father  who  is  their  common  grandfather.  And  lastly,  if  a  son  and  daughter  are 
allowed  to  each  of  the  persons  last  named,  as  well  as  to  my  own  son,  it  would 
require  ten  figures  below  these  to  represent  them  separately  in  their  proper  posi- 
tions ;  but  inasmuch  as  they  are  all  alike  the  grandsons  and  granddaughters  of 
Ego,  they  are  represented  by  a  single  figure,  as  above  explained ;  and  for  the  further 
object  of  illustrating  the  mergence  of  both  branches  of  the  first  collateral  line  in 
the  lineal  line,  which  results  from  the  classification  of  persons. 

With  these  explanations  made,  it  is  now  proposed  to  take  up  the  several 
collateral  lines  in  detail,  and  to  trace  them  throughout,  in  their  several  branches, 
until  they  are  finally  brought  into  the  lineal  line. 

In  the  first  collateral  line  male  with  myself  a  male  (Plate  IV),  I  call  my 
brother's  son  and  daughter  my  son  and  daughter,  Ha-aJi'-wuk  and  Ka^ak' -ionic  ;  and 
each  of  them  calls  me  father,  Ha'-nih.  This  is  the  first  indicative  feature  of  the 
system.  It  places  my  brother's  children  in  the  same  category  with  my  own  children. 
Each  of  their  sons  and  daughters  I  call  severally  my  grandson  and  granddaughter, 
IJa-yii'-da  and  Ka-ya'-da,  and  they  call  me  grandfather,  Hoc-sole.  The  relationships 
here  given  are  those  actually  recognized  and  applied,  and  none  other  are  known. 

Certain  relationships  are  here  called  indicative.  They  are  those  which  are 
determinative  of  the  character  of  the  system  ;  and  which,  when  ascertained,  usually 


156  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

control  those  that  follow  They  are  the  decisive  characteristics  which,  when  they 
agree  in  the  systems  of  different  nations,  embrace  so  much  that  is  material  and 
fundamental,  both  in  the  Turanian  and  Ganowanian  forms,  as  to  render  the 
remaining  details  subordinate. 

In  the  female  branch  of  this  line,  myself  still  a  male,  I  call  my  sister's  son  and 
daughter  my  nephew  and  niece,  Ha-ya' -wan-da  and  Ka-ya '-wan-da  ;  each  of  them 
calling  me  uncle,  Hoc-no' -sell.  This  is  a  second  indicative  feature.  It  restricts  the 
relationships  of  nephew  and  niece  to  the  children  of  a  man's  sisters,  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  the  children  of  his  brothers.  The  son  and  daughter  of  this  nephew  and  of 
this  niece  are  my  grandson  and  granddaughter  as  before ;  each  of  them  addressing 
me  by  the  correlative  term.  It  will  be  noticed  that,  in  the  male  branch,  on  cross- 
ing from  Ego  a  male  to  his  brother  a  male,  the  relationships  of  the  children  of  the 
latter  approach  in  the  degree  of  their  nearness  to  Ego  ;  while,  in  the  female  branch, 
on  crossing  from  Ego  a  male  to  his  sister  a  female,  the  relationships  of  her  children 
to  Ego  recede  in  the  degree  of  their  nearness,  as  compared  with  the  former  case. 

In  the  same  line,  male  branch,  Ego  being  supposed  a  female  (Plate  V),  I  call 
my  brother's  son  and  daughter  my  nephew  and  niece,  Ha-soh'-neli  and  Ka-soh'-neh  ; 
each  of  them  calling  me  aunt,  Ah-ga'-huc.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  terms  for 
nephew  and  niece  which  are  used  by  females  are  different  from  those  used  by  males. 
The  son  and  daughter  of  this  nephew  and  niece  are  my  grandson  and  granddaughter, 
Ha-ya! -da  and  Ka-ya'-da,  and  each  of  them  calls  me  grandmother,  Oc'-sote. 

Supposing  myself  still  a  female,  I  call  my  sister's  son  and  daughter  my  son 
and  daughter,  Ha-ali'-wuk,  and  Ka-afi'-wuk  ;  each  of  them  calling  me  mother,  No-ych' . 
Having  crossed  in  the  male  branch  from  Ego  a  female  to  her  brother  a  male,  the 
relationships  of  the  children  of  the  latter  to  Ego  recede ;  whilst,  in  the  female 
branch,  having  crossed  from  Ego  a  female  to  her  sister  a  female  the  relationships 
of  the  children  of  the  latter  approach  in  the  degree  of  their  nearness  to  Ego,  also  as 
before.  The  children  of  this  son  and  daughter  are  my  grandchildren ;  each  of  them 
addressing  me  by  the  correlative  term. 

Irrespective  of  the  sex  of  Ego,  the  wife  of  each  of  these  collateral  sons,  and  of 
each  of  these  nephews  is  my  daughter-in-law,  L'a'-sa  ;  and  the  husband  of  each  of 
these  collateral  daughters,  and  of  each  of  these  nieces  is  my  son-in-law,  Oc-na'-hose  ; 
and  I  stand  to  each  of  them  in  the  correlative  relationship.  This  disposes  of  the 
first  collateral  line,  including  the  relationships  both  of  consanguinity  and  affinity. 

Diagram,  Plate  VI,  represents  the  lineal  and  second  collateral  line,  male  and 
female,  on  the  father's  side,  with  Ego  a  male ;  and  Diagram,  Plate  VII,  represents 
the  same  lines  and  branches  on  the  mother's  side,  with  Ego  also  a  male.  It  would 
require  two  other  diagrams  of  the  same  kind  to  represent  the  relationships  of  the 
same  persons  to  Ego  a  female ;  but  these  will  be  sufficient  for  the  purposes  of  illus- 
tration. They  are  constructed  on  the  same  principles  as  those  previously  explained. 

In  the  male  branch  of  this  line,  on  the  father's  side,  Plate  VI,  with  myself  a 
male,  my  father's  brother  I  call  my  father  Hci'-nih  ;  and  he  calls  me  his  son.  Here 
we  find  a  third  indicative  feature  of  the  system.  All  of  several  brothers  arc  placed 
in  the  relation  of  a  father  to  the  children  of  each  other.  My  father's  brother's 
son  is  my  elder  or  younger  brother;  if  older  than  myself  I  call  him  my  elder 


OP   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  157 

i 

brother,  ITd'-je,  and  he  calls  me  his  younger  brother,  Ila'-ya ;  if  younger,  these 
terms  are  reversed.  My  father's  brother's  daughter  is  my  elder  or  younger  sister ; 
if  older  than  myself,  I  call  her  my  elder  sister,  Ah'-je,  and  she  calls  me  her  younger 
brother,  Ha'-ga ;  but  if  younger  I  call  her  my  younger  sister,  Ka'-ga,  and  she  calls 
me  her  elder  brother.  This  constitutes  a  fourth  indicative  feature.  It  creates  the 
relationships  of  brother  and  sister  amongst  the  children  of  several  brothers.  To 
distinguish  these  from  own  brothers  and  sisters  they  will  hereafter  be  called  colla- 
teral brothers  and  sisters.  The  son  and  daughter  of  this  collateral  brother  are  my 
son  and  daughter,  and  I  apply  to  them  the  same  terms,  Ha-ah'-wuk  and  Ka-ah'-wul; 
I  would  to  my  own  children.  In  turn  they  call  me  father.  The  children  of  the 
latter  are  my  grandchildren,  each  of  them  addressing  me  by  the  correlative  term. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  son  and  daughter  of  this  collateral  sister  are  my  nephew 
and  niece,  Ha-ya' '-wan-da  and  Ka-y a' -wan-da,  and  call  me  uncle ;  their  children  are 
my  grandchildren,  each  of  them  calling  me  grandfather.  With  myself  a  female, 
the  preceding  relationships  are  the  same  until  the  children  of  these  collateral 
brothers  and  sisters  are  reached,  when  they  are  reversed.  The  son  and  daughter 
of  this  brother  are  my  nephew  and  niece,  Ha-soli'-neh  and  Ka-soJt  -neh,  each  of  them 
calling  me  aunt ;  and  their  children  are  my  grandchildren,  each  of  them  calling  me 
grandmother ;  whilst  the  son  and  daughter  of  this  sister  are  my  son  and  daughter, 
each  of  them  calling  me  mother,  and  their  children  are  my  grandchildren  each 
of  them  addressing  me  by  the  correlative  term.  It  thus  appears  that  the  principle 
of  classification  in  the  first  collateral  line  is  carried  into  the  second ;  and  it  shows 
that  my  father's  brother's  sons  and  daughters  are  admitted  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses into  the  same  relationships  as  my  own  brothers  and  sisters,  the  same  being 
equally  true  of  the  children  and  descendants  of  each. 

In  the  female  branch  of  this  line,  with  myself  a  male,  my  father's  sister  is  my 
aunt,  Ah-ga'-huc,  and  she  calls  me  her  nephew.  This  is  a  fifth  indicative  feature 
of  the  system.  The  relationship  of  aunt  is  restricted  to  the  sisters  of  my  father, 
and,  as  will  hereafter  be  seen,  to  the  sisters  of  such  other  persons  as  stand  to  me 
in  the  relation  of  a  father,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  sisters  of  my  mother.  My 
father's  sister's  son  and  daughter  are  each  my  cousin,  Ah-gare'-se7i,  each  of  them 
calling  me  cousin;  the  son  and  daughter  of  my  male  cousin  are  my  son  and 
daughter,  each  of  them  calling  me  father,  and  their  children  are  my  grandchildren, 
each  of  them  calling  me  grandfather :  but  the  children  of  my  female  cousins  are 
my  nephews  and  nieces,  each  of  them  calling  me  uncle ;  and  their  children  are  my 
grandchildren,  each  of  them  applying  to  me  the  proper  correlative.  With  myself 
a  female,  the  relationships  of  the  children  of  my  male  and  female  cousins  are 
reversed,  whilst  all  the  others  in  this  branch  of  the  line  are  the  same.  The 
relationship  of  cousin  docs  not  form  an  indicative  feature  of  the  system,  although 
its  existence  is  remarkable.  It  would  seem  to  be  intended  as  a  part  of  this  plan 
of  consanguinity  that  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister  should  stand  to  each 
other  in  a  more  remote  relationship  than  the  children  of  brothers,  on  one  hand,  and 
the  children  of  their  sisters  on  the  other,  but  without  prescribing  the  relationship 
itself.  As  there  are  ruder  forms,  in  many  of  the  nations,  than  that  of  cousin  and 
cousin,  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  the  latter  relationship  did  not  exist  in  the  primitive 


158  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND    AFFINITY 

system,  but  was  developed  subsequently  by  the  more  advanced  nations  to  remove  an 
irregularity  which  amounted  to  a  blemish.  It  was,  however,  pre-determined  by  the 
elements  of  the  system  that,  if  ever  invented,  it  would  be  restricted  to  the  children 
of  a  brother  and  sister.  The  admission  of  the  children  of  my  cousins  into  the  same 
relationships  as  the  children  of  my  own  brothers  and  sisters  seems  to  be  entirely 
arbitrary,  and  yet  it  is  not  a  departure  from  the  general  principles  of  the  system. 

On  the  mother's  side,  in  the  same  line,  I  being  a  male  (Plate  VII),  my  mother's 
brother  is  my  uncle,  Hoc-no'-seh,  and  calls  me  his  nephew.  Herein  is  found  a  sixth 
indicative  feature.  The  relationship  of  uncle  is  restricted  to  the  brothers  of  my 
mother,  to  the  exclusion  of  those  of  my  father.  It  is  also  applied  to  the  brothers  of 
such  other  persons,  and  no  other,  as  stand  to  me  in  the  relation  of  a  mother.  My 
mother's  brother's  son  and  daughter  are  my  cousins,  Ah-gare1 -seJi,  and  call  me  the 
same ;  the  son  and  daughter  of  my  male  cousin  are  my  son  and  daughter,  each  of 
them  calling  me  father,  and  their  children  are  my  grandchildren.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  son  and  daughter  of  my  female  cousin  are  my  nephew  and  niece,  each 
of  them  calling  me  uncle ;  and  their  children  are  my  grandchildren,  each  of  them 
addressing  me  by  the  correlative  term.  Supposing  myself  a  female,  the  relation- 
ships of  the  children  of  these  cousins  are  reversed  as  in  the  previous  cases,  whilst, 
in  other  respects,  there  is  no  change. 

The  relationship  of  uncle  in  Indian  society  is,  in  several  particulars,  more  im- 
portant than  any  other  from  the  authority  with  which  he  is  invested  over  his 
nephews  and  nieces.  He  is,  practically,  rather  more  the  head  of  his  sister's  family 
than  his  sister's  husband.  It  may  be  illustrated  in  several  ways  from  present  usages. 
Amongst  the  Choctas,  for  example,  if  a  boy  is  to  be  placed  at  school  his  uncle, 
instead  of  his  father,  takes  him  to  the  mission  and  makes  the  arrangement.  An 
uncle,  among  the  Winnebagoes,  may  require  services  of  a  nephew,  or  administer 
correction,  which  his  own  father  would  neither  ask  nor  attempt.  In  like  manner 
with  the  lowas  and  Otoes,  an  uncle  may  appropriate  to  his  own  use  his  nephew's 
horse  or  his  gun,  or  other  personal  property,  without  being  questioned,  which  his 
own  father  would  have  no  recognized  right  to  do.  But  over  his  nieces  this  same 
authority  is  more  significant,  from  his  participation  in  their  marriage  contracts, 
which,  in  many  Indian  nations,  are  founded  upon  a  consideration  in  the  nature  of 
presents.  Not  to  enlarge  upon  this  topic,  the  facts  seem  to  reveal  an  idea  familiar 
as  well  on  the  Asiatic  as  the  American  Continent,  and  nearly  as  ancient  as  human 
society,  namely,  the  establishment  of  a  brother  in  authority  over  his  sister's  chil- 
dren.1 It  finds  its  roots  in  the  tribal  organization,  and  that  form  of  it  which  limits 
descent  to  the  female  line,  under  which  the  children  of  a  man's  sister  are  of  the 
same  tribe  with  himself. 

In  the  fourth  and  last  branch  of  this  line,  myself  a  male,  my  mother's  sister  I 
call  my  mother,  Noyeh' ',  and  she  calls  me  her  son.  This  constitutes  a  seventh 
indicative  feature  of  the  system.  All  of  several  sisters  are  placed  in  the  relation 
of  a  mother  to  the  children  of  each  other.  My  mother's  sister's  son  and  daughter 

1  Amongst  the  Zulus  or  Kafirs  of  South  Africa  an  uncle  occupies  a  similar  position  of  authority. 


OP   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  159 

are  respectively  my  elder  or  younger  brother,  or  elder  or  younger  sister  as  they  are 
older  or  younger  than  myself:  and  we  apply  to  eacli  other  the  same  terms  we 
would  use  to  designate  own  brothers  and  sisters.  This  is  an  eighth  indicative 
feature.  It  establishes  the  relationships  of  brother  and  sister  amongst  the  children 
of  sisters.  The  son  and  daughter  of  this  collateral  brother  are  my  son  and  daugh- 
ter, Ha-ah'-wuk  and  Ka-ah'-wuk,  each  of  them  calling  me  father;  and  their  children 
are  my  grandchildren,  each  of  them  calling  me  grandfather.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  children  of  this  collateral  sister  are  my  nephews  and  nieces,  Ha-ya' -wan-da  and 
Ka-ya'-^van-da,  each  of  them  calling  me  uncle ;  and  their  children  are  my  grand- 
children, each  of  them  applying  to  me  the  proper  correlative.  With  myself  a 
female,  the  relationships  of  the  children  of  this  collateral  brother  and  sister  are 
reversed,  the  others  remaining  the  same. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  female  branch  of  this  line,  on  the  mother's  side 
through  which  we  have  just  passed,  is  an  exact  counterpart  of  the  male  branch  on 
the  father's  side,  the  only  difference  being  in  the  first  relationship  in  each,  one 
commencing  with  a  father  to  Ego,  and  the  other  with  a  mother.  The  same  is  also 
true  of  the  two  remaining  branches  of  this  line,  as  to  each  other,  and  with  the 
same  single  difference,  one  of  them  commencing  with  an  uncle  and  the  other  with 
an  aunt. 

To  exhibit  the  relationships  of  the  same  persons  on  the  last  two  diagrams  to  Ego 
a  female,  it  would  only  be  necessary  to  substitute  nephew  and  niece  in  the  place 
of  son  and  daughter,  wherever  they  occur,  and  son  and  daughter  in  the  place  of 
nephew  and  niece.  All  other  relationships  would  remain  as  they  now  are.  These 
diagrams  are  easily  read  by  observing  the  figures  upon  the  right  and  left  of  the 
father  of  Ego.  The  first,  for  example,  in  Plate  VI,  represents  my  father's  father's 
son,  who  is  my  father's  brother,  and  therefore  my  father;  and  the  second  my 
father's  father's  daughter,  who  is  my  father's  sister,  and  therefore  my  aunt.  The 
other  figures,  except  those  in  the  lineal  line,  represent  their  descendants,  proceed- 
ing from  parent  to  child. 

If  we  ascend  one  degree  above  Ego  in  the  lineal  line,  and  then  cross  over  in  turn 
to  the  first  figure  on  the  right  and  on  the  left  in  the  same  horizontal  line  in  each 
diagram,  the  rules  stated  as  to  the  first  collateral  line  will  also  be  found  to  hold 
true  in  the  second.  From  my  father  to  my  father's  brother,  or  from  male  line  to 
male  line,  and  from  my  mother  to  my  mother's  sister,  or  from  female  line  to  female 
line,  the  relationships  of  their  children,  as  well  as  their  own  relationships,  approach 
in  their  comparative  nearness  to  Ego  ;  but  from  my  father  to  my  father's  sister,  or 
from  male  line  to  female  line,  and  from  my  mother  to  my  mother's  brother,  or  from 
female  to  male,  the  relationships  of  the  children  of  this  uncle  and  aunt,  as  well  as 
their  own,  recede  in  the  degree  of  their  nearness  to  Ego.  The  object  of  this  minute 
analysis  of  the  system  is  to  show  that  it  is  founded  upon  clearly  established  prin-  v 
ciples  of  classification  which  are  carried  out  harmoniously  to  their  logical  results. 
It  is  the  constantly  operative  force  of  these  ideas  which  gives  to  the  system  its 
vitality. 

We  have  also  seen  that  the  first  collateral  line  in  its  two  branches,  and  the 
second  in  its  four  branches,  arc  finally  brought  into  and  merged  in  the  lineal  line ; 


1GO  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 

and  the  same  will  hereafter  be  found  to  be  the  case  with  each  of  the  remaining 
collateral  lines  as  far  as  the  fact  of  consanguinity  can  be  traced.  This  constitutes 
a  ninth  indicative  feature  of  the  system.  It  prevents  consanguinei,  near  and 
remote,  from  falling  without  the  relationship  of  grandfather  in  the  ascending  series, 
that  of  grandson  in  the  descending,  and  that  of  nephew  and  cousin  in  the  greatest 
divergence  of  the  collateral  lines  from  the  lineal  line. 

Each  of  the  wives  of  these  several  collateral  brothers,  and  of  these  several  male 
cousins,  is  my  sister-in-law,  Ah-ge^ah'-ne-ah,  each  of  them  calling  me  brother-in-law, 
Ha-ya'-o.  In  like  manner,  each  of  the  husbands  of  these  several  collateral  sisters, 
and  of  these  several  female  cousins,  is  my  brother-in-law,  Ah-ge-ah'-ne^o,  each  of 
them  calling  me  brother-in-law,  Ha-ya'-o,  if  I  am  a  male,  and  Ka-ya'-o,  if  a  female. 
There  are  several  different  relationships  which  are  classified  together  in  our  system 
under  the  descriptive  phrases  brother-in-law  and  sister-in-law,  which  are  discrimi- 
nated from  each  other  in  the  Indian  system,  and  distinguished  by  independent 
terms. 

The  foregoing  explanations  dispose  of  the  second  collateral  line  in  its  four  branches, 
whether  Ego  be  considered  male  or  female,  together  with  the  marriage  relationships. 
It  provides  a  place  and  a  term  for  each  and  every  person  connected  with  either  of 
these  branches,  and  holds  them  all  within  the  degree  of  cousin  and  grandchild. 
Not  one  is  allowed  to  pass  beyond  the  recognition  of  this  all-embracing  system  of 
relationship. 

Among  ourselves  our  nearest  kindred,  as  well  as  the  greater  portion  of  those 
whose  connection  is  recognized  under  our  system,  are  found  in  the  lineal  and  first 
and  second  collateral  lines.  After  they  are  properly  classified  the  system  would 
answer  the  ordinary  requirements  of  domestic  life.  Those  beyond,  as  remote  col- 
laterals, might  have  been  placed  under  general  terms  outside  of  the  near  degrees ; 
but  the  theory  of  the  Indian  system  is  averse  to  the  rejection  of  collaterals  however 
remote,  and  insists  upon  the  unqualified,  recognition  of  the  bond  of  consanguinity. 
Kindred  are  bound  together  in  the  family  relationships  in  virtue  of  their  descent 
from  common  ancestors ;  so  that  the  differences  in  the  degrees  of  nearness,  which 
are  accidental,  are  subordinated  to  the  blood-connection,  which  is  indissoluble. 
Wherever,  then,  the  chain  of  consanguinity  can  be  traced,  and  the  connection  of 
persons  ascertained,  the  system  at  once  includes  them  in  its  comprehensive  grasp. 
Such  at  least  is  the  system  as  it  now  appears  considered  in  the  light  of  existing 
institutions.  There  may  have  been  a  state  of  society,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel, 
when  the  relationships  we  have  been  considering  were  true  to  the  nature  of  descents 
as  they  actually  existed  when  the  system,  in  its  present  form,  came  into  use.  These 
results,  as  they  now  exist,  were  apparently  effected  by  adopting  the  principle  of 
classification  established  in  the  first  and  second  collateral  lines  and  extending  it  to 
the  third,  fourth,  and  even  others  more  remote,  theoretically,  without  limit.  This 
established  another  principle  equally  fundamental  in  the  system,  which  is  the  follow- 
ing :  The  children  of  own  brothers,  as  has  been  shown,  are  brothers  and  sisters  to 
each  other,  elder  or  younger,  and^o  are  the  children  of  own  sisters.  In  like  man- 
ner the  children  of  these  collateral  brothers  are  also  brothers  and  sisters  to  each 
other,  and  so  are  the  children  of  these  collateral  sisters.  Advancing  downwards 


OFTHEHUMANFAMILY.  161 

another  degree  the  children  of  such  persons  as  were  thus  made  brothers,  are  in  like 
manner,  brothers  and  sisters  to  each  other,  and  the  same  is  true  of  such  of  them  as 
were  thus  made  sisters.  This  relationship  of  brother  and  sister  amongst  the  male 
descendants  of  brothers,  and  the  female  descendants  of  sisters,  continues  downward 
theoretically  ad  infinitum  at  the  same  degree  of  remove  from  the  common  ancestor. 
But  with  respect  to  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister  the  relationship  is  more 
remote  and  not  uniform.  Amongst  the  Senecas,  whose  system  is  now  under  con- 
sideration, they  are  cousins  to  each  other ;  the  children  of  these  cousins  are  cousins 
again ;  the  children  of  the  latter  are  cousins  also ;  and  this  relationship  continues 
downward  theoretically  ad  infinitum.  And,  lastly,  whenever  the  relationship  of 
brother  and  brother,  or  of  sister  and  sister  at  any  one  of  these  degrees  is  found,  it 
determines  at  once  the  relationships  of  the  descendants  of  each  one  of  them  to  the 
other;  thus,  the  son  of  either  one  of  these,  my  collateral  brothers,  is  my  son  if  I 
am  a  male,  and  my  nephew  if  I  am  a  female ;  and  the  son  of  either  one  of  these  my 
collateral  sisters  is  my  nephew  if  I  am  a  male,  and  my  son  if  I  am  a  female ;  and 
the  children  of  these  sons  and  nephews  are  my  grandchildren.  These  several 
relationships  do  not  exist  simply  in  theory,  but  they  are  practical,  and  universally 
recognized  amongst  the  Iroquois. 

Diagram,  Plate  VIII,  represents  the  lineal,  and  the  second,  third,  and  fourth 
collateral  lines,  male  and  female,  on  the  father's  side ;  and  Diagram,  Plate  IX, 
represents  the  lineal  and  same  collateral  lines  on  the  mother's  side,  with  Ego  in 
both  cases  a  male.  Each  line  in  these  diagrams  proceeds  from  the  parent  to  one 
only  of  his  or  her  children,  for  greater  simplicity,  as  well  as  from  actual  necessity 
in  its  construction.  The  first  collateral  line  is  omitted,  and  the  second,  which  is 
presented  in  full  in  Plates  VI  and  VII,  is  retained  for  comparison  with  the  third 
and  fourth.  It  requires  no  further  explanation,  except  such  as  it  may  receive 
incidentally. 

In  the  third  collateral  line  male  on  the  father's  side,  with  myself  a  male  (Plate 
VIII)  my  father's  father's  brother  is  my  grandfather,  Hoc'-sofe,  and  calls  me  his  grand- 
son. This  is  a  tenth  indicative  feature  of  the  system,  and  the  last  of  those  which 
are  treated  as  Such.  It  places  the  several  brothers  of  my  grandfather  in  the  rela- 
tion of  grandfathers,  and  thus  prevents  collateral  ascendants  from  falling  out  of  this 
relationship.  In  other  words,  the  principle  by  which  the  collateral  lines  are  merged 
in  the  lineal  works  upwards  as  well  as  downwards.  The  son  of  this  collateral 
grandfather  is  my  father  Hd'-njk,  and  calls  me  his  son.  At  first  sight  this  rela- 
tionship seems  to  be  entirely  arbitrary,  but  in  reality  it  is  a  necessary  consequence 
of  those  previously  established.  This  will  be  made  clear  by  reversing  the  question, 
and  inquiring  whether  I  am  his  son.  This  has  already  been  shown  in  the  male 
branch  of  the  second  collateral  line,  where  my  father's  brother's  son's  son  is  found 
to  be  my  son.  The  son  of  this  collateral  father  is  my  brother,  elder  or  younger. 
Our  grandfathers  are  own  brothers,  and  our  fathers  are  collateral  brothers,  either 
of  which  determines  our  relationship  to  be  that  of  brothers.  Again  the  son  of  this 
collateral  brother  is  my  son,  and  calls  me  father,  and  the  son  of  the  latter  is  my 
grandson,  and  calls  me  grandfather. 

My  father's  father's  sister  is  my  grandmother,  Oc'-sote,  her  daughter  is  my  aunt, 

21       January,  1370. 


162  SYSTEMS   OF   C  OX  S  A  X  G  U  INIT  Y   AND   AFFINITY 

Ali-ga-'huc,  her  daughter  is  my  cousin,  AJi-gdre' -seh,  her  daughter  is  my  niece, 
Ka-ya -wan-da,  and  the  daughter  of  the  latter  is  iny  granddaughter,  Ka-yd'-da, 
each  of  them  addressing  me  by  the  proper  correlative. 

On  the  mother's  side  (Plate  IX)  my  mother's  mother's  brother  is  my  grandfather, 
Hoc'-sote,  his  son  is  my  uncle,  Hoc-no'-seh,  his  son  is  my  cousin,  Ah-gare' -sell,  his 
son  is  my  son,  Ha-ali' -iculc,  and  the  son  of  the  latter  is  my  grandson,  Ha-yd'-da, 
each  of  them  addressing  me  by  the  proper  correlative. 

My  mother's  mother's  sister  is  my  grandmother,  Oc'-sote,  her  daughter  is  my 
mother,  No-yeh' ',  her  daughter  is  my  sister,  elder  or  younger,  Ah'-je  or  Ka'-ga,  the 
daughter  of  this  sister  is  my  niece,  Ka-ya' -wan-da,  and  her  daughter  is  my  grand- 
daughter, Ka-yd'-da,  each  of  them  addressing  me  by  the  proper  correlative. 

In  the  fourth  collateral  line  male  on  the  lather's  side,  my  father's  father's  father's 
brother  is  my  grandfather,  Hoc'-sote,  his  son  is  my  grandfather  also,  his  son  is  my 
father,  his  son  is  my  brother,  elder  or  younger ;  his  son  is  my  son,  and  the  son  of 
the  latter  is  my  grandson ;  each  of  them,  as  before,  applying  to  me  the  proper 
correlative.  With  the  exception  of  one  additional  ancestor,  the  three  remaining 
branches  of  this  line  agree  with  the  corresponding  branches  of  the  third  collateral 
line,  as  will  be  seen  by  a  reference  to  the  diagram. 

There  are  two  methods  of  verifying  every  relationship  upon  these  diagrams.  The 
first  is  by  commencing  in  each  with  the  highest  transverse  line  of  figures,  in  one 
of  which  there  are  three  children  of  a  common  father,  and  in  the  other  three  chil- 
dren of  a.  common  mother,  who  are,  respectively,  own  brothers  and  sisters  to  each 
other.  In  Plate  VIII,  two  of  them  are  males  and  one  a  female ;  and  in  Plate  IX  two 
of  them  are  females  and  one  a  male.  Thus  in  the  former  there  are  two  own 
brothers,  with  their  descendants,  one  constituting  the  lineal,  and  the  other  the 
fourth  collateral  line,  male  of  Ego;  and  in  the  other  there  are  two  own  sisters,  with 
their  descendants,  one  constituting  the  lineal,  and  the  other  the  fourth  collateral 
line,  female ;  those  in  the  same  horizontal  line  of  figures  being  at  equal  removes  from 
the  common  ancestor.  There  are,  also,  in  both  diagrams,  a  brother  and  sister  and 
their  descendants  in  corresponding  positions.  All  of  the  elements  are,  therefore, 
contained  in  these  diagrams  for  testing  their  own  correctness,  and  also  for  resolving 
any  question  of  consanguinity.  In  doing  either  it  is  only  necessary  to  apply  the 
rules  before  given,  namely :  that  the  children  of  brothers  are  themselves  brothers 
and  sisters  to  each  other,  that  the  children  of  sisters  are  also  brothers  and  sisters 
to  each  other;  and  that  the  children  of  cousins  are  themselves  cousins  to  each 
other ;  and,  finally,  that  the  same  relationships  continue  downwards,  as  before 
explained,  amongst  their  respective  descendants,  at  equal  removes,  indefinitely. 
To  illustrate  from  Plate  VIII  Hoc'-sote  and  Hoc'-sote  are  own  brothers ;  the  three 
Hoc-so'-do  below  them  are  brothers  to  each  other  as  the  children  of  brothers ;  the 
four  fathers  of  Ego  below  them  are  also  brothers  to  each  other  by  the  same  rule, 
and  three  of  them  are  also  fathers  to  Ego  because  they  are  brothers  of  his  own 
father.  The  four  below  the  last  are  brothers,  in  like  manner  because  they  are  the 
children  of  brothers.  Having  now  reached  the  transverse  line  of  figures  to  which 
Ego  belongs,  and  ascertained  that  they  are  all  brothers  to  each  other,  this,  of  itself, 
determines  the  relationships  of  the  ascendants  and  descendants  of  each  of  these 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  163 

collateral  brothers  to  Ego  himself.  The  sons  and  grandsons  of  my  collateral 
brothers  are  my  sons  and  grandsons ;  the  father  of  each  of  these  brothers  is  my 
father  because  he  is  the  brother  of  my  own  father ;  and  so  is  the  grandfather  of 
each  my  grandfather,  because  he  is  the  brother  of  my  own  grandfather.  If  Oc'-sote 
and  Oc'-sote  in  Plate  IX  are  taken,  and  the  diagram  is  gone  through  Avith,  the  same 
results  will  be  obtained ;  and  so,  also,  if  Oc'-sote  and  Hoc'-sote  in  the  diagram,  or 
Hoc'-sote  and  Oc'-sote  in  the  other,  are  taken,  the  several  relationships  as  given  will 
be  fully  verified. 

The  other  method  is  by  shifting  the  position  of  Ego  to  that  of  each  person  on 
the  diagram  in  turn,  and  then  ascertaining  the  correlative  relationship.  It  can  be 
illustrated  most  conveniently  by  examples.  In  Plate  VIII  there  are  three  figures  to 
the  right  of  my  own  father,  each  marked  Hd'-nih.  If  it  is  desired  to  prove  that 
the  person  represented  by  the  middle  of  these  figures  is  my  father,  under  the  sys- 
tem, we  may  reverse  the  question  and  ascertain  whether  I  am  the  son  of  this  person. 
In  so  doing  the  position  of  Ego  and  this  Ha'-nih  are  exchanged,  and  the  descrip- 
tion of  intermediate  persons  is  reversed,  whence  the  figure  formerly  occupied  by 
Ego  is  found  to  represent  "  my  father's  brother's  son's  son,"  who,  as  before  shown, 
is  my  son,  I  am  therefore,  the  son  of  this  Hd'-nih.  Again,  in  Plate  IX,  if  the  middle 
figure  marked  Hoc-no'-seh  to  the  right  of  No'-ych  be  taken,  and  the  description  of 
intermediate  persons  be  reversed,  it  will  make  the  person  represented  by  the  figure 
formerly  occupied  by  Ego  "  my  father's  sister's  daughter's  son,"  who  is  my  nephew. 
He  is  the  son  of  my  female  cousin,  myself  a  male.  Thus  it  is  seen  that  Ego  and 
Hoc-no' -sell  are  nephew  and  uncle.  In  this  manner  the  correlative  relationship  will 
be  found  to  be  the  true  one  in  every  case. 

For  each  collateral  line  beyond  the  fourth  as  far  as  relationships  can  be  traced 
the  classification  is  the  same.  Wheresoever  the  chain  of  consanguinity  can  be 
followed,  the  principles  of  the  system  are  rigorously  applied ;  but  the  first  four 
collateral  lines,  which  include  third  cousins  under  the  Aryan  system,  is  as  far  as 
they  have  occasion  to  apply  it  in  ordinary  intercourse.  It  has  before  been  stated, 
and  the  statement  is  here  repeated,  that  the  system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity 
just  described  is  not  only  theoretically  the  system  of  the  Ganowanian  family,  but 
the  form  as  detailed  is,  at  the  present  moment,  in  constant  daily  use  amongst  the 
Seneca  Indians  of  New  York,  and  has  been  in  use  by  them  from  time  immemorial. 
It  is  thoroughly  understood  by  the  rudest  amongst  them,  and  can  be  fully  explained 
by  the  more  intelligent  of  their  number.  They  still  address  each  other,  when 
related  by  the  term  of  relationship,  and  never  by  the  personal  name.  To  be  igno- 
rant of  the  relationship  which  another  person  sustains  to  the  speaker,  and  to  show 
it  by  an  omission  of  the  proper  address  is  a  discourtesy,  and  is  regarded  as  such. 
In  this  usage  is  found  a  sufficient  explanation  of  the  manner  in  which  a  knowledge 
of  the  system  is  imparted  as  well  as  preserved  from  generation  to  generation. 

It  follows,  from  the  nature  of  the  system,  that  a  knowledge  of  the  degrees  of 
consanguinity,  numerically,  is  essential  to  the  proper  classification  of  kindred. 
Consanguinity  in  its  most  complicated  ramifications  is  much  better  understood  by 
these  Indians  than  by  ourselves.  Our  collateral  kindred,  except  within  the  nearest 
degrees,  are  practically  disowned.  The  more  creditable  Indian  practice  of  recog- 


164  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

nizing  their  relatives,  near  and  remote,  and  of  addressing  by  kin,  tends  to  preserve 
the  integrity  of  the  blood  connection. 

The  marriage  relationships,  other  than  those  named,  are  fully  discriminated. 
There  are  two  terms  for  father-in-law,  Ha-ga'-sii,  for  the  husband's  father,  and 
Oc-na'-hose,  for  the  wife's  father.  This  last  term  is  also  used  to  designate  a  son-in- 
law,  and  is  therefore  a  reciprocal  term.  There  are  also  terms  for  stepfather  and 
stepmother,  Hoc-no'-ese  and  Oc-no'-ese,  which  are  also  applied,  respectively,  to  the 
husband  of  my  father's  sister,  and  to  the  wife  of  my  mother's  brother :  and  for 
stepson  and  stepdaughter,  Ho! -no  and  Ka'-no.  In  a  number  of  nations  two  fathers- 
in-law  are  related  to  each  other,  and  so  are  two  mothers-in-law,  and  there  are  terms 
to  express  the  relationships.  The  opulence  of  the  nomenclature,  although  rendered 
necessary  by  the  elaborate  discriminations  of  the  system,  is  nevertheless  remarkable. 

None  of  the  persons  indicated  in  the  diagrams,  or  in  the  Table,  as  consanguinci, 
however  remote,  can  intermarry.  Relatives  by  marriage,  after  the  decease  of  their 
respective  husbands  or  wives,  are  under  no  restriction.  Against  the  intermarriage 
of  consanguinei  the  regulations  are  very  stringent  amongst  the  greater  part  of  the 
American  Indian  nations. 

We  have  now  passed  step  by  step  through  the  lineal,  and  the  first,  second,  third, 
and  fourth  collateral  lines  in  their  several  branches,  with  Ego  a  male,  and  also  a 
female,  and  have  exhibited  every  feature  of  the  system  with  great  minuteness  of 
detail.  The  analysis  of  the  system  presented  in  the  previous  chapter  has  been 
confirmed  in  every  particular.  If  the  reader  has  been  sufficiently  patient  to  follow 
the  chain  of  consanguinity,  and  to  observe  the  operation  of  the  principle  which 
determines  each  relationship,  the  contents  of  this  extraordinary  system  will  have 
been  fully  mastered.  It  will  be  comparatively  easy,  hereafter,  to  follow  and  iden- 
tify its  characteristic  features  in  the  forms  prevailing  in  other  branches  of  the 
family ;  and  also  to  detect,  on  bare  inspection,  the  slightest  deviations  which  they 
make  from  the  typical  or  standard  form. 

It  remains  to  notice  the  plan  of  consanguinity  amongst  the  other  Iroquois  nations. 
With  the  exception  of  one  indicative  feature,  and  of  a  few  inconsiderable  and 
subordinate  particulars,  they  all  agree  with  each  other  in  their  domestic  relation- 
ships. It  will  not,  therefore,  be  necessary  to  take  them  up  in  detail.  A  reference 
to  the  Table  (Table  II)  will  show  that  the  terms  of  relationship,  with  unimportant 
exceptions,  are  the  same  original  words,  under  dialectical  changes,  in  the  six  dia- 
lects. The  presence  in  each  of  all  of  its  indicative  characteristics  save  one,  and 
their  minute  agreement  in  subordinate  details,  establish  the  identity  of  the  system, 
as  well  as  its  derivation  by  each  nation  from  a  common  original  source. 

The  discrepancy  to  which  reference  has  been  made  consists  in  the  absence,  among 
the  Cayugas,  Onondagas,  Oneidas,  and  Mohawks,  of  the  relationship  of  aunt,  and 
in  supplying  its  place  with  that  of  mother,  wherever  the  former  occurs  in  the  Seneca 
form.  As  a  consequence,  the  relationships  of  nephew  and  niece  are  unknown  to 
the  females,  and  are  supplied  by  those  of  son  and  daughter.  This  deviation  from 
uniformity  upon  an  indicative  relationship  is  difficult  of  explanation.  It  is,  also, 
not  a  little  singular  that  after  four  hundred  years  of  intimate  political  intercourse, 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  165 

and  constant  intermarriage,  this  diversity  has  been  maintained  to  the  present  time.1 
On  the  other  hand,  the  relationship  of  aunt,  applied  and  restricted  to  the  father's 
sister,  is  found  in  the  system  of  the  Tuscaroras  and  Wyandotes.  In  the  former  it 
is  Akk-kaw'-rac,  in  the  latter  Ah-ra'-hoc,  which  are  evidently  the  Seneca  Ali-ga'-huc 
dialectically  changed.  This  fact  suggests  the  question,  before  stated,  whether  the 
Wyandotes,  Tuscaroras,  and  Senecas,  are  not  more  immediately  connected,  geneti- 
cally, than  the  Senecas  and  other  Iroquois  nations.  The  Tuscarora  and  Wyandote 
dialects  are  much  further  removed  from  the  Seneca  than  the  latter  is  from  those  of 
the  remaining  nations :  but  it  is  possible  that  this  may  be  explained  by  the  long 
separation  of  the  former  from  the  Iroquois,  which  would  tend  to  increase  the 
variation,  whilst  the  constant  association  of  the  Senecas  with  their  confederates 
would  tend  to  retard  their  dialectical  separation.  It  is  one  thing  to  borrow  a  term 
of  relationship  and  substitute  it  in  the  place  of  a  domestic  term,  of  equivalent 
import,  but  quite  a  different  undertaking  to  change  an  established  relationship  and 
invent  a  new  term  for  its  designation.  The  first  might  occur  and  not  be  extraordi- 
nary, but  the  latter  would  be  much  less  likely  to  happen.  Among  the  traditions 
of  the  Senecas  there  is  one  to  the  effect  that  they  had  a  distinct  and"  independent 
history  anterior  to  the  epoch  of  their  confederation  with  the  other  Iroquois  nations. 
This  feature  in  their  system  of  relationship,  and  which  is  shared  by  the  Tuscaroras 
and  Wyandotes,  and  not  by  their  immediate  associates,  tends  to  confirm  the  tradi- 
tion, as  well  as  to  suggest  the  inference  that  the  Senecas,  Tuscaroras,  and  Wyan- 
dotes, were  of  immediate  common  origin.  It  has  been  referred  to,  not  so  much 
for  its  intrinsic  importance  as  for  the  illustration  which  it  furnishes  of  the  uses  of 
systems  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  for  minute  ethnological  investigations  through 
periods  of  time  far  beyond  the  range  of  historical  records 

7.  Two  Mountain  Iroquois. 

The  location  and  antecedents  of  this  fragment  of  the  Iroquois  stock  were 
referred  to  in  the  early  part  of  this  chapter.  Their  system  agrees  substantially 
with  that  of  the  Oneidas  and  Mohawks ;  and  is  chiefly  interesting  as  an  illustration 
of  the  ability  of  the  system  to  perpetuate  itself  in  disconnected  branches  of  the 
same  stock.2 

1  Descent  amongst  the  Iroquois  is  in  the  female  line  both  as  to  tribe  and  as  to  nationality.  The 
children  are  of  the  tribe  of  the  mother.  If  a  Cayuga  marries  a  Delaware  woman,  for  example,  his 
children  are  Dclawares  and  aliens,  unless  formally  naturalized  with  the  forms  of  adoption  :  but  if  a 
Delaware  marries  a  Cayuga  woman,  her  children  are  Cayugas,  and  of  her  tribe  of  the  Cayugas.  It 
is  the  same  if  she  marries  a  Seneca.  In  all  cases  the  woman  confers  her  tribe  and  nationality  upon 
her  children.  She  will  also  adhere  to  the  Cayuga  system  of  relationship  on  the  point  under  con- 
sideration. For  seventy  years  the  Cayugas,  still  living  in  Western  New  York,  have  resided  with 
the  Senecas,  and  constantly  intermarried  with  them ;  but  they  still  retain  their  dialect,  tribes,  nation- 
ality, and  relationships.  In  1858  I  asked  a  Cayuga  woman  on  one  of  the  Seneca  reservations  in 
what  relationship  her  father's  sister  stood  to  her.  She  replied,  "  My  mother."  I  expressed  a  doubt 
of  her  correctness,  but  she  adhered  to  her  answer.  She  gave  me  the  Seneca  name  for  aunt  in  the 
Cayuga  dialect,  but  denied  the  relationship.  I  afterwards  found  the  same  deviation  from  the  Seneca 
form  amongst  the  Onondagas,  Oneidas,  and  Mohawks. 

*  There  are  Mohawks,  Onondagas,  Oneidas,  and  Cayugas  now  residing  upon  the  Thames  River  in 
Canada  West.  Besides  these,  there  are  Oneidas  and  Onondagas  near  Green  Bay  in  Wisconsin,  and 
also  Senecas  in  Kansas.  The  Iroquois  in  New  York  now  number  about  4000. 


166  SYSTEMS  OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND    AFFINITY 

II.  Hurons.     1.  Wyandotes. 

A  brief  notice  of  the  Hurons  and  of  their  descendants,  the  Wyandotes,  has 
already  been  given.  They  were  called  Wane'-dote  by  the  Iroquois,  which  name 
they  afterwards  adopted  for  themselves.1  The  Wyandotes  affirm  that  the  Dakotas 
are  descended  from  them,  which  must  be  understood  simply  as  an  assertion  of  their 
genetic  connection.  They  call  the  Dakotas  Tun-da'-no.  This  was  the  name,  still 
preserved  in  Wyandote  tradition,  of  the  chief  under  whom  the  Dakotas  separated 
themselves  from  the  Wyandotes.  It  signifies  "Big  Stomach."  The  Dakotas 
themselves,  it  is  said,  still  recognize  the  relationship,  and  style  the  Wyandotes 
Brothers. 

Their  system  of  relationship  will  be  found  in  the  Table.  It  has  all  of  the  indica- 
tive features  of  the  common  system,  and  agrees  with  the  Seneca  so  completely  that 
its  presentation  in  detail  would  be,  for  the  most  part,  a  literal  repetition  of  the 
description  just  given.  The  terms  of  relationship,  in  nearly  every  instance,  are 
from  the  same  roots  as  the  Seneca ;  and  although  the  dialectical  variation,  in  some 
cases,  is  quite  marked,  their  identity  is  at  once  recognized.  This,  however,  is  of 
less  importance  than  the  coincidence  of  the  radical  features  of  their  respective 
systems.  A  comparison  of  the  two  forms  shows  that  the  system  in  all  its  precision 
and  complexity,  with  the  same  original  terms  of  relationship,  now  prevails  in  both 
nations;  and  that  it  has  descended  to  each,  with  the  streams  of  the  blood,  from  the 
same  common  source.  For  two  hundred  and  fifty  years,  within  the  historical 
period,  these  nations  have  been  separate  and  hostile,  and  were  for  an  unknown 
period  anterior  to  their  discovery,  and  yet  the  system  has  been  preserved  by  each, 
through  the  intervening  periods,  without  sensible  change.  The  fact  itself  is  some 
evidence  of  the  stability  and  persistency  of  its  radical  forms.  Its  existence  in  the 
Hodenosaunian  branch  of  the  Ganowanian  family  carries  it  back  to  the  time  when 
these  several  nations  were  a  single  people. 

The  most  remarkable  fact  with  reference  to  this  system  of  relationship  yet 
remains  to  be  mentioned,  namely,  that  indicative  feature  for  indicative  feature,  and 
relationship  for  relationship,  almost  without  an  exception,  it  is  identical  with  the 
system  now  prevailing  amongst  the  Tamil,  Telugu,  and  Canarese  peoples  of  South 
India,  as  will  hereafter  be  fully  shown.  The  discrepancies  between  them  are 
actually  less,  aside  from  the  vocables,  than  between  the  Seneca  and  the  Cayuga. 

The  comparative  table  of  the  Seneca-Iroquois  and  Yankton-Dacota  systems  of 
relationship,  referred  to  at  page  154,  is  appended  to  this  chapter. 

1  It  signifies  "  calf  of  the  leg,"  and  refers  to  their  manner  of  stringing  strips  of  dried  buffalo  moat. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY. 


167 


TABLE  EXHIBITING  THE  SYSTEM  OF  CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY  OF  THE  SENECA-IROQUOIS,  AND  OF  THE  YANKTON-DAKOTAS. 

Description  of  persona. 

Relationships  in  Seneca. 

Translation. 

Relationships  in  Yankton. 

Translation. 

LINEAL  LINE. 

My  grandfather. 
"    grandmother. 
"    grandfather. 
"    grandmother. 
"    grandfather. 
"    grandmother. 
"    father. 
"    mother. 
"    son. 
"    daughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    elder  brother. 

"    younger  sister. 
a          it             tt 

"    younger  brother. 

t;              tt                  tt 

"    younger  sister. 

"     brothers. 
u           tt 
u          tt 
(t           tt 

"    son. 
"    daughter-in-law. 
"    daughter. 
"    son-in-law. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    nephew. 
"    daughter-in-law. 
"    niece. 

My  grandfather. 
"    grandmother. 
"    grandfather. 
"    grandmother. 
"    grandfather. 
"    grandmother. 
"    father. 
**    mother. 
"    son. 
daughter. 

grandchild. 

tt 

tt 
u 

elder  brother. 

it           tt 

elder  sister. 

U                       tt 

younger  brother. 

tt            tt 

younger  sister. 

u                 tt 

brothers. 

sisters, 
tt 

"    son. 
"    daughter-in-law. 
"    daughter. 
"    son-in-law. 
"    grandchild. 
t<             tt 
tt             it 
a             <t 
"    nephew. 
"    daughter-in-law. 
"    niece. 
"    son-in-law. 

"    grandchild. 

it             ti 

u             tt 
«             tt 

"    nephew. 
"    daughter-in-law. 
"    niece. 
"    son-in-law. 
"    grandchild. 

tt             « 
ti             tt 

11    son. 
"    daughter-in-law. 
"    daughter. 
"    son-in-law. 

"    grandchild. 
tt             <t 

ft             tt 
u             tt 

"    father. 
i{    mother. 
"    elder  brother. 
"    younger  brother. 
"    sister-in-law, 
it       tt         tt 

**    elder  sister. 
"    younger  sister. 

"     brother-in-law. 

t           it         tt 

*    son. 
*    nephew. 
'    daughter. 
*    niece. 
1    nephew. 
'    son. 
"    niece. 
**    daughter. 

2.     "    great  grandfather's  mother  

Oc'-sote  

4.    "    great  grandmother  

Oc'-sote  

O-che'  

O-che' 

7      "    father                           

Ha'-nih  .  . 

Ah-ta' 

K'-nah         

9.      '    son  
10.     '    daughter  
11.     '    grandson  
12.      '    granddaughter  
13.     '    great  grandson  

Ha-ah'-wuk  
Ka-ah'-wuk  
Ha-ya'-da  
Ka-ya'-da  
Ha-ya'-da  

Me-tii'-ko-zhii 

Me-tii'-ko-zha  

15.      '    great  grandson's  son  
16.      '    great  grandson's  daughter  

Ha-ya'-da  
Ka-ya'-da  
Hii'-je 

Me-tii'-ko-zha  

Che-a'    

Hii'-je. 

19.           elder  sister  (male  speaking)  
20.           eliler  sister  (female  s/teakiny)  

Ah'-je  
Ah'-je  

Ha'-ea  .. 

Chu-ih'  

Me-soU'-ka  

23.     "    younger  sistej  (male  speaking)  
24.    "    younger  sister  (female  speaking)  

Ka'-ga  
Ka'-ga  

Me-hun'ka-wan-zhe  

Da-ya'-gwa-dan'-no-ilii 
Da-ya'-gKii-dan'-no-d  i 
Da-ya'-gwa-dau'-no-dii 

Ha-ah'-wuk  
Ka'-sa  

Me-ta-  we-uoh  ''-tin  

First  Collateral  Line. 
29.     "    brother's  sou              (mate  speaking)  

31      "    brother's  daughter        "           "         

32.    "    brother's  dau.  husb.     "           "         
33.    "    brother's  grandson        "           "         
34.    "    brother's  gd.  daughter  "           "         
35.    "    brother's  gt.  gd.  son     "           "         
36.    "    brother's  gt.  gd.  dau.   "           "         
37.    "    sister's  son                                   "         

Oc-ua'-hose  

Ka-ya'-da  
Ha-ya'-da  
Ka-yii'-da  

Ha-ya'-wan-da  
Ka'-sii  

39.     '    Bister's  daughter           "          "         
40.     '    sister's  daught.  husb.  "          "         
41.     '    sister's  grandson                        "         
42.     '    sister's  granddanght.   "           "         
43.     '    sister's  gt.  grandson     "           "         
44.    "    sister's  gt.  gd.  daught.  "           "         

Ka-ya'wan-da  
Oc-na'-hose  
Ha-yii'-da  

Me-ta'-koash         

"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    nephew. 
"    daughter-in-law. 
"    niece. 
"    son-in-law. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    son. 
"    daughter-in-law. 
"    daughter. 
"    son-in-law. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 

"    father. 
"    step-mother. 
"    elder  brother. 
"    younger  brother. 
"    sister-in-law. 
tt         tt           tt 

"    elder  sister. 
"    younger  sister. 

"    brother-in-law, 
tt          tt              tt 

"    son. 
"    nephew. 
"    daughter. 
"    niece. 
"    nephew. 
"    son. 
"    niece. 
"     dauchtnr. 

Me-ta'-ko-za  

Ha-ya'-da  
Ka-yii'-da  

Me-ta'-ko-za  

Me-to~us'-ka  

46.    "    brother's  son's  wife      "           "         
47.    "    brother's  daughter        "          "         
48.     "    brother's  dau.  husb.     "           "         
49.    "    brother's  grandson        "           "         

Ka'-sa  
Ka-so'-neh  
Oc-na'-hose  
Ha-ya'-da  

Me-ta-ko-zha  

Me-ta-ko-zha  

52.     "    brother's  gt.  gd.  dau.    "           "         
53.    "    sister's  son                      "           "         
54.    "    sister's  son's  wife         "          "         
55      "    sister's  daughter                        " 

Ka-ya'-da  
Ha-ah'-wuk  
Ka'-sii  

Me-ta'-ko-zha  

56.     "    sister's  daught.  husb.  "           "         
57.    "    sister's  grandson                        "         
58.    "    sister's  granddaughter"           "         

Oc-na-hose  
Ha-yii'-da  

Me-ta'-ko-zha  

Me-ta'-ko-zha  

Me-ta'-ko-zha  

60.    "    sister's  gt.  gd.daujjht.  "           "         

Second  Collateral  Line. 

61      "    father's  brother  

Me-ta'-ko-zha  

Ha'-nih  

\h  ti' 

63.     "    father's  bro.  son  (older  than  myself)  

Hii'-je  
Ha'-ea... 

Me  soh'-ka 

i)5.    "    father's  brother's  son's  wife  (m.  s.)  

Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah  

Ha'-ka                 

].-  gn't'-pii                       

67.     "    father's  bro.  dau.  (oldei  than  myself)  

Ah'-je  

Ka'-ea... 

Ton-ka'       

69.    "    father's  bro.  daught.  husb.  (m.  s.)  
70.    "    father's  bro.  daught.  husb.   (/.  s.)  
71.    "    father's  brother's  son's  son   (m.  s.)  

Ta-huh'      

Ha-ya'-o  

73.    "    father's  brother's  son's  dau.  (m.  s.)  
74.    "    father's  brother's  son's  dau.  (/.  s.)  
75.     "    father's  broth,  daught.  son    (m.  s.)  
76.    "    father's  broth,  daught.  son    (f.  s.)  
77.    "    father's  broth,  daught.  dau.  (m.  s.)  
78.    "    father's  broth,  clausrl't.  dan.  (/.  s.)  

Ka-ah'-wuk  
Ka-soh'-neh  
Ha-ya'-wan-da  
Ha-ah'-wuk  
Ka-ya'-  wan-da  
Ka-ah'-wuk  

Me  to~us'-za          

168 


SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


TABLE  EXHIBITING  THE  SYSTEM  OF  CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY  OF  THE  SENECA-!ROQUOIS  AND  YANKTON-DAKOTAS  —  Continued. 

Description  of  persona. 

Relationships  in  Seneca. 

Translation. 

Relationships  in  Yankton, 

Translation, 

Ha-ya'-da  

My  grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    annt. 
"    step-  father. 
"    cousin. 
tf        ti 

"    sister-in-law. 

(                 ft                 tl 

'    cousin. 

i         *i 

'    brother-in-law. 

<         n        tt 

'    son. 
'    nephew. 
"    daughter. 
"    niece. 
"    nephew. 
"    son. 
"    niece. 
"    daughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    uncle. 
"    aunt-in-law. 
"    cousin. 

If                tl 

"    sister-in-law. 

ti        n        it 

"    consin. 

t(         u 

"    brother-in-law, 
t        <t        tt 

'    son. 
'    nephew. 
'    daughter. 
'    niece. 
'    nephew. 
'    son. 
'    niece. 
'    daughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    mother. 
"    step-father. 
"    elder  brother. 
"    younger  brother. 

"    sister-in-law, 
tt         it         tt 

"    elder  sister. 
"    younger  sister. 

"    brother-in-law. 

tt        ti           ti 

"    son. 
"    nephew. 
"    daughter. 
"    niece. 
"    nephew. 
"    son. 
"    niece. 
"    daughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 

"    grandfather. 
"    father. 
"    elder  brother. 
"    younger  brother. 
"    son. 
"    nephew. 
"    daughter. 
"    niece 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    grandmother. 
"    aunt. 

"    cousin, 
tt        ti 

"    nephew. 
"    son. 
"    niece. 
"    daughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 

Me-ta'-ko-zha  

My  grandchild. 
ti             tt 

"    aunt. 
"    uncle. 
'    male  cousin. 

f          tt                 u 

'    sister-in-law. 
t         tt         ti 

'    female  cousin, 
t        tt            n 

'    brother-in-law. 

tt                       tt                   ti 

"    son. 
"    ni'pliew. 
"    daughter. 
"    niece. 
"    nephew. 
"     son. 
"    niece. 
"    daughter. 

"    grandihild. 
tt             tt 

"    uncle. 
"    aunt. 

"    male  cousin. 

tt       tt           tt 

"    gister-in-law. 
tt         tt         ti 

"    female  consin. 
tt        tt          tt 

'    brother-in-law, 
t        it           tt 

'    son. 
'    nephew. 
'    daughter. 
'    niece. 
'    nephew. 
'    son. 
'    niece. 
'    daughter. 
'    grandchild, 
f            it 

'    mother. 
"    father. 
"    elder  brother. 
"    younger  brother. 

"    sister-in-law, 
ft         ti        tt 

"    elder  sister. 
"    younger  sister. 

"    brother-in-law. 

tf           tt           it 

"    son. 
"    nephew. 
"    daughter. 
"     niece. 
"    nephew. 
"    son. 
"    niece. 
"    daughter. 
"    grandchild, 
ft             tt 

"    grandfather. 
"    father. 
"     elder  brother. 
"    younger  brother. 
"    son. 
"    nephpw. 
"     daughter. 
"    niece. 
"    grandchild, 
tt             ti 

"    grandmother. 
"    aunt. 

"    female  cousin, 
tt         ft           ti 

"    nephew. 
"    son. 
"    niece. 
"    daughter. 
"    grandchild. 
it             ft 

Me-tii'-ko-zha  

81.    "    father's  sister  
82.     "    father's  sister's  husband  
83.    "    father's  sister's  son  (m.  speaking)  
84.    "    father's  sister's  son  (fern,  speaking)  
85.    "    father's  sister's  sou's  wife  {male  speaking) 
86.    "         "             "           "         "     (/em.  speaking) 
87.    "    father's  sister's  daughter    {male  speaking) 
88.    "         "             "           "         "     (/em.  speaking) 
69.     "    father's  sister's  dau.  husb.  {male  speaking) 
90.     "          "              "            "          "      {fern,  speaking) 
91.     "    father's  sister's  son's  son  {male  speaking) 
92.     "          "              "            "          "     {fen.  speaking) 
93.     "    father's  sister's  son's  dan.  (male  speaking) 
94.     "         "             "           "         "     {fern,  speaking) 
95.    "    father's  sister's  danehter's  son        {m.  s.) 
96.    "        "            "                "             "           (/.  s-) 
97.    "    father's  sister's  daughter's  danght.  (m.  s.) 
98.    "        "            "                "                "        (/.  *.) 
99.    "    father's  sister's  great  grandson  

Ah-ga'-huc  
Hoc-no'-ese  

Ah-gare'-eeh  
Ah-gare'-seh  

Toh'-we  

Tii'-she  

Ila-kii'  

E-sha'-pa. 

Tii-ha'  

Ha-ya'-o  

She-cha'  

Me-to~us'-ka  

Me-to~^us'-za  

Me-to"us'-ka  

Ha-ya'-da  

Me  ta'-ko-zha  

Me-ta'-ko-zha  

101.    "    mother's  brother  
102.     "    mother's  brother's  wife  
103.    "    mother's  brother's  son        {male  speaking) 
104.    "           "               "             "       {fnnale  speaking) 
105.    "    mother's  brother's  son's  wife           (m.  s.) 
106.    "          "              "            "          "              (/.  s.) 
107.    "    mother's  brother's  daughter             (m.  s.) 
108.    "          "              "                                      (/.  *.) 
109.    "    mother's  brother'9dan£!hter'shusb.(m.s.) 
110.    "          "               "                "              "      (/.  s.) 
111.     "    mother's  brother's  son's  son             (m.  s.) 
112.    "           "               "             "         "                (/.  s.) 
113.    "    mother's  brother's  son's  daughter  (m.  s.) 
114.    "          "              "             "            "           (/.  s.) 
115.    "    mother's  brother's  daughter's  son    (m.  «.) 
116.    "          "              "                  "            "      (/.  »  ) 
117.    "    mother's  brother's  daught.  daught.  (m.  s.) 
118.    "                                                         "        (/  «.) 

Hoc-no'-seh  
Ah-gS/-ni-ah  

Toh'-we  

Ta'-she  

Ha-ka'  

E-sha'-pa  

Ta-huh'  

Ha-ya'-o 

She-cha'  

Me-chink'-she  

Me-chounk'-she  

Ka-soh'-neh  

Me-to~us'-ka  

Me-to^us'-za  

Me  chounk'-she  

Me-tii'-ko-zha  

120.    "    mother's  brother's  great  granddaughter... 

Ka-ya'-da  
No-yeh/  ."  

K'-nah  

122.    "    mother's  sister's  husband  
123.     "    mother's  sister's  son      {older  than  myself) 
124.     "           "               "         "    {younger  than  nil/self) 
125.    "    mother's  sister's  son's  wife               (m.  s.) 
126.    "          "              "        "         "                   (/.  «.) 
127.    "    mother's  sister's  dan.    {older  than  myself) 
128.     "            "                "          "  {younger  than  myself) 
129.    "    mother's  sister's  daughter's  husb.  (m.  s.) 
130.    "          "              "              "              "       (/.  s.) 
131.    "    mother's  sister's  son's  son                 (m.  s.) 
132.    "          "              "        "         "                   (/.  s.) 
133.    "    mother's  Bister's  son's  daughter,     {m.  s.) 
134.    "           "              "         "            "               (/.  *.) 
135.    "    mother's  sister's  daughter's  son      (m.  s.) 
136.    "           "              "              "            "         (/.  s.) 
137.    "    mother's  sister's  daught.  daught.     {m.  s.) 
138.    "          "              "          "              "           (/.  s.) 

Hoc-no'-ese  

Ha'-je 

Ah-ta'  

Che-a'  

Ha'-trS, 

Ha-ka'  

E-sha'-pa. 

Ah'-je 

Ton'-ka  

Ka'-ea 

Ah-ge~ah'-ne~o  

Ta-ha'  

She'-cha  

Me-chink'-she  

Me-to^us'-za  

Me-to^us'-ka  

Ha^ya/-da  

Me-ta'-ko-zha  

Me-ta'-ko-zhii  

Third  Collateral  Line. 
141.     "    father's  father's  brother  

Hoc'-sote  

Hii'-mh 

Toon-kii'-she-na  

Ah-ta'  

143.    "    father's  fa.  bro.  sou's  s.  {older  than  myself) 
144.     "          "              "       "       "  {younger  than  myself) 
145.    "    father's  fath.  bro.  son's  son's  sou  (m.  ».) 
146.    "         "            "       "         "        "       "      (/.  «.) 
147.    "    father's  fath.  bro.  son's  son's  dau.  (m.  «.) 
148.    "        "            "      "        "         "       "      (/.  ».) 
149.     "    father's  father's  brother's  gt.  gt.  grandson 
150.     "    father's  father's  brother's  gt.  gt.  gd.  dau. 

Uji'.je  

Clie-a'  

Ha'-ga 

Me-chounk'-she  

Ha-ya'-da 

Mi'-tii'-ko-zlia  

Oc'-sote     

O-che'  

152.    "    father's  father's  sister's  daughter  
153.    "    father'8  father's  sister's  dau.  dau.   (m.  «.) 
154      '*         '*             "               '*          *(        **       (f.  s.) 
155.    "    father's  father's  sist.  dau.  dau.  son  (m.  s.) 
156.    "         "             "           "         "       "       "     (/.  s.) 
157.    "    father's  father's  sist.  dau.  dau.  dau.(m.«.) 
158.    "         "             "           "         "       "       "     (/.  s.) 
159.     "     father's  fatlier's  sister's  great  grandHon.... 
lijl).     "     father's  father's  sister's  gt.  granddaughter 

Ah-ga'-hun  

Toh'-we  

Me-chink'-she  

Me-to~us'-za  
Me  chonnk'-she  

Ha-yii'-da  
K.'i-yii'-da  

Me-ta'-ko-zha  

OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY. 


169 


TABLE  EXHIBITING  THE  SYSTEM  OP  CONSANGUINITY  AND  AFFINITY  OF  THE  SENECA-!ROQUOIS  AND  YANK.TON-DAKOTAS  —  Continued. 

Description  of  persons. 

Relationships  in  Seneca. 

Translation. 

Relationships  in  Yankton. 

Translation. 

Hoc'-sote  

My  grandfather. 
"    uncle. 
"    cousin, 
it         it 

"    son. 
"    nephew. 
"    daughter 
"    niece. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 
'    grandmother. 
'    mother. 
'    elder  sister. 
'    younger  sister. 
'    nephew. 
'    son. 
'    niece. 
"    daughter. 
"    grandson. 
"    granddaughter. 

"    grandfather. 

it            a 

"    father. 
"    elder  brother. 
"    sou. 
"    grandson. 

"    grandmother. 
it            n 

"    Annt. 
"    Cousin. 
"    daughter. 
"    granddaughter. 
"    grandfather, 
ii            11 

"    uncle. 
"    cousin. 
"    son. 
"    grandson. 

"    grandmother, 
it              ii 

"    mother. 
"    elder  sister. 
"    daughter. 
"    granddaughter. 

"    hnsb.  (two  joined). 
"    wife  (two  joined). 
"    father-in-law. 
"    mother-in-law. 
"    father-in-law. 
"    mother-in-law. 
"    father-in-law. 
"    mother-in-law. 
"    grandfather. 
"    grandmother. 
"    son-in-law. 
"    daughter-in-law. 
"    step-father. 
"    step-mother. 
"    step-son. 
"    step-daughter. 
"    elder  or  y'nger  bro. 
"    elder  or  y'nger  sist. 

"    brother-in-law, 
it        it            ii 
it        ii            ii 
ii         ii            it 

Not  related, 
a        ii 

My  sister-in-law 
ii        ii        ii 

it        ii        ii 
ti        ii        it 

Not  related. 

ii        it 

Widow. 
Widower. 
Twins.. 

Toon-ka'-she-na 

My  grandfather. 
"    uncle. 
"    male  cousin, 
ii       ii           it 

"    sou. 
"    nephew. 
"    daughter. 
"    niece. 

"    grandchild. 

it             ii 

"    grandmother. 
"    mother. 
"    elder  sister. 
"    younger  sister. 
'    nephew. 
'    son. 
'    niece. 
'    daughter. 

'    grandchild, 
i            it 

"    grandfather. 
it            ii 

"    father. 
"    elder  brother. 
"    son. 
"    grandchild. 

"    grandmother, 
ii             a 

'    aunt. 
'    female  cousin. 
'    daughter. 
'    grandchild. 
'    grandfather. 
i            K 

'    uncle. 
'    male  cousin. 
'    son. 
'    grandchild. 

"    grandmother. 

ii             ii 

"    mother. 
"    elder  sister. 
"    daughter. 
"    grandchild. 

"    husband. 
"    wife. 
"    father-in-law. 
"    mother-in-law. 
"    grandfather. 
"    grandmother. 
"    father-in-law. 
"    mother-in-law. 
"    grandfather. 
"    grandmother. 
"    son-in-law. 
"    daughter-in-law. 
"    father. 
"    mother. 
"    son. 
"    daughter. 

"    Elder  or  y'nger  bro. 
ii       ii              ii         ii 

'    brother-in-law, 
i        ii          ii 

i        ii          ii 
i        ii          ii 

'    Elder  or  y'nger  bro. 
it        a            ii          ii 

"    sister-in-law. 

ii         it          ii 

ii        ii          ii 
ii        ii          ii 
ii         it          ii 

Widow. 
Widower. 
Twins. 

Hoc-no'-seh  

Dake'-she 

163.    "    mother's  mother's  bro.  son's  sou     (m.  s.) 
164.    "          "              "            "       "          "      (/.  s.) 
165.    "    mother's  mother's  bro.  son's  s.  s.    (m.  s.) 
166.    "          "              "            "       "        "       (/.  s.) 
167.    "    mother's  moth.  bro.  son's  s.  dau.    (m.  s.) 
168.    "          "            "        "        "     "      "       (/.  s.) 
169.    "    mother's  mother's  brother's  gt.  grandson 
170.    "    mother's  mother's  bro.  gt.  granddaughter 

Tii'-she  

She-cha'-she 

Me-to^us'-ka 

Ka-ah'-wuk'  

Ka-soh'-neh  ,  ... 

Ha-ya'-da  

Ka-ya'-da  

Me-ta'-ko-zha  

0<;'-sote 

O-che' 

No'-yeh  

E"-nah  

173.      '    mother's  mo.  sis.  dau.  fr.(older  than  myself) 
174.     '           "              "            "  (younger  than  myself) 
175.     '    mother's  moth.  sist.  dau.  son's  son  (»i.  s.) 
176.     '          "              "              "         "      "     (/.  s.) 
177.     '    mother's  mother's  sist.  dau.  dau.    (m.  s.) 
178.     '          "              "           "       "       "        (/.  s.) 
179.     '    mother's  mother's  sister's  great  grandson 
180.    "    mother's  mother's  sister's  gt.  gd.  daught. 

Fourth  Collateral  Line. 
181.    "    father's  father's  father's  brother  

Ah'-je  

Ka'-ga  

Me-soh'-ka  

Me-to^us'-ka  

Ha-ah'-wuk  

Ha-yii'-da  

Me-tii/  ko  zhji 

Toon-ka/-she-na 

182.    "    father's  father's  father's  brother's  son  
183.    "    father's  father's  father's  broth,  son's  son 
184.     "    father's  fa.  fa.  br.  s.  s.  s.  (older  than  myself) 
185.    "    father's  fa.  fa.  broth,  son's  s.  8.  s.  (m.  s.) 
186.    "    father's  fa.  fa.  brother's  son's  son's  s.  s.  s. 
187.    "    father's  father's  father's  sister  
188.    "    father's  father's  father's  sister's  daughter 
189.    "    father's  father's  father's  sister's  dau.  dau. 
190.    "    father's  father's  fath.  sist.  dau.  dau.  dau. 
191.    "    father's  fa.  fa.  sist.  dau.  dau.  d.  d.  (m.  s.) 
192.    "    father's  fa.  fa.  sist.  dau.  d.  d.  d.  d.      " 
193.    "    mother's  mother's  mother's  brother  
194.    "    mother's  mother's  mother's  brother's  son 
195.    "    mother's  mother's  mother's  bro.  sou's  son 
196.    "    mother's  mo.  mo.  bro.  sou's  son's  s.(m.  s.) 
197.    "    mother's  mo.  ino.  bro.  sou's  svs.  s.       " 
198.     "    mother's  mo.  mo.  bro.  son's  son's  s.  s.  S. 
199.    "    mother's  mother's  mother's  sister  
2110.    "    mother's  mother's  mother's  sister's  dau. 
201.    "    mother's  mother's  mo.  sister's  dau.  dau. 
202.    "    mother's  mo.  mo.  sister's  dau.  dau.  dan. 
203.     "    mo.  m.  m.  sis.  d.  d.  d.  d.  (older  than  myself  ) 
204.    "    mo.  mo.  mo.  sis.  dau.  dau.  dau.  dau.  dau. 

Marriage  Relatives. 
205.    "    husband  

Hoo'-sote  
Ha'-nih  

Ah'-ta  

Ua'-je  

Che'-a 

Ha-ya'-da  

Me-ta/-ko-zha 

Oc'-sote  
Oc'-sote  

O-che7  

0-che' 

Toh'-we  

Ha-ka/-she 

Me-ta/-ko-zha 

Hoe'-sote  

Toou-kii/-she  ua 

Ta/-she                  .    ... 

Ha-ya'-da  

Me-taMco-zha 

Oc'-sote  

0-chex  

0-che/. 

E'-nah 

Ah'-je  

Ton-ka' 

Da-yake'-ne   .     . 

206.    "    wife  
207.    "    husband's  father  

Da-yake'-ne  

Ha-ga'-sa  ... 

To-ka/-she 

208.     "    husband's  mother  

209.     "    husband's  grandfather  
210.    "    husband's  grandmother  

Ha-ya'-sa  

O-che'  . 

211.    "    wife's  father  
212.    "    wife's  mother  
213.    "    wife's  grandfather  
214.    "    wife's  grandmother  
215.    "    son-in-law  
216.    "    daughter-in-law  

Oc-na'-hose  
Oc-na'-hose  
Hoc'-sote  
Oc'-sote  
Oc-na'-hose  
Ka'-sa   .. 

To-ka/-she  

Toon  -kii/-s  he-na  

0-che'  

217.    "    step-father  

Ah-ta' 

218.    "    step-mother  
219.    "    step-son  

Oc-no'-ese  

Ha'-no 

E'-nah  

220.    "    step-daughter  

Ka'-no 

221.    "    step-brother  

Ha'-je(o)  ha'-ga(y)  
Ah'-je(o)  ka'-ga(y)  
Ha-ya'-o  

Che-a'(o)me-soh'-ka(y) 
Ton-ka'  (o)  me-tank'-she 
She-cha'  [(y) 

222.    "    stepsister  

223.    "    brother-in-law                  (husband's  brother) 
224.    "         "               "            (sister's  husband  (m.  s.) 
225.     "         "               "                 "             "         (/.  s.) 
226.    "         "               "                           (wife's  brother) 
227.    "         "               "            (wife's  sister's  husband) 
228.     "          "                "      (husband's  sister's  husband) 
229.    "    sister-in-law                              (wife's  sister) 
230.    "         "             "                  (brother's  wife  (m.  s.) 
231.    "         "            "                         "           "      (/.  s.) 
232.     "          "             "                            (husband's  sister) 
233.    "         "             "                   (wife's  brother's  wife) 
234.    "         "             "           (husband's  brother's  wife) 
235.  Widow  
236.  Widower  

Ah-ge^ah'-ne^o  

Ta-huh'  

Ha-ya'-o  

She-cha'  

Tii-ha'  

Che-a'(o)me-soh'-ka(y) 
Che-a  (o)  me-soh-ka  (y) 
Ha-ka'  

Ka-ya'-o  

Ah-ge-ah'-ne-ah  

E-sha'-pS, 

Ah-ge^ah'-ne^o  

E-sha'-pa  

Hii-kii/  

E-sha'-pa  

We-ta/-she-na  

Ho-no-kwa'-yes-hii-ah.. 
Ta  geek'-ha 

237.  Twins  
238.  Two  fathers-in-law  to  each  other  

Chek'-pa 

239.  Two  mothers-in-law  to  each  other  '.  

22       January,  1870. 


170  SYSTEMS   OP  CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 


CHAPTER    III. 

SYSTEM  OF  RELATIONSHIP  OF  THE  GANOWANIAN  FAMILY— CONTINUED. 

II.  Dakotan  Nations.— 1.  Dakota  Nations  Proper— Their  Area  and  Dialects — Their  Transfer  to  the  Plains— Federa- 
tive Principle  among  them — System  of  Relationship  of  the  Yanktons  taken  as  the  Standard — Indicative  Relation- 
Bhips— System  identical  with  the  Seneca — Increasing  Evidence  of  the  Self-perpetuation  of  the  System— 2. 
Missouri  Nations — Their  Area  and  Dialects — System  of  the  Kaws  adopted  as  the  Standard — Indicative  Relation- 
ships— Principal  Deviation  from  Uniformity — It  occurs  invariably  on  the  Relationships  between  the  Children  of  a 
Brother  and  Sister — System  identical  with  the  Yankton — 3.  Winnebagoes — Their  Original  Area — Nearest  Affiliation 
of  this  Dialect  with  those  of  the  Missouri  Nations — Their  System  identical  with  the  Yankton — 4.  Mandans — 
Agricultural  and  Village  Indians — Indicative  Relationships — System  identical  with  the  Yankton— 5.  Minnitarees 
and  Upsarokas  or  Crows— Separation  of  the  Crows  from  the  Minnitarees— Their  Migration  northward  to  the  Sis- 
katchewun — Their  Dialect — Observations  upon  the  Divergence  of  Dialects — Minnitaree  System — Indicative  Rela- 
tionships— Identical  with  the  Yankton — Principal  Deviation  from  Uniformity.  III.  Gulf  Nations — 1.  Gulf  Nations 
Proper — Their  Area  and  Dialects — System  of  the  Choctas  adopted  as  Standard — Indicative  Relationships — 
System  identical  with  the  Yankton — Principal  Deviation  from  Uniformity — It  agrees  with  the  Minnitaree — Min- 
nitarees a  connecting  link  between  Gulf  and  Missouri  Nations — 2.  Cherokees — Their  Language  and  Area — System 
of  Relationship  identical  with  the  Chocta — Observations  upon  the  Dakotan  Dialects.  IV.  Prairie  Nations — Their 
Area  and  Dialects — 1.  Pawnees — Republican  Pawnee  System  taken  as  Standard — Its  indicative  Relationships — 
Identical  with  the  Yankton — Principal  Deviation  from  Uniformity — It  agrees  with  the  Checta — 2.  Arickareea — 
Their  Area  and  Dialect — Their  System  agrees  with  the  Pawnee — Reasons  for  attaching  Gulf  and  Prairie  Nations 
to  the  Dakotan  Stem — Results  of  Comparison  of  Systems — One  System  in  Fundamental  Characteristics  found 
among  all  these  Nations — Their  Unity  of  Origin — System  of  Relationship  as  a  Basis  for  the  construction  of  a 
Family  of  Nations. 

1.  Dakota  Nations  Proper.  2.  Missouri  Nations.  3.  Winnebagoes.  4.  Man- 
dans.  5.  Minnitarees  and  Upsarokas  or  Crows. 

The  two  leading  subdivisions  of  the  Ganowanian  family  north  of  New  Mexico 
are  the  Dakotan  and  the  Algonkin.  They  have  held  this  position  from  the  earliest 
period  to  which  our  knowledge  extends.  It  is  probable  that  all  of  the  nations 
south  of  the  Siskatchewun  Eiver  and  Hudson's  Bay,  and  east  of  the  Missouri  and 
Mississippi  Rivers  will  ultimately  be  resolved  by  linguistic  affiliations,  into  these 
two  great  divisions.  A  large  number  of  nations  west  of  the  Missouri  also  belong 
to  the  Dakotan  Stem.  The  two  groups  of  languages  occupied  about  equal  areas, 
and  are  respectively  broken  up  into  about  the  same  number  of  dialects.  Among 
the  dialects  of  the  former  language,  which  is  the  oldest  of  the  two  in  the  area  if 
the  Gulf  nations  belong  to  this  branch,  the  amount  of  deviation  is  much  the 
greatest,  the  vocables  of  many  of  them  having  changed  beyond  the  reach  of  identi- 
fication, although  they  still  wear  a  family  resemblance.  It  is  also  extremely 
probable,  not  to  say  certain,  that  the  two  original  languages  from  which  these 
dialects  respectively  have  emanated  had  become  distinct  and  entirely  changed  irt 
their  vocables,  on  the  Pacific  side  of  the  Continent,  before  the  two  streams  of 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  171 

migration  commenced  to  the  eastward,  the  Dakotan  to  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi 
by  some  southern  route,  and  the  Algonkin  to  the  chain  of  Lakes,  and  the  valley  of 
the  St.  Lawrence  by  some  northern  route.  The  classification  of  nations  adopted  in 
the  Table  is  founded  chiefly  upon  their  system  of  relationship,  which  contains  some 
evidence  bearing  upon  their  inter-relations  that  will  appear  as  we  proceed. 

A  stock  language,  as  the  term  is  here  used,  includes  such  dialects  as  have  a 
sufficient  number  of  vocables  for  common  objects  susceptible  of  identification  to 
establish  their  immediate  derivation  from  each  other,  or  from  a  common  parent 
language.  Branch,  when  applied  to  a  group  of  nations,  is  coextensive  with  stock 
language  as  applied  to  a  group  of  dialects.  The  term  stem,  or  stem-people,  is  used 
in  a  more  comprehensive  sense.  It  includes  several  branches  or  groups  of  nations, 
whose  systems  of  relationship  possess  features  showing  affinity  of  blood.  It  also 
includes  several  stock  languages,  the  vocables  of  which  have  a  family  resemblance, 
although  changed  beyond  immediate  identification. 

I.  Dakota  Nations  Proper.  1.  Isaunties.  2.  Yanktons.  3.  Yanktonais.  4. 
Sissetons.  5.  Ogalallas.  6.  Brules.  7.  Unkpappas.  8.  Blackfoot  Dakotas.  (9. 
Ohenonpas.  10.  Minnikanyes.  11.  Sansarcs.  12.  Itazipcoes,  these  are  not  repre- 
sented in  the  Table.)  13.  Asiniboines. 

At  the  period  of  European  discovery,  the  Dakotas  proper  were  found  established 
upon  the  head  waters  of  the  Mississippi  in  the  present  state  of  Minnesota.  Their 
home  country  extended  from  the  head  of  Lake  Superior  to  the  Missouri  River,  the 
greater  part  of  which,  along  the  margins  of  the  rivers,  streams  and  lakes,  was  in 
their  continuous  occupation.  When  first  known  to  the  colonists,  through  the 
early  explorers,  they  were  subdivided  into  a  number  of  independent  bands,  living 
more  or  less  in  tent  villages,1  and  were  supposed  to  be  more  numerous  than  any 
other  northern  Indians  who  spoke  mutually  intelligible  dialects.  The  first  accounts 
were  favorable  concerning  their  intelligence,  their  hospitality,  and  their  manliness. 

The  Dakota  language  has  assumed  two,  if  not  three,  distinctly  marked  dialectical 
forms,  but  the  variance  is  not  sufficient  to  interrupt  free  communication.  These 
dialects  may  be  distinguished  as  the  Isauntie,  the  Teeton,  and  the  Yankton. 
Between  the  first  two  the  amount  of  variation  is  considerable ;  but  the  third,  the 
Yankton,  is  in  the  process  of  formation  out  of  the  first.2  As  two  forms  of  the  same 
speech,  they  may  be  called  the  Isauntie,  or  the  Mississippi,  and  the  Teeton  or 
Missouri  Dakota.  For  philological  purposes  they  are  extremely  interesting,  since 
the  variance  is  still  in  the  incipient  stages  of  its  development. 

1  Carver's  Travels,  p.  51  (Philadelphia  edition  1796),  shows  that  this  was  the  case  in  1766. 

9  "  The  chief  peculiarity  of  the  Ihanktonwan  [Yankton]  as  compared  with  that  of  the  Dakotas  of 
Minnesota  [Isaunties]  is  the  almost  universal  substitution  of  k  for  h.  The  Titonwan  [Teeton]  exhibits 
more  striking  differences.  In  it  g  hard  is  used  for  h  of  the  Isanties  and  Ic  of  the  Ihanktonwans,  and 
rejecting  d  altogether,  they  used  I  in  its  stead.  *  *  *  Thus,  to  illustrate  the  foregoing.  *  *  * 
'  Hda,'1  to  go  home  of  the  Isantes,  is  '  kda1  of  the  Ihantonwans  dialect,  and  'gla'  in  the  Titonwau. 
Many  words,  too,  are  entirely  different,  as  for  example,  '  isan',  a  knife  ;  the  Titonwans  say  '  milla', 
and  the  Ihanktonwans  minna."  Smithsonian  Con.  IV.  Gram,  and  Die.  of  Dakota  Language,  Intro. 
XVII.  This  last  difference  may  probably  be  explained  by  the  absence  of  a  term  for  knife  in  the 
primitive  language. 


172  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND    AFFINITY 

Since  the  period  of  their  discovery,  when  the  Dakotas  occupied  a  territory  of  small 
dimensions,  a  great  change  has  taken  place  in  their  condition,  ascribable,  in  part,  to 
the  retro-migration  westward  of  the  Indian  nations ;  but  chiefly  to  the  possession 
of  the  horse,  which  has  proved  by  far  the  most  important  material  gift  of  Americans 
to  the  American  aborigines.  After  they  had  learned  to  rear  and  tend  this  valuable 
domestic  animal,  in  which  they  have  been  eminently  successful,  they  gradually 
spread  over  the  vast  prairies  of  the  interior  of  the  continent,  which  never  before 
had  been  capable  of  human  occupation,  until  at  the  present  time  their  range 
extends  over  the  immense  area  from  the  western  head  branches  of  the  Mississippi 
to  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  chain.  The  change  thus  wrought  in  their 
condition  has  been  chiefly  for  the  worse,  although  it  seems  probable  that  they  are 
now  more  numerous  than  at  any  former  period.  They  have  ceased  altogether  to 
live  in  villages,  in  which  the  first  germs  of  social  progress  originate,  and  have 
betaken  themselves  to  camps  on  the  plains,  where  they  now  lead  a  life  of  unrelieved 
hardship,  and  of  incessant  conflict  with  adjacent  nations,  although  acknowledged 
masters  within  their  own  area.  They  have  now  become  nomades  in  the  full  sense 
of  the  term,  depending  for  subsistence  upon  the  buffaloes,  whose  migrations  they 
follow.  When  first  known  to  us  they  were  not  agriculturalists  in  the  slightest 
particular,  but  depended  exclusively  upon  fish,  wild  rice,  and  game.  The  innume- 
rable lakes  in  central  and  northern  Minnesota  were  well  stocked  with  fish,  and  the 
mixture  of  forest,  lake,  and  prairie,  which  make  this  one  of  the  most  strikingly 
beautiful  regions  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  also  rendered  it  an  excel- 
lent game  country.  The  exchange  was  greatly  to  their  disadvantage.  Their 
transfer  to  the  plains,  where  the  greater  part  of  them  now  dwell,  was  much  more 
from  necessity  than  choice.  The  steady  and  irresistible  flow  of  the  white  popula- 
tion westward  necessarily  forced  the  Dakotas  in  this  direction,  so  that  their  retro- 
gression was  but  the  realization  of  their  portion  of  the  common  destiny  of  all  the 
•nations  east  of  the  Mississippi. 

The  Dakotas  have  long  enjoyed  the  advantages  imparted  by  a  consciousness  of 
strength  from  superior  numbers.1  They  have  had  the  sagacity  and  wisdom  to 
maintain  a  species  of  alliance  among  the  several  subdivisions  into  which  they  had 
fallen  by  the  inevitable  law  of  Indian  Society,  although  each  band  was  practically 
an  independent  nation.  Friendly  relations  have  subsisted  among  them  from  time 
immemorial  with  the  single  exception  of  the  Asiniboines,  who  became  detached 
shortly  before  the  year  1600,  as  near  as  can  be  ascertained,  and  incurred,  in  conse- 
quence, the  hostility  of  their  congeners.  The  important  uses  of  the  federal  principle 
to  arrest  the  constant  tendency  to  denationalization  was  understood  by  the  Dakotas, 
although  it  never  ripened  into  a  permanent  and  effective  organization.  Their 
name  La-Jeo'-ta  in  the  dialects  of  the  western  nations,  and  Dd-ne-Jco'-ta  in  that  of 
the  eastern,  signifies  leagued  or  allied,  and  they  also  called  themselves,  by  a  figure 
of  speech,  "The  Seven  Council  Fires,"  from  the  seven  principal  bands  which  formed 

1  They  arc  estimated  at  the  present  time,  to  number  about  twenty-three  thousand. 


OP   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  173 

the  compact.1  We  have  no  knowledge  of  any  important  acts  of  legislation  for  the 
general  welfare,  by  this  Dakotan  Confederacy,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  even 
a  nominal  league  would  tend  to  promote  and  preserve  harmony  among  them,  as 
well  as  to  increase  their  influence  among  Indian  nations.  Every  trace  of  the 
federative  principle  in  the  Ganowanian  family  possesses  some  degree  of  importance, 
as  it  reveals  in  each  case  the  development  of  the  first  germ  of  progress  from  the 
monotonous  level  of  the  roving  bands. 

Intellectually  the  Dakotas  compare  favorably  with  the  most  advanced  of  their 
contemporaries.  Intractable  and  independent  in  their  dispositions  they  have,  for 
the  most  part  held  themselves  aloof  from  government  influence ;  but  generous 
and  just  to  each  other,  they  have  maintained  among  Indian  nations  a  favorable 
reputation  for  energy,  hardihood,  and  courage.2  Their  chiefs  in  council  are  bold, 
graceful,  and  fluent  speakers.  In  this  respect  they  compare  favorably  with  the 
Iroquois,  who  have  reached  some  distinction  in  eloquence.  At  different  times  I 
have  heard  the  chiefs  and  orators  of  many  Indian  nations  speak  in  council,  but 
none  of  them  impressed  me  more  strongly  than  the  Dakota  chiefs.  Clearness  of 
thought  and  energy  of  will  characterized  their  speech,  and  a  free  untameable  spirit 
their  demeanor. 

It  is  impossible  to  save  the  Dakotas,  or  any  Indian  nation,  in  the  strictly  abo- 
riginal condition.  They  must  either  become  agricultural  or  pastoral,  or  disappear 
from  the  continent.  With  this  great  change  even  it  is  a  formidable  struggle  for 
existence.  The  Dakotas  have  seized  the  principal  part,  or  rather  the  northern  half 
of  the  interior  prairie  area,  no  considerable  portion  of  which,  it  seems  probable,  can 
ever  be  occupied  by  our  people.  It  is  throughout  poorly  watered,  and  substantially 
destitute  of  forest.  On  the  Upper  Missouri  for  two  thousand  miles,  and  until  you 
reach  the  foot  slopes  of  the  mountains,  the  timber  is  confined  to  the  bottom  lands  of 
the  river,  and  is  very  scanty  even  there.  It  is  the  same  with  all  of  its  tributaries.  A 
civilized  and  agricultural  population  can  never  inhabit  any  portion  of  this  inland  re-  . 
gion,  except  a  narrow  margin  upon  the  rivers.  On  the  plains,  the  Dakotas,  if  they 
maintain  peaceful  relations,  will  interfere  with  no  interests  of  the  American  people. 
When  the  Buffalo  ceases  from  diminished  numbers  to  afford  them  subsistence, 
which  will  be  the  case  at  no  distant  day,  they  will  be  compelled  to  rear  domestic 
cattle  to  supply  their  place.  In  this  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose  they  may  be 
entirely  successful,  from  their  experience  in  raising  horses,  from  their  knowledge 
of  the  buffalo  ranges,  and  from  their  familiarity  with  the  life  of  the  camp.  Should 

1  These  were,  1.  The  Mediwanktons  ;  2.  Walipekutes  ;  3.  Wabipetons  ;  4.  Sissetons  ;  5.  Yank- 
tons ;  6.  Yanktonais;  7.  Teetons.  The  first  three  are  collectively  the  Isaunties  of  the  Table  ;  and 
the  Teetons  are  now  subdivided  into,  1.  Ogalallas  ;  2.  Brules ;  3.  Uncpappas ;  4.  Blackfoot  Dakotas ; 
5.  Ohenonpas  ;  6.  Itazipcoes ;  7.  Minekanyes,  and  8.  Sansarcs. 

1  In  the  year  1862,  at  Fort  Pierre  in  Nebraska  Territory,  at  a  council  held  by  the  United  States 
Indian  agent  with  the  chiefs  of  several  bands  of  the  Dakotas,  I  witnessed  the  refusal  of  a  chief 
of  one  of  them  to  receive  any  annuity  whatever  from  the  government;  and  he  alleged  as  a  reason 
that  the  acceptance  of  the  goods,  which  were  in  a  pile  before  him  as  he  spoke,  would  compromise 
the  independence  of  his  people. 


174  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

they  make  the  experiment  and  succeed  in  becoming  a  pastoral  people,  they  will 
reach  a  higher  degree  of  prosperity  and  numbers  in  the  future  than  they  have 
known  in  the  past.  In  the  course  of  events  their  removal  to  the  plains  may  prove 
the  means  of  their  preservation,  and  secure  to  them  a  more  hopeful  future  than 
awaits  any  other  branch  of  the  family. 

Of  the  thirteen  distinct  and  independent  Dakota  bands  or  nations  named,  eleven 
are  represented  in  the  Table  (Table  II,  Part  II).  Their  system  of  consanguinity 
and  affinity  is  one  and  the  same  among  them  all,  in  every  feature  which  is  material, 
and  in  nearly  every  minute  particular. 

This  would  be  expected  from  the  near  approach  of  their  dialects  to  a  common 
speech ;  but  it  is  also  important  as  a  fact,  since  it  tends  to  illustrate  the  living 
power  of  the  system,  and  its  ability  to  perpetuate  itself  among  geographically 
separated  nations.  One  form  will  be  sufficient  to  present,  and  that  of  the  Yanktons 
will  be  selected  as  the  standard  system  of  these  nations. 

It  will  not  be  necessary  to  take  up  the  Yankton  system  of  relationship  as  we  did 
the  Seneca  and  present  the  several  lines  in  detail,  since  it  is  material  only  to  know 
wherein  it  agrees  with  the  Seneca,  and  wherein  it  differs.  This  may  be  shown  by 
pointing  out  the  differences  in  the  Yankton,  leaving  it  to  be  inferred  that  in  other 
respects  it  agrees  with  the  Seneca ;  or  it  may  be  shown  by  stating  the  indicative 
relationships,  which  not  only  reveal  the  fundamental  characteristics  of  the  system, 
but  which  also  control  the  several  relationships  that  follow.  There  are  upwards  of 
seventy  different  forms  given  in  the  Table  in  as  many  dialects  of  the  Ganowanian 
language ;  and  that  which  is  true  with  respect  to  the  Yankton  is  also  equally  true 
with  reference  to  the  others.  Whilst  it  is  important  to  know  the  actual  present 
condition  of  the  system  among  all  of  these  nations  to  appreciate  its  nature  and 
principles  as  a  domestic  institution,  its  power  of  self-perpetuation,  and  its  bearing 
upon  the  question  of  the  unity  of  origin  of  these  nations,  it  would  be  too  great  a  tax 
upon  the  reader  to  go  through  the  minute  details  of  each.  The  Table  contains  the 
full  particulars.  To  this  he  is  referred  for  a  more  minute  knowledge  of  the  system 
pf  each  nation.  Some  plan,  however,  must  be  adopted  for  presenting  so  much  of  the 
system  of  each  nation,  or  of  groups  of  closely  affiliated  nations,  as  will  exhibit  its 
material  characteristics.  A  statement  of  the  general  results  of  a  comparison  would 
be  less  satisfactory  than  a  comparison  of  the  material  characteristics  themselves ; 
because  the  latter  will  reveal  the  positive  elements  of  the  system.  In  most  cases 
the  result  desired  can  be  secured  by  stating  the  indicative  relationships,  from  which 
its  agreement  or  disagreement  with  the  Seneca  will  be  at  once  perceived.  These 
relationships  disclose  the  radical  features  of  the  system.  When  they  are  found  to 
agree  with  the  Seneca  the  identity  of  the  two  becomes  established.  In  other  cases, 
where  the  differences  are  greater,  it  will  be  preferable  to  state  the  differences ;  and 
in  still  others  it  may  be  necessary  to  give  details.  The  utmost  brevity  will  be 
sought,  under  either  form  of  explanation,  in  the  survey  about  to  be  made  of  the 
system  of  relationship  of  the  remaining  nations  of  the  Ganowanian  family. 

There  are  separate  terms  in  the  Yankton  for  grandfather  and  grandmother, 
Toon-led' -she-no,  and  0'-c7ie;  for  father  and  mother,  Ah-ta'  and  E'-nah  ;  for  son  and 
daughter,  Mc-chinlc'-she  and  Me-chounk' '-she  ;  and  a  term  in  common  gender  for 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  175 

grandchild,  Me-ta' -kozlia.      All   above  the  former   are   grandfathers    and    grand- 
mothers, and  all  below  the  latter  are  grandchildren. 

The  fraternal  and  sororal  relationships  are  in  the  twofold  form  of  elder  and 
younger,  for  which  there  is  a  double  set  of  terms,  one  of  which  is  used  by  the  males 
and  the  other  by  the  females ;  for  brother  and  sister  in  the  abstract  there  is  no 
term  in  the  dialect,  except  in  the  plural  number.     There  are  two  terms  for  cousin 
(male  and  female),  used  by  the  males,  and  two  for  the  same  used  by  the  females. 
The  following  are  the  indicative  relationships  in  the  Yankton-Dakota  system : — 
First  Indicative  Feature.    My  brother's  son  and  daughter,  with  Ego  a  male,  are  my 
son  and  daughter,  Me-chwJc'-sJie  and  Ne-chounlc'  slie  ;  with  Ego  a  female  they  are 
my  nephew  and  niece. 

Second.  My  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  being  a  male,  are  my  nephew  and 
niece,  Me-to-us' -lea  and  Me-to-us'-zd;  with.%0  a  female  they  are  my  son  and  daughter. 
Third.  My  father's  brother  is  my  father,  Ah-ta'. 

Fourth.  My  father's  brother's  son  is  my  elder  or  younger  brother  Che'-a  or 
Me-soh'-ka,  as  he  is  older  or  younger  than  myself;  and  his  daughter  is  my  elder  or 
younger  sister,  Tan-ka'  or  Me-tanJc' -she. 

Fifth.  My  father's  sister  is  my  aunt,  Toh'-we. 
Sixth.  My  mother's  brother  is  my  uncle,  Dake'-slie. 
Seventh.  My  mother's  sister  is  my  mother,  E'-nah. 

Eighth.  My  mother's  sister's  son  is  my  elder  or  younger  brother,  and  her 
daughter  is  my  elder  or  younger  sister. 

Ninth.  My  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather,  Toon-7ca'-z7ie~na. 
Tenth.  The  grandchildren  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  the  grandchildren  of 
my  collateral  brothers  and  sisters,  and  of  my  cousins  are  my  grandchildren  without 
distinction.     This  merges  the  several  collateral  lines  in  the  lineal  line. 

In  these  the  indicative  relationships,  the  Yankton  and  Seneca  are  identical.  It 
may  be  stated  in  addition  that  the  children  of  my  uncle  and  aunt  are  my  cousins ; 
that  the  children  of  my  collateral  brothers,  and  of  my  male  cousins,  Ego  being  a 
male,  are  my  sons  and  daughters,  and  that  the  children  of  my  collateral  sisters,  and  of 
my  female  cousins,  are  my  nephews  and  nieces ;  with  Ego  a  female,  these  relation- 
ships are  reversed.  A  comparison  of  the  two  forms,  as  they  are  found  at  the  end 
of  Chapter  II,  will  show  that  they  are  in  minute  agreement  throughout,  the  mar- 
riage relationships  included. 

It  has  before  been  stated  that  the  system  of  relationship  of  the  remaining 
Dakota  nations  is  the  same  in  all  material  respects  as  the  Yankton.  A  reference 
to  the  Table  will  show  how  entirely  they  agree,  not  only  in  general  characteristics, 
but  also  in  minute  details.  It  will  also  be  noticed  that  the  terms  of  relationship 
are  the  same  words,  in  nearly  every  instance,  under  dialectical  changes.  This 
shows  that  the  terms  have  come  down  to  each  nation  as  a  part  of  the  common 
language ;  and  that  the  system,  also,  was  derived  by  each  from  the  common  source 
of  the  language.  The  system  is  thus  made  coeval  with  the  period  when  these 
nations  spoke  a  single  dialect,  and  were  one  people. 

The  Asiniboines,  as  has  been  elsewhere  remarked,  had  become  detached  from 
the  Dakotas  when  first  known  to  Europeans.  Their  range  was  from  near  the 


176  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINTY 

northwest  shore  of  Lake  Superior,  along  the  Rainy  Lake,  and  Lake  of  the  Woods 
towards  Lake  Winnipeg.  They  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Crees  for  mutual 
defence  against  the  Dakotas,  which  has  been  maintained  with  more  or  less  con- 
stancy to  the  present  time.  They  are  now  west  of  the  Red  River  of  the  North, 
and  north  of  the  Missouri,  their  range  including  a  portion  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Territory.  In  their  system  of  relationship  they  agree  so  closely  with  the  Yankton 
that  whatever  is  said  of  one  is  equally  applicable  to  the  other.  A  greater  differ- 
ence in  dialect  is  found  between  the  Asiniboine  and  Yankton  than  is  found 
among  the  remaining  Dakota  dialects  as  to  each  other,  which  is  explained  by  the 
isolation  of  the  former  from  the  Dakota  speech  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  and 
upwards.  But  the  amount  of  dialectical  variation  in  the  terms  of  relationship  is 
still  inconsiderable. 

It  thus  appears  that  every  indicative  feature  of  the  Seneca  system  is  not  only 
present  in  that  of  the  Dakota  nations ;  but  that  they  are  coincident  throughout. 
The  diagrams  used  to  illustrate  the  Seneca-Iroquois  form  will  answer  for  either  of 
the  Dakota  nations  as  well.  Every  relationship  I  believe,  without  exception, 
would  be  the  same  in  the  six  diagrams.  This  identity  of  systems  is  certainly  an 
extraordinary  fact  when  its  elaborate  and  complicated  structure  is  considered. 
The  significance  of  this  identity  is  much  increased  by  the  further  fact  that  it 
has  remained  to  the  present  time,  after  a  separation  of  the  Iroquois  from  the 
Dakota  nations,  or  from  some  common  parent  nation,  for  a  period  of  time  which 
must  be  measured  by  the  centuries  required  to  change  the  vocables  of  their  respec- 
tive stock  languages  beyond  recognition.  The  maintenance  of  a  system  which 
creates  such  diversities  in  the  domestic  relationships,  and  which  is  founded  upon 
such  peculiar  discriminations,  is  the  highest  evidence  of  its  enduring  nature  as  a 
system.  Ideas  never  change.  The  language  in  which  they  are  clothed  is  muta- 
ble, and  may  become  wholly  transformed  ;  but  the  conceptions  which  it  embodies, 
and  the  ideas  which  it  holds  in  its  grasp,  are  alone  exempt  from  mutability.  When 
these  ideas  or  conceptions  are  associated  together  in  such  fixed  relations  as  to 
create  a  system  of  consanguinity,  resting  upon  unchangeable  necessities,  the  latter 
is  perpetuated  by  their  vital  force,  or  the  system,  in  virtue  of  its  organic  structure, 
holds  these  ideas  in  a  living  form.  We  shall  be  led  step  by  step  to  the  final  infer- 
ence that  this  system  of  relationship  originated  in  the  primitive  ages  of  mankind, 
and  that  it  has  been  propagated  like  language  with  the  streams  of  the  blood. 

II.  Missouri  Nations.  1.  Punkas.  2.  Omahas.  3.  lowas.  4.  Otoes.  (5. 
Missouris,  not  in  the  Table.)  6.  Kaws.  7.  Osages.  (8.  Quappas,  not  in  the 
Table.1) 

This  name  is  proposed  for  the  above  group  of  nations  whose  dialects  are  closely 
allied  with  each  other,  and  all  of  which  were  derived  from  the  same  immediate 
source  as  the  dialects  of  the  Dakota  language  proper.  These  nations,  when  first 


1  The  orthography  of  some  of  these  names  is  not  in  accordance  with  the  common  pronunciation  in 
the  Indian  countrj.  To  conform  with  it  they  should  be  written:  Punkaws,  Omaliaws,  and  Qnappaws. 
Otoe  is  not  the  original  name  of  this  nation.  Their  own  name,  which  has  a  vulgar  signification,  was 
changed  to  Otoe  at  the  suggestion  of  the  traders. 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  177 

known  to  Europeans  occupied  the  banks  of  the  Missouri  River  from  the  mouth  of 
the  Punka  on  the  north,  to  the  junction  of  the  Missouri  and  Mississippi,  and  thence 
down  the  latter  river  to  the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas  on  the  south.  In  their  dialects 
they  arrange  themselves  into  three  classes,  as  follows:  1.  Punka  and  Omaha;  2. 
Iowa,  Otoe,  and  Missouri ;  and  3.  Kaw,  Osage,  and  Quappa.  The  system  of  relation- 
ship of  all  these  nations  is  given  in  the  Table,  with  the  exception  of  the  Quappa, 
which  is  believed  to  be  identical  with  the  Osage.  The  remains  of  the  Missouri 
nation  are  now  intermingled  with  the  Otoes,  and  the  system  of  the  latter  nation 
represents  both.  These  nations  were  originally  three,  as  their  dialects  still  demon- 
strate, and  were  afterwards  increased  to  eight  by  subdivision.  It  is  not  now  ascer- 
tainable  whether  the  three  were  one  when  they  separated  from  the  parent  stem, 
or  broke  off  at  three  different  times.  The  fact  that  the  eight  dialects  are  now 
nearer  to  each  other  than  either  is  to  the  Dakota  proper,  favors  the  former  supposi- 
tion. It  is  at  least  clear  that  they  broke  off  in  one  body,  or  quite  near  the  same 
epoch  in  separate  bodies.  The  Dakota  dialects  including  the  Asiniboine,  are  very 
much  nearer  to  each  other  than  the  dialects  of  the  Missouri  nations  are  among 
themselves,  as  will  be  seen  by  consulting  the  Table.  It  would  seem,  therefore, 
that  unless  we  assume  the  existence  of  some  intermediate  nation  from  which  both 
were  derived,  and  which  has  since  disappeared,  the  greater  relative  age  must  be 
assigned  to  the  Missouri  Nations.  There  is,  however,  a  serious  philological  diffi- 
culty encountered  in  deriving  the  Dakotas  from  the  Missouri  Nations,  or  the 
reverse.  It  must  be  considered,  as  a  part  of  the  problem,  that  the  latter  nations 
were  scattered  along  the  banks  of  the  Missouri,  and  below  on  the  Mississippi,  for 
more  than  a  thousand  miles,  which  would  tend  to  increase  the  amount  of  dialec- 
tical variation  ;  whilst  the*  former  occupied  a  compact  area  upon  the  head  waters 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  from  thence  across  a  narrow  belt  of  country  to  the  Missouri, 
which  would  tend  in  the  first  instance  to  prevent  the  formation  of  dialects  and 
afterwards  to  repress  the  amount  of  dialectical  variation.1  On  comparing  their 
respective  systems  of  relationship  it  will  be  found  that  the  Missouri  form  deviates 
in  one  important  particular,  from  that  of  the  Dakota  nations,  in  which  respect  it  is 
the  rudest,  and  therefore  the  oldest.  But  this  fact  does  not  yield  any  evidence 
with  respect  to  relative  age,  since  the  supposition  intervenes  that  the  Dakota  form 


1  A  comparison  of  the  Punka  and  Yankton  vocables  reveals  a  large  amount  of  variation,  although 
the  identity  of  many  of  the  words  is  obvious  on  mere  inspection.  These  dialects  were  geographi- 
cally contiguous.  The  Punka  is  one  of  the  rudest  dialects  of  the  Dakotan  stock  language.  It  would 
scarcely  be  supposed  from  the  vocables  that  a  Punka  and  Yankton  native  could  understand  each 
other,  and  yet  the  contrary  is  the  fact.  While  on  the  Punka  reservation  in  Nebraska  in  1862,  I 
obtained  the  Punka  system  of  relationship  from  a  native,  with  the  assistance  of  a  Yankton  half  blood 
girl,  who  spoke  English  and  Yankton  fluently,  but  could  not  speak  the  Punka.  Neither  could  the 
Punka  Indian  speak  the  Yankton.  With  some  difficulty  they  were  able  to  understand  each  other  while 
using  their  respective  dialects.  They  were  undoubtedly  able  to  detect  and  follow  common  root 
forms,  however  much  disguised.  The  actual  amount  of  dialectical  change  is,  in  reality,  much  less 
than  the  vocabularies  seem  to  show. 
23  February,  1870. 


178  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 

was  originally  the  same ;  and  that  it  has  been  advanced,  by  development,  from  this 
lower  to  a  higher  stage. 

The  system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  of  the  Missouri  Nations  is  one  and  the 
same  among  them  all.  They  also  agree  with  each  other  in  those  particulars  in 
which  they  diverge  from  the  Dakota  form.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  present  the 
system  of  one  of  these  nations,  and  that  of  the  Kaws  will  be  taken  as  the  standard. 

It  will  be  understood  hereafter  unless  the  contrary  is  stated,  that  each  nation  has 
special  terms  for  the  relationships  of  grandfather  and  grandmother,  father  and 
mother,  brother  and  sister,  son  and  daughter,  and  grandson  and  granddaughter ; 
and  that  the  fraternal  and  sororal  relationships  are  in  the  twofold  form  of  elder  and 
younger. 

First  Indicative  Feature.  My  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my 
son  and  daughter.  "With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  nephew  and  niece. 

Second.  My  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  nephew  and  niece. 
With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  son  and  daughter. 

Third.     My  father's  brother  is  my  father. 

Fourth.  My  father's  brother's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder 
or  younger. 

Fifth.  My  father's  sister  is  my  aunt. 

Sixth.  My  mother's  brother  is  my  uncle. 

Seventh.  My  mother's  sister  is  my  mother. 

Eighth.  My  mother's  sister's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister  elder 
or  younger. 

Ninth.  My  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather. 

Tenth.  The  grandchildren  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  the  grandchildren  of 
my  collateral  brothers  and  sisters,  are  my  grandchildren.  This  merges  the  several 
collateral  lines  in  the  lineal  line.1 

The  other  relationships  follow  as  in  the  Seneca  and  Yankton,  until  we  come  to 
that  which  subsists  between  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister,  where  the  prin- 
cipal deviation  from  uniformity  in  the  system  of  the  Ganowanian  family  occurs,  as 
has  elsewhere  been  stated.  It  is  very  necessary  to  understand  the  several  forms 
of  this  divergence,  since  the  knowledge  will  tend  to  explain  some  part  of  the  inter- 
nal history  of  the  system.  It  also  has  a  direct  bearing  upon  the  question  of  the 
stability  of  its  radical  characteristics.  Among  the  Iroquois  and  Dakota  nations 
as  has  been  seen,  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister  are  cousins  to  each  other ; 
but  among  the  Missouri  nations  they  are  uncle  and  nephew  to  each  other  if  males, 


1  In  the  Omaha  dialect  there  are  two  terms  for  son  and  two  for  daughter,  one  of  which  is  used  by 
the  males,  and  the  other  by  the  females.  It  is  probable  that  there  are  two  sets  of  terms  in  the  other 
Missouri  dialects,  although  I  did  not  discover  them.  She-me-she-ga  in  Kaw  signifies  my  girl.  It 
is  formed  differently  from  the  corresponding  term  in  the  other  Missouri  dialects,  e.  g.,  Kaw, 
He-she' -g&,  my  son  ;  She-me'-she-ga,  my  daughter ;  Osage,  We-she'-ka,  my  son  ;  We-shon'-kii,  my 
daughter,  which  is  analogous  to  the  Yankton  ;  Me-chink'-she,  Me-choonk'-she,  and  the  Winnebago, 
E-neke',  E-nook'.  Where  a  term  originally  in  common  gender  takes  on  a  masculine  and  feminine 
form,  the  latter  retains  the  original  form. 


OF    THE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  179 

and  mother  and  daughter  if  females.  When  run  out  in  detail  the  relationships 
are  as  follows  : — 

My  father's  sister  is  my  aunt,  Be-je'-me  ;  her  son  and  daughter  are  my  nephew 
and  niece,  Be-chose'-ka  and  Be-clie' -zlio,  each  of  them  calling  me  uncle ;  and  their 
children  are  each  my  grandchild,  Be-chose'-pd,  each  of  them  calling  me  grandfather, 
Be-che'-go.  With  Ego  a  female,  my  father's  sister's  son  and  daughter  are  my  son 
and  daughter,  Be-she'-gci  and  /She-me'-she-gd,  each  of  them  calling  me  mother  ;  and 
their  children  are  my  grandchildren,  each  of  them  calling  me  grandmother. 

My  mother's  brother  is  my  uncle,  Be-ja'-ga,  and  calls  me  nephew;  his  son  is  my 
uncle  again,  and  calls  me  nephew ;  and  his  descendants  in  the  male  line  are  severally 
my  uncles,  theoretically,  in  an  infinite  series.1  My  mother's  brother's  daughter  is 
my  mother  E'-naw,  and  calls  me  her  son ;  the  son  and  daughter  of  this  mother  are 
my  brother  and  sister,  elder  or  younger  according  to  our  relative  ages,  and  they 
address  me  by  the  correlative  terms.  The  son  and  daughter  of  this  collateral 
brother  are  my  son  and  daughter ;  of  this  collateral  sister  my  nephew  and  niece ; 
and  the  children  of  each  are  my  grandchildren.  With  Ego  a  female  these  rela- 
tionships are  the  same,  except  that  those  who  are  sons  and  daughters  are  changed 
to  nephews  and  nieces,  and  those  who  are  the  latter  are  changed  to  the  former. 

A  mother's  brother  and  his  lineal  male  descendants  are  thus  placed  in  a  superior 
relationship  over  her  children  with  the  authority  the  avunculine  relationship  implies 
in  Indian  society.  In  its  practical  application  the  infant  becomes  the  uncle  of  the 
centenarian. 

The  terms  of  relationship  in  the  eight  dialects  of  the  Missouri  nations  are,  for 
the  most  part,  the  same  words  under  dialectical  changes ;  and,  inasmuch  as  the 
system  of  the  several  nations  is  identical,  it  follows  that  both  the  terms  and  the 
system  were  derived  by  each  nation  from  the  common  source  of  the  language.  The 
system  can  also  claim  an  antiquity  coeval  with  the  period  when  these  nations  were 
a  single  people.  It  has  also  been,  made  evident  that  the  system  of  the  Missouri, 
the  Dakota,  and  the  Iroquois  nations  is  identical. 

With  respect  to  the  relationship  of  cousin,  it  will  become  more  and  more  appa- 
rent, as  the  investigation  progresses,  that  it  was  unknown  in  the  primitive  system 
of  the  Ganowanian  family.  It  seems  to  have  been  developed  at  a  later  day,  by  the 
more  advanced  nations,  to  remove  a  blemish  in  the  system  and  to  improve  its  sym- 
metry. All  the  nations  which  have  advanced  to  a  knowledge  of  this  relationship 
have  restricted  it  in  every  instance,  to  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister ;  thus 
showing,  as  we  have  previously  seen  in  the  system  of  the  Aryan  family,  that  if  it 

1  Of  the  actual  existence  and  daily  recognition  of  these  relationships,  as  stated,  novel  as  they  are, 
there  is  no  doubt  whatever.  I  first  discovered  this  deviation  from  the  typical  form  while  working  out 
the  system  of  the  Kaws  in  Kansas  in  1859.  The  Kaw  chief  from  whom  I  obtained  it,  through  a 
perfectly  competent  interpreter,  insisted  upon  the  verity  of  these  relationships  against  all  doubts  and 
questionings  ;  and  when  the  work  was  done  I  found  it  proved  itself  through  the  correlative  relation- 
ships. Afterwards  in  1860,  while  at  the  Iowa  reservation  in  Nebraska,  I  had  an  opportunity  to  test 
it  fully,  both  in  Iowa  and  Otoe,  through  White  Cloud  a  native  Iowa  well  versed  in  English.  While 
discussing  these  relationships  he  pointed  out  a  boy  near  us,  and  remarked  that  he  was  his  uncle,  and 
the  son  of  his  mother's  brother  who  was  also  his  uncle. 


180  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

was  developed  at  all,  the  direction  of  the  advance  was  predetermined  by  the  ele- 
ments of  the  system.  In  other  words,  it  is  under  the  absolute  control,  like  other 
domestic  institutions,  of  the  primary  ideas  upon  which  it  is  founded.  Whilst  it 
cannot  be  changed  by  the  arbitrary  introduction  of  new  elements  from  without,  it 
may  be  advanced  by  development  from  within,  in  which  case  it  must  move  in 
logical  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  system.  What  the  original  form,  as 
to  these  relationships,  may  have  been,  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  determine.  There 
are  four  different  methods  of  disposing  of  them  found  among  the  Ganowanian 
nations ;  by  the  first  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister  are  cousin  and  cousin ;  by 
the  second  uncle  and  nephew  when  males,  and  mother  and  daughter  when  females ; 
by  the  third,  son  and  father  when  males,  and  granddaughter  and  grandmother 
when  females  ;  and  of  the  fourth,  brother  and  sister.  The  first  appears  to  be  an 
advance,  and  the  last  a  lapse,  from  the  primitive  system.  At  present  the  choice 
lies  between  the  second  and  third.  It  is  also  an  interesting  fact  that  the  first, 
second,  and  fourth  forms  are  found  among  the  Algonkin  nations.  These  deviations 
from  uniformity  have  an  important  bearing  upon  the  question  of  the  order  of  the 
separation  from  each  other  of  nations  speaking  independent  stock  languages. 

3.  Winnebagoes.  When  discovered  this  nation  was  established  at  the  head  of 
Green  Bay,  and  around  Winnebago  Lake,  in  the  present  state  of  Wisconsin,  sur- 
rounded .  by  Algonkin  populations.  They  are  the  Puants  of  the  early  French 
explorers.  In  1840  they  were  removed  by  the  national  government  to  a  tract  of 
land  assigned  to  them  in  Iowa,  and  in  1846  they  were  again  removed  to  their 
present  reservation  on  Long  Prairie  River  in  the  State  of  Minnesota.  The  first 
census,  taken  in  1842,  showed  their  numbers  to  be  something  over  two  thousand. 

It  has  long  been  known  that  the  Winnebago  dialect  belonged  to  the  Dakotan 
speech;  but  the  variation  was  so  "marked  as  to  leave  it  in  a  state  of  isolation. 
When  compared  with  the  dialects  of  the  Missouri  nations  it  will  be  seen  that  it 
affiliates  with  them  more  closely  than  with  the  Dakota  proper.  Their  ethnic  posi- 
tion is  near  the  latter  nations.  They  call  themselves  Ho-chun- gd-rd,  the  significa- 
tion of  which  is  lost. 

The  Winnebago  system  of  relationship  follows  that  of  the  Kaws  so  closely  that 
it  will  be  unnecessary  to  present  it  specially.  It  has  all  of  the  indicative  features 
of  the  common  system,  and  agrees  with  the  Kaw  in  the  greater  part  of  its  subor- 
dinate details.  It  is  noticeable,  also,  that  it  agrees  with  that  of  the  Missouri 
nations  in  placing  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister  in  the  relationships  of  uncle 
and  nephew  and  mother  and  daughter ;  thus  tending  to  show  that  the  Winneba- 
goes became  detached  from  the  parent  stem  while  that  form  prevailed.  It  is  also 
inferrible  from  their  dialect  that  they  are  one  of  the  oldest  branches  of  the  Dakotan 
stem.1 


1  Independently  of  the  relationships  given  in  the  Table,  and  of  the  names  borne  by  individuals, 
there  is  a  series  of  terms  applied  to  the  first  five  sons  in  the  order  of  their  birth,  and  another  to  the 
first  five  daughters.  These  special  designations  are  used  by  the  Dakota  nations,  and  doubtless  by 
Btill  other  nations ;  but  they  appear  to  be  names  expressive  of  the  order  of  birth,  as  first  and  second 


OF    TUE    HUMAN    FAMILY.  181 

4.  Mandans.  The  Mandans  have  been  brought  into  more  prominent  and 
favorable  notice  than  any  other  Indian  nation  of  the  interior.  The  accounts  of 
Lewis  and  Clark,  who  spent  the  winter  of  1804-1805  at  their  principal  village; 
of  Catlin,  who  resided  for  several  months  in  the  year  1832,  in  the  same  village  ; 
and  of  Prince  Maximilian,  who  visited  the  place  in  1833,  have  furnished  a  larger 
amount  of  information  concerning  this  nation  than  has  been  given  of  any  other 
upon  the  Missouri  lliver.  When  first  discovered  they  were  agricultural,  and  Vil- 
lage Indians.  Their  advanced  condition  in  resources  and  intelligence  is  to  be 
ascribed  to  their  stationary  life,  and  to  their  agricultural  habits.  The  change  from 
a  roving  life  in  the  tent  to  permanency  in  large  communities,  and  from  fish  and 
game  to  bread  in  connection  with  animal  food  produces  a  marked  improvement  in 
the  social  condition  of  any  Indian  nation.  It  also  affords  a  better  opportunity  to 
witness  their  domestic  life,  from  which,  as  a  stand  point,  they  should  be  judged. 
This  has  rarely  been  the  combination  of  circumstances  under  which  our  knowledge 
of  the  American  Indians  has  been  acquired.  The  highly  favorable  representations 
of  Lewis  and  Clark,  Catlin,  and  Maximilian  are  due,  in  some  measure,  to  their 
unusual  opportunities  for  observation. 

It  is  questionable  whether  the  Mandans  originated  the  partial  civilization  of 
which  they  were  found  possessed.  There  are  strong  reasons  for  believing  that 
they  obtained  both  their  knowledge  of  agriculture  and  of  house  building  from  the 
Minnitarees,  a  people  who  migrated  to  the  Upper  Missouri  after  the  Mandans  had 
become  established  in  the  same  region,  and  of  whom  the  early  accounts  are  not  less 
favorable  than  of  the  Mandans  themselves.  Both  of  these  nations  constructed  a 
house  of  a  peculiar  mode,  usually  called  the  "  Dirt  Lodge,"  although  this  designa- 
tion fails  to  express  the  advance  which  it  represents  in  the  architecture  of  the 
Ganowanian  family.  It  was  a  house  on  the  communal  principle,  thoroughly  con- 
structed with  a  timber  frame,  commodious  in  size,  and  extremely  neat  and  com- 
fortable.1 It  is  a  question  of  some  interest  from  what  source  this  house,  and  agri- 
culture, found  their  way  to  the  Upper  Missouri. 

born,  and  so  on,  rather  than  terms  of  relationship.    In  Winnebagoe  and  Isauntie  Dakota  they  are  as 
follows  : — 

Winnebagoe.  Isauntie  Dakota.  Winnebagoe.  Isanntie  Dakota. 

First      son,     Koo-no'-ka.  Chii-was'-ka.  First     daughter,  E-noo'-ka.  We-no'ka. 

Second    "        Ha-na'-kii.  Ha-pan'-na.  Second        "          Wa-huu'-ka.  Ha'-pan. 

Third      "        Ha-ka'-ka.  Ha-pe'-na.  Third  "         Ah-kse-a'-ka.  Ha'-pes-ten-na. 

Fourth    "        Na-kh-e'-ka.  Cha-na'-tan.  Fourth         "         E-nuk-ha'ka.  Wan'-ska. 

Fifth       "        Na-kh-a-kh-o'-no-ka.  Ha-ka'.  Fifth  "         Ah-kse-ga-ho'-no-ka.  We-ha'-ka. 

1  In  1862  I  visited  the  ruins  of  the  Mandan  village  above  referred  to.  It  was  abandoned  by  them 
in  1838,  after  the  visitation  of  the  pestilence  which  nearly  depopulated  the  village.  The  Arickarees 
soon  after  occupied  it,  and  held  possession  until  the  spring  of  1862,  when  the'inroads  of  the  Dakotas 
forced  them  to  abandon  it  in  turn.  It  contained  the  remains  of  about  forty  houses,  most  of  them 
polygonal  in  form,  and  about  forty  feet  in  diameter.  The  village  was  situated  upon  a  bluff  about 
fifty  feet  high  at  a  bend  in  the  Missouri  River,  which  afforded  a  site  of  much  natural  beauty.  Some 
miles  above,  on  the  opposite  or  east  side  of  the  river,  we  found  the  present  Mandan  and  Minnitaree 
village,  which  they  occupy  together.  The  situation  is  upon  a  similar  bluff  at  a  bend,  and  the  houses 
are  constructed  upon  the  same  model.  Both  the  old  and  the  new  village  were  stockaded.  The 
Mandans,  who  now  number  but  two  hundred  and  fifty  souls,  were  estimated  by  Lewis  and  Clarke 


182 


SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY    AND    AFFINITY 


The  dialects  of  the  Dakota  and  Missouri  nations,  and  of  the  Winnebagoes  and 
Mandans,  all  belong  to  the  same  stock  language.  A  sufficient  number  of  vocables 
are  common  to  render  this  certain  upon  bare  inspection.  At  the  same  time  the 
Minnitaree  and  Crow  dialects  contain  a  large  number  of  words  for  common  objects 
which  are  found  in  the  dialects  of  the  former  nations.  The  connection  of  the 
latter  nations  with  the  Mandans,  which  is  known  to  have  been  intimate  for  more 
than  two  hundred  years,  might  explain  the  presence  of  some  of  these  words  in  the 
Minnitaree  and  Crow  dialects,  particularly  the  words  for  the  numerals ;  but  the 
number  of  vocables  for  common  objects  renders  it  extremely  probable,  not  to  say 
certain,  that  all  of  these  dialects  belong  to  the  same  stock  language.  The  sub- 
joined comparative  vocabulary,  taken  in  connection  with  the  terms  of  relationship 
in  the  Table,  shows  the  degree  of  the  correspondence  in  a  list  of  forty  ordinary 
words.1  It  also  discloses  a  sensible  family  resemblance  between  these  dialects  and 
those  of  the  Gulf  nations,  with  the  excaption  of  the  Cherokee. 


(1 804-1805)  at  three  hundred  and  fifty  fighting  men,  which  would  give  a  total  of  about  eighteen  hun- 
dred (Travels,  London  edition,  1814,  p.  96),  and  by  Catlin  in  1832  at  two  thousand.  (North  Ameri- 
can Indians,  I,  287.)  In  their  personal  appearance  they  are  still  among  the  best  specimens  of  the 
American  Indian. 

COMPARATIVE  VOCABULARY. 


Manclan. 

(Morgan.) 

Kaw. 
(Morgan.) 

Otoe. 

(Morgan.) 

Isauntie-  Dakota. 
(Riggs,  Lex.) 

Winnebagoes. 
(Gallatin's  vocabulary.) 

1 

Father, 

Ta-tay' 

E-da'-je 

Hin'-ka 

At-tay' 

E-in-cha' 

2 

Mother, 

Na-a' 

E'-naw 

He'-nah 

E-nah' 

E-oo-ne' 

3 

Head, 

Pan 

Be-a'-ha-be 

Na'-to 

Pa 

Na-sah-ha 

4 

Hair, 

Pa-he' 

Pa-hu'-ya 

Na'-too 

Hin 

5 

Eye, 

In-sta' 

Eshe-ta' 

Ish'-ta 

is-ta 

Ish-chah-suh-hii 

6 

Nose, 

Pii'-ho 

Pa'-shee-sha 

Pa 

Po'-ga 

Pii-ha 

7 

Ear, 

Na-go'-he 

Ha'-yu-ja 

Na'-twa 

No'-ga 

N;i-cha-wa-ha 

8 

Mouth, 

E'-lia 

E'-ha 

E'-ha 

We-cha'-e 

Ee-ha 

9 

Arm, 

Ah'-le 

Ah-le'-ta 

Ah-krii'-cha 

We'-pa 

10 

Foot, 

Shee 

See 

The 

Si-ha' 

See-hii 

11 

Heart, 

Not'-ka 

No'-ja 

Na'-che 

Chan-te 

12 

Tobacco, 

Ma-na'-she 

Na'-ne 

Da-ri'-ye 

Chan-di' 

[ha  (sun) 

13 

Sun, 

Me'-na-ke 

Me'-yo-ha 

Pee 

An-pa-tii-we 

Hau  nip  (day),  wee- 

14 

Moon, 

Me'-na-ke 

Me'-yo-ba 

Pee'-ta 

Han-ya'-tu-we 

Hil-iiip  (night),  wee 

15 

Star, 

Ha-kii'-ka 

Me-ka'-ga 

Pe-kii-ka 

Wi-chan'-h'pe' 

Kohsh-keh  [hii(sun) 

16 

Day, 

Hiim'-pa 

Ha'-ome-pa    • 

Ah'-wa 

An-pii'-tu 

Haum-pee-ha 

17 

Night, 

Ese-tu-sha 

Ha-uope'-pa-sa 

Ah'-ha 

Han-ye'-tu 

18 

Fire, 

Wii'-la-la 

Pai'-ye 

Pe'-ta 

Ped-gha 

19 

Water, 

Ma-ne' 

Ne 

Knu 

Me-ne' 

Ni-hii 

20 

Ice, 

Ho'-lee 

No'-ha 

No'-ka 

Cha'-ga 

£1 

Snow, 

Ma'-lra 

Ba 

Pow 

Wa 

Wa-ha 

22 

Black, 

Pse 

Sa'-bii 

Ska 

Sii'-pa 

Seb-ha 

23 

White, 

Shote'-ho 

Ska 

Tha'-wa 

Ska 

Ska 

24 

Red, 

Sa-zhe 

Shu'-ja 

Soo'-che 

Shii 

Shoosh 

25 

Yellow, 

See'-ro 

Se'-ha 

Che 

Ze 

26 

Blue, 

Toh'-ho 

To'-ho 

To-ho'-ja 

To 

27 

Green, 

Ton- 

Ma-he'-a-go 

To 

To 

28 

Moccasin, 

Hom'-pa 

Ah'-kooch 

Han'-pa 

29 

Beaver, 

WS'-la-pe 

Pa-kuli'-tha 

Cha'-pa 

Nii-a-pa 

30 

Buffalo, 

Ba-ro'-ka 

Cha-do'-ga 

Cha 

Zii-tan'-ka 

31 

Pigeon, 

Eu-ete'-ta 

Lute'-ja 

Wil-ki'-ya-dnn 

32 

Arrow, 

Ma'-he 

Ma 

Ma 

Wiin-henk'-pe 

33 

One, 

Ma'-han-na 

Me-ikh'-je 

E'-yunk 

Wari-the 

Jun-ki-ha 

34 

Two, 

Nope 

No'-bii 

No'-w~a 

Non'pa 

Nora-pi-wi 

35 

Three, 

Na'-min-ne 

Ya'-bar-le 

Ta'-nye 

Yani'-ne 

Tii-ni-wi 

36 

Four, 

Tope 

To'-ba 

To'-weh 

To'-pa 

Tsho-pi-wi 

37 

Five, 

Ke'-ho 

Sa'-tun 

Tha'-ta 

Zap'-tan 

Sa-tsha 

38 

Six, 

Kee'-na 

Shak'-pe 

Shii'-pwa 

Shnk'-pe 

Ah-ke-we 

39 

Seven, 

Koo'-pa 

Pa'-yo-ba 

Shii'-niii 

Slia'-ko-win 

Shil-ko 

40 

Eight, 

Ta-to-ke 

Pa'-yii-ba-da 

Gitl-rii'-peii-ue 

Sha-do'-gan 

A-oo-ougk 

OP    THE    HUMAN   FAMILY. 


183 


When  the  Minnitarees  reached  the  Upper  Missouri  they  found  the  Mandans, 
as  the  traditions  of  the  latter  affirm,  in  the  possession  of  the  country ;  and  they 
were  allowed  to  take  up  their  residence  apart,  but  near  them,  on  the  river  as  a 
friendly  people.  Although  the  Mandan  tradition  asserts  that  the  Minnitarees 
"  came  out  of  the  water  to  the  east,"  it  seems  highly  probable  that  they  were 
originally  from  the  region  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  that  they  are  one  of  the 
connecting  links  between  the  Choctas  and  Creeks,  and  the  Dakota  nations. 
There  is  some  evidence  in  their  respective  systems  of  relationship  tending  to  the 
same  conclusion.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Mandans  were  not  intrusive,  but  estab- 
lished on  the  north  of  their  nearest  congeners,  the  Dakota  and  Missouri  nations. 
They  had  been  forced  in  later  years  by  the  hostility  of  the  Dakotas  further  up  the 
river,  as  the  remains  of  their  old  villages,  still  to  be  seen,  as  well  as  their  own 
accounts  attest.  The  Mandans  now  call  themselves  Me-too'-ta-hak,  "  South  Vil- 
lages," which  implies  their  displacement  from  a  more  southern  location.  They 
could  have  learned  neither  agriculture  nor  house  building  from  the  Dakotas,  as 
the  latter  knew  nothing  of  cultivation,  or  of  house  architecture ;  nor  yet  of  the 


COMPARATIVE  VOCABULARY. 


Minnitaree. 
(Morgan.) 

Crow. 
(Morgan.) 

Chocta. 

(Byington.) 

Creek. 
(Casey.) 

Chernkee. 
(Morgan.) 

Wyandote. 
(Morgan.) 

1 

Father, 

Ta-ta' 

Ah--ha' 

A'-ki 

Chuhl'-ke 

A-do'-da 

Hi-ese'-ta 

2 

Mother, 

Ih'-kii 

E'-kee-a 

Ush'-ki 

Chutch-ke' 

A-tse' 

Na-uh' 

3 

Head, 

Ahk-too' 

Ah-.siiu'-a 

Nish-ko-bo 

Ik-ah 

Tse-sko'-le 

Sku-ta 

4 

Hair, 

Ah-ra' 

E-she'-a 

Pa-shi 

E-ka'-is-see 

Ge-t'la 

A-ru'-sha 

5 

Kye, 

Ish-tii' 

Is-ta' 

Ash-kin 

Tothl'-wa 

Tse-ga-to'-lih 

6 

Nose, 

Ah-pa' 

Bii-de-a 

I-bi-shak-ni 

U-po' 

Go-ya-so'-lih 

Yone'-geh 

7 

Ear, 

Ah-pitsh' 

Ah'-pa 

Hak-so-bish 

Hats-ko' 

Tse-la'-ue 

Ah-ho'-ta 

8 

Mouth, 

Ee 

E'-ah 

I'-tih 

Chok-wa' 

Tse-di-lih 

A-ska'-rent 

9 

Arm, 

Ar-ra' 

Ah'-ra 

Shak'-ba 

Sak'-pa 

Tse-no-ga'-nee 

A-zha-sha 

10 

Foot, 

E-che' 

Ih'-cha 

i-yi 

E'-le 

Da'-tse-na-sa- 

A-she'-ta 

da'-ih 

11 

Heart, 

Na-ta' 

Na-sa 

Chnh'-kush 

Fay'-kee 

Ah-ge-no-wih 

Tone-ta'-shra 

12 

Tobacco, 

Oh-pe 

O'-pa 

Hak-chu'-ina 

Hee'-che 

Tso'.la 

13 

Sun, 

Mii-pa'-we-re 

Ah'-h-ka-zha 

Hu'-ahi 

Has  '-see 

Nan'  doh 

Yan-de'-sha 

14 

Moon, 

Ma-ko'-we-re 

Miu-ue-ta'-cha 

Hush-ni'-nak- 

Has'-see 

Nan-doh'.   Sa- 

Wa-sun-ta-yeh 

a-ya 

no'-yih-a-heh 

yan-de'-shil 

15 

Star, 

0-ka' 

E-ka' 

Fi-chik 

Ko-tso-tsum-pi 

Noh'-kwe'-se 

1(J 

Day, 

Mii'-pih 

Ma'-pa 

Ni'-tak 

Nit-ta' 

K'-ga 

Met-ta'-yeh 

17 

Night, 

Ch-k'-che 

O'-uhe-a 

Ni-nak 

Nith-le' 

Sa-no-yeh 

Wa-suu-ta'- 

18 

Fire, 

Be-dii' 

Be-da' 

Lu'-ak 

Tate'-ka 

Ah-des'-luh 

[yeh 

19 

Water, 

Min-ne' 

Me-na' 

O'-ka 

Ne'-wa 

Um'-ma 

Sa-nuse'-te 

20 

Ice, 

Bii-ro'-h-e 

Boo-roo'-h/a 

Ok'-ti 

He'-to-tee 

O-nase'-ta-la 

Oan  -  un  -  de'- 

21 

Snow, 

Mil'-pe 

Be'-pa 

Ok-tu'-sha 

He-to-te-thlok- 

Goo-te'-ah 

De-ne-ta'  fsha 

22 

Black, 

She-pish'-sha 

Che-pa'-sha 

Lu'-sa 

Lus-tee  [lai-ye 

Ga-h'na'-ya-hi 

Te-hese'-ta-ya 

23 

White, 

Ah-ta'-ke 

Che'-a-ka-te 

Tolr'-bi 

Hat-kee 

Oo-na'-ga 

De-ne~yit' 

24 

Red, 

Ish'-she 

Hish'-sha 

Hom'-ma 

Isa-tse 

Ge-ga-ga'-ih 

Me-ta'-ya 

25 

Yellow, 

She-re 

She-re-ka'-ta 

Lak-na 

La-me 

Da-lo'-nih 

Kan-ya'-tU-ya 

2(i 

Blue, 

Toh  --he 

Shu'-a-ka-ta 

Ok-cha-ma'-li 

Ok-ko-la-tee 

Sa-ko'-ne-ga 

Roan-ya 

27 

Green, 

Ka-to'-gh'e-ka 

Me-nis'-ta 

Ok-cha'-ko 

Pa-he-lil-nee 

E-dsa'-ih 

Ze-in-gwa'-ra 

28 

Moccasin, 

Mii-ta-pa' 

Hoom-pa' 

Shu'-lush 

Ist'-clee-'pi-ka 

Ah-ra'-shu 

29 

Beaver, 

We-ra'-pa 

Be-rup'-pa 

Kin'-ta 

Its-has'-wa 

Do'-ya 

Tsu-ti'-e 

30 

Buffalo, 

Ke'-rup-pe 

Che'-rup-pa 

Yii'-nftsh 

Ya-no-sa 

Yan'tsa 

31 

Pigeon, 

[-sha 

Main  -pit'-  tse-sa 

Pu-chi 

Pa-uhy    [voc.) 

Ah-dsa'-te 

32 

Arrow, 

Bed-S-roo'-che 

Ah-no'-a-ta 

Os-ke-no-ke 

Khl-li(Gallatin 

Gan'-na 

Oon-da' 

33 

One, 

Ne-wat'-za 

Ah-iimt'-tuk 

A-chu'-fa 

Hom-ma-ye 

Sa-gws" 

Scot 

34 

Two, 

Doo'-putz 

No'-puk 

Tuk'-lo 

Hok-k'o 

Ta-iih' 

Ten'-de 

35 

Three, 

Na'-wetz 

Nii'-ma 

Tu-chi'-na 

Tot-cheh 

Tso'-ih 

Shaik 

3D 

Four, 

To'-putz 

Sho'-puk 

Ush-ta 

Os-teh 

Nuk'-ee 

I)aak 

37 

Five, 

Kii-hotz'              Chnh-liook' 

Ta-hla-pi 

Chahg-kie 

His-ke 

Wish 

38 

Six, 

Ah-ka'-wutz 

Ah-ka'-muk 

Ha-na-li 

Eb-bah 

Soo-da'-le 

Wa-zuh' 

39 

Seven, 

Sha'-po-utz 

Sa'-poo-uk 

Un-tuk-lo 

Koo-lo-ba 

Guh'1-guo-ge 

Ze-tii'-re 

40 

Eight, 

Na'-pa-pitz 

No  pa'-pa 

Un-tu  chi-na 

Chin-na-ba 

Tso-na'-la 

Ah-ter'-re 

184  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

Missouri  nations,  for  neither  of  these  were  agricultural,  except  the  Quappas,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Arkansas,  more  than  fifteen  hundred  miles  below  them ;  and 
possibly  the  Osages,  who  were  south  of  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri.  At  a  later 
period  the  Omahas  and  lowas  occasionally  constructed  houses  upon  the  Mandan 
and  Minnitaree  model  ;*  but  they  were  never  Village  Indians  in  any  proper  sense. 
Finally,  we  must  either  suppose  that  the  Minnitarees  carried  both  agriculture  and 
the  art  of  constructing  a  timber  framed  house  to  the  Upper  Missouri,  and  taught 
them  to  the  Mandans,  or  that  the  latter  formerly  resided  as  far  south  as  the 
Arkansas.  The  former  is  the  most  probable. 

The  Mandan  language  is  not  accessible  except  for  the  most  ordinary  purposes. 
When  I  visited  the  Mandan  village  there  was  but  one  person  there  who  spoke  both 
Mandan  and  English.  This  was  a  half-blood  Mandan,  Joseph  Kipp,  a  son  of 
the  well-known  interpreter  James  Kipp,  to  whom  Catlin  was  indebted  for  his 
means  of  communication  with  this  people.  I  had  no  difficulty  in  procuring  a 
vocabulary  ;  but  found  it  impossible  to  obtain  their  system  of  relationship  complete. 
The  Mandans  have  very  generally  learned  the  Minnitaree  language,  as  they  now 
live  together,  and  the  traders  and  trappers  have  done  the  same ;  but  neither  the 
one  nor  the  other  has  learned  the  Mandan.  For  reasons  beyond  my  control  I 
was  unable  to  reach  the  Mandan  through  the  Minnitaree.  Enough,  however,  of 
their  system  of  relationship  was  obtained  to  establish  the  identity  of  its  radical 
characteristics  with  those  of  the  common  system. 

First  Indicative  Feature.  My  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my 
son  and  daughter.  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  the  same.  This  last  is  a  devia- 
tion from  the  usual  form.  It  shows  that  females  have  no  aunt,  the  father's  sister 
being  a  mother.  In  this  respect  it  agrees  with  the  Cayuga  and  Mohawk,  and  also 
with  the  Chocta  and  Creek. 

Second.  My  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  nephew  and  niece. 
Mr.  Kipp  was  unable  to  recall  the  terms  for  these  relationships,  although  assured 
of  their  existence  in  the  language,  which  was  also  confirmed  by  the  presence  of  the 
correlative  uncle.  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  son  and  daughter. 

Third.  My  father's  brother  is  my  father. 

Fourth.  My  father's  brother's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder 
or  younger.  There  is  a  double  set  of  terms  for  these  relationships,  and  probably 
some  inaccuracy  in  their  use  as  given  in  the  Table,  since  they  make  elder  and 
younger  sister  the  same. 

Fifth.  My  father's  sister  is  my  aunt,  Ego  being  a  male ;  but  my  mother,  Ego 
being  a  female. 

Sixth.  My  mother's  brother  is  my  uncle. 

Seventh.  My  mother's  sister  is  my  mother. 

Eighth.  My  mother's  sister's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder 
or  younger. 

Ninth.  My  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather. 

1  This  fact  was  communicated  to  the  author  by  Rev.  S.  M.  Irwin,  who  for  the  last  thirty  years 
has  been  a  missionary  among  the  Omahas  and  lowas  in  Nebraska. 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  185 

Tenth.  The  grandchildren  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  the  grandchildren  of 
my  collateral  brothers  and  sisters,  are  my  grandchildren. 

The  relationship  which  subsisted  between  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister  I 
was  unable  to  ascertain.  There  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  of  the  identity  of  the 
Mandan  form  with  those  previously  presented,  although  its  details  are  incomplete. 

5.  Minnitarees,  and  Upsarokas  or  Crows.  These  nations  are  immediate  sub- 
divisions of  the  same  people.  When  they  first  appeared  on  the  Upper  Missouri 
they  were,  according  to  the  Mandan  tradition,  agricultural  and  Village  Indians. 
They  were  found  by  Lewis  and  Clarke  living  in  Villages  on  Knife  Kiver,  near  their 
present  town.  These  explorers  furnish  the  following  account  'of  the  original 
separation  from  each  other.  "  The  Mandans  say  that  this  people  came  out  of  the 
water  to  the  east,  and  settled  near  them  in  their  former  establishments  in  nine 
villages ;  that  they  were  very  numerous,  and  fixed  themselves  in  one  village  on  the 
south  side  of  the  Missouri.  A  quarrel  about  a  buffalo  divided  the  nation,  of  which 
two  bands  went  into  the  plains,  and  were  known  by  the  name  of  Crow  and  Paunch 
Indians,  and  the  rest  removed  to  their  present  establishment."1  On  the  contrary, 
the  Minnitarees  now  clain  to  be  autochthones,  a  very  common  conceit  among 
Indian  nations,  although  the  name  by  which  they  still  distinguish  themselves  as  a 
nation,  E-nat'-za,  signifying  "  people  who  came  from  afar,"  expressly  contradicts 
the  assertion.  This  claim,  however,  may  be  received  as  some  evidence  of  a  long 
continued  occupation  of  this  particular  area.  Indian  nations  usually  retain  a  tradi- 
tion of  their  last  principal  migration,  and  when  that  has  faded  from  remembrance 
the  aiitochthonic  claim  is  often  advanced.  If  we  adopt  the  Mandan  tradition,  as 
to  the  first  appearance  of  the  Minnitarees  upon  the  Upper  Missouri,  they  have  re- 
mained during  the  intervening  period  Village  Indians,  and  residents  upon,  and  near 
this  river ;  but  the  Crows  changed  their  mode  of  life  from  the  village  to  the  camp, 
and  from  an  agricultural  basis  of  subsistence,  to  the  products  of  the  chase.  They 
advanced  northward  by  routes  now  unknown,  until  a  part  of  them  reached  the 
south  branch  of  the  Siskatchewun  River,  more  than  fifteen  hundred  miles  north  of 
the  present  Minnitaree  area.  Their  range  was  between  the  Siskatchewun  and  the 
Missouri.  One  of  the  tribes  of  the  Crows  resided  along  the  Bear's  Paw  Mountain,  in 
what  is  now  the  Blackfoot  Country,  near  the  base  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  chain. 
The  name  Slup-tet' -za,  which  this  tribe  still  bears,  signifying  "  Bear's  PaAV  Moun- 
tain,"2 commemorates  the  fact.  The  Crows  have  a  distinct  and  well-preserved 
tradition,  which  was  communicated  to  the  author  by  Robert  Meldrum  (the  highest 
authority  in  the  language  and  domestic  history  of  this  nation),  that  while  they 
resided  around  this  mountain,  the  Shoshonee  or  Snake  Indians  were  in  possession 
of  the  present  Crow  Country  upon  the  Yellowstone  River  ;  and  the  Comanches,  now 
of  Western  Texas,  then  occupied  the  present  Shoshonee  area  west  of  the  Moun- 


1  Lewis  and  Clarke's  Travels,  &c.,  p.  96. 

2  This  beautiful  mountain  range  rises  out  of  the  plains  about  fifty  miles  east  of  the  Falls  of  the 
Missouri,  and  stretches  from  near  the  Missouri  to  Milk  River.     Its  highest  peaks  are  about  twenty- 
five    hundred    feet   high.     Although    quite  near   the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  it  is  entirely 
detached,  and  forms  a  conspicuous  and  striking  object  in  the  landscape  of  the  prairie. 

24       February,  1870. 


186  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 

tains,  upon  the  south  branch  of  the  Columbia  River.  If  we  may  adopt  this  tradi- 
tion, the  truth  of  which  is  not  improbable,  it  suggests  the  probability  that  the 
separation  of  the  Crows  from  the  Minnitarees  antedates  the  conquest  of  Mexico. 
In  the  course  of  events  the  Crows  have  again  become  territorial  neighbors  to  their 
former  brethren. 

The  dialects  of  the  two  nations  are  not  yet  sufficiently  changed  to  prevent  them 
from  conversing  with  each  other,  although  it  is  attended  with  considerable  diffi- 
culty. The  amount  of  change  is  about  the  same,  or  perhaps  greater,  than  the 
divergence  of  the  Wyandote  from  the  Iroquois  after  a  separation,  in  the  latter  case 
of  at  least  four  centuries.  If  these  dates  could  be  authenticated  absolutely,  they 
would  afford  some  criterion,  now  greatly  desired,  for  determining  the  degree  of 
rapidity  or  sloAvness  with  which  the  dialects  of  unwritten  languages  depart  from 
each  other.1 


1  At  different  times  and  places  I  have  endeavored  to  obtain  facts  bearing  upon  this  question, 
where  the  means  of  observation  of  particular  persons,  in  the  Indian  Country,  had  been  favorable. 
The  results  of  the  investigation  have  not  furnished  a  basis  upon  which  any  general  rule  may  be 
grounded,  but  they  may  serve  in  some  measure  to  illustrate  the  subject.  The  testimony  of  Robert 
Meldrum,  above  mentioned,  is  to  the  point  concerning  the  Crow  language.  In  the  year  182t,  he 
became  identified  with  this  nation  by  adoption  and  marriage,  and  in  1830  he  was  raised  to  the  rank 
of  a  chief.  Although  one  of  the  traders  of  the  American  Fur  Company,  he  joined  the  Crows  in 
their  military  adventures,  shared  their  hardships,  and  became  in  every  respect  one  of  their  number. 
During  the  entire  period  from  1827  to  1862,  when  I  met  him  at  the  mouth  of  the  Yellowstone,  he 
had  resided  in  the  Crow  Country,  but  without  losing  his  connection  with  the  Company,  first  as  a 
trader,  and  afterwards  as  one  of  the  factors  in  charge  of  different  posts.  He  had  mastered  the  lan- 
guage in  its  entire  range,  thought  in  it,  held  his  knowledge  in  it,  performed  his  mental  labor  in  it, 
and,  as  he  affirmed,  could  speak  the  language  better  than  his  native  tongue.  His  observations  were 
as  follows  :  that  the  Crow  and  Minnitaree  had  not  widened  much  in  the  last  thirty-five  years  ;  that 
many  of  the  words  of  the  Minnitaree  dialect  he  did  not  understand  ;  but  of  most  of  them  he  could 
catch  the  meaning;  that  the  first  noticeable  change  was  in  the  loss  of  a  syllable,  and  sometimes  of 
half  of  a  word ;  that  the  principal  element  of  change  was  the  addition  of  new  words  with  the  pro- 
gress of  their  knowledge  or  wants ;  that  this  had  been  particularly  the  case  since  their  intercourse 
with  the  whites  commenced  ;  that  the  old  words  stood  well,  but  the  new  ones  made  for  the  occasion 
fluctuated,  and  might  or  might  not  become  permanently  adopted  ;  that  he  had  himself  added  quite  a 
number  to  the  Crow  language  (Ah-ha'-sha  below  is  a  specimen),  that  the  new  words  were  developed 
from  radicals  in  the  language,  and  were  usually  significant,  while  the  etymological  signification  of 
the  bulk  of  the  old  words  was  lost,  e.  g. 

Corn,  H6-ha-she,  meaning  lost,  Coffee,  Min-ne-she-pit'-ta,  Black  water. 

Bean,  Ah-ma'-sa,        "          "  Sugar,  Bat-see-koo'-a,  Sweet. 

Squash,  Ho'-ko-ina         "          "  Tea,  Ma-na'-pa,  Leaves  of  bushes. 

Tobacco,  O'-pa  "         "  Watch,  Ah-ha'-sha,  Follows  the  sun. 

That  the  new  words  were  not  limited  to  new  objects  brought  to  their  attention  by  American  inter- 
course, but  followed  the  extension  of  their  own  knowledge  and  wants  ;  that  the  gutturals  when  mas- 
tered so  far  from  being  objectionable  were  a  source  of  pleasure  in  the  use  of  the  speech  ;  and  finally 
that  the  Crow  was  a  noble  language.  He  further  observed  that  the  Minnitarees  could  adopt  and 
speak  the  Crow  dialect  with  much  more  facility  than  the  Crows  could  the  former ;  that  when  he 
wished  to  converse  with  a  Minnitaree  he  induced  the  latter  to  talk  poor  Crow,  rather  than  attempt 
himself  to  speak  poor  Minnitaree  ;  and  finally  that  the  amount  of  dialectical  variation  was  such  that 


OP   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  187 

It  seems  probable  that  five  centuries  would  be  insufficient  to  render  dialects  of  the 
same  language  incapable  of  being  understood  colloquially  by  the  two  peoples  ;  and 
that  twice  or  thrice  that  length  of  time  would  not  destroy  all  trace  of  identity  in  the 
vocables  for  common  objects.  This  is  as  much,  perhaps,  as  can  be  safely  suggested. 
There  is  one  important  fact,  with  reference  to  the  American  Indian  languages, 
which  should  not  be  overlooked,  tending  to  show  that  change  would  be  more  rapid, 
comparatively,  among  them,  than  in  other  verbal  languages.  In  no  part  of  the 
earth,  not  excepting  the  islands  of  the  Pacific,  are  dialects  and  even  stock  lan- 
guages intrusted  for  their  preservation  to  such  a  small  number  of  people.  The 
Mandan,  for  example,  which  for  colloquial  purposes  is  an  independent  speech,  is 
now  in  the  exclusive  keeping  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  persons ;  and  so  the  Munsee, 
which  is  one  of  the  oldest  forms  of  the  Algonkin,  is  in  the  custody  of  about  two 
hundred  persons.  The  Iroquois,  which  is  a  stock  language,  and  now  spoken  in 
seven  dialects,  including  the  Wyandote,  is  dependent  for  its  preservation,  as  a 
whole,  upon  less  than  eight  thousand  people,  and  they  in  widely  separated  locali- 
ties. In  like  manner,  the  Pawnee,  another  stock  language,  spoken  in  four  dialects, 
including  the  Arickaree  and  excluding  the  Hueco,  and  its  immediate  cognates,  is 
in  the  keeping  of  about  five  thousand  persons.  If  we  take  particular  dialects,  the 
number  of  people,  by  whom  they  are  severally  spoken,  will  be  found  to  range  from 
two  hundred  persons,  which  is  the  minimum,  to  one  thousand  which  is  about  the 
average,  and  on  to  twenty-five  thousand,  which  is  the  maximum  number  now 
speaking  any  one  so  called  stock  language  within  the  limits  of  the  "United  States. 
This  is  the  number  of  the  Cherokees,  whose  language,  it  is  somewhat  remarkable, 
is  contained  in  but  two  dialects,  the  standard  and  the  mountain  Cherokees,  or  the 
modern  and  the  ancient.  When  the  people  who  speak  a  certain  dialect  advance 
in  prosperity  and  multiply  in  numbers,  the  increased  intellectual  power  invariably 
expends  a  portion  of  its  strength  upon  the  language;  in  the  increase  of  the  number 
of  its  vocables,  in  the  advancement  of  its  grammatical  forms  to  a  higher  stage  of 
development,  and  in  imparting  nerve  and  tone  to  the  plastic  and  growing  speech. 
On  the  other  hand,  when  the  same  people  meet  with  reverses,  and  decline  in 
numbers  and  prosperity,  their  dialect  necessarily  impoverishes  in  its  vocables,  arid 
recedes  in  its  strength,  although  it  does  not  follow  that  its  grammatical  forms 
must  wither.  At  best  these  dialects  are  in  a  constant  flux  and  oscillation. 

There  is  another  consideration  which  connects  itself  with  the  question  of  the 
stability  of  the  American  Indian  dialects,  namely ;  to  what  extent  are  words  propa- 
gated by  adoption  from  one  language  into  another1?  It  is  impossible,  with  our 
present  knowledge,  to  answer  this  question ;  but  it  is  not  improbable  that  this  and 
other  equally  important  problems  will  ultimately  be  solved.  These  languages  are 
becoming  more  open,  and  are  growing  more  accessible  each  and  every  year.  There 


he  found  it  difficult  to  understand  the  Minnitaree.      Ilia  impression"was  that  the  change  had  been 
of  slow  and  gradual  growth. 

It  is  not  a  little  singular  that  the  Mandans  should  learn  the  Minnitaree,  and  the  Minnitarees  the 
Crow  with  comparative  ease  ;  while  the  reverse  is  attended  with  difficulty.  Can  those  who  speak 
the  mother  tongue  learn  a  derived  dialect  with  more  ease  than  those  who  speak  the  latter  can  learn 
the  former,  or  the  reverse  ? 


188  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

are  now  persons,  especially  missionaries,  who  understand  particular  languages  in 
all  their  range,  methods,  and  structure,  and  who  are  competent  to  present  their 
minute  mechanism.  The  difficulty  with  most  grammars  of  Indian  languages, 
besides  their  brevity,  arises  from  a  method  too  exclusively  analytical,  whereas  a 
synthetical  method,  if  more  cumbersome,  would  be  more  efficient.  We  learn 
analytically,  but  teach  synthetically.  A  grammar,  therefore,  should  put  together, 
as  well  as  resolve  a  language,  and  be  so  complete  in  both  of  its  processes  that  the 
philologist  might  learn,  if  need  be,  to  speak  the  language  from  the  grammar  and 
vocabulary.  Some  modification  of  the  Ollendorif  method  would  be  a  sensible 
improvement  upon  the  usual  form  of  presenting  an  Indian  language.  A  knowledge 
more  special  than  has  yet  been  reached  is  needed  to  detect  a  foreign  clement  in 
an  aboriginal  language.  It  is  a  reasonable  supposition  that  contiguous  nations, 
and  especially  such  as  intermarry  and  maintain  friendly  intercourse,  are  constantly 
contributing  of  their  vocables  to  each  other's  dialects.  The  identity  of  a  limited 
number  of  vocables  for  common  objects  tends  to  show  a  near  connection  of  the 
Minnitarees  and  Upsarokas  or  Crows  with  the  Missouri  and  Dakota  nations;  Avhilst 
there  are  special  features  in  their  systems  of  consanguinity  which  reveal  a  more 
remote,  but  not  less  certain  connection  with  the  Gulf  Nations. 

Their  systems  of  relationship  are  in  agreement  with  each  other  in  their  radical 
characteristics.  They  possess  one  feature  which  is  anomalous,  and  another  which 
deviates  from  every  form  yet  presented,  but  which  finds  its  counterpart  in  the 
system  of  the  Gulf  nations,  and  that  of  the  Pawnee  or  Prairie  nations  as  well. 
The  Minnitaree  will  be  adopted  for  presentation. 

First  Indicative  Feature.  My  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my 
son  and  daughter.  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  grandchildren.  These  last 
relationships  are  a  deviation  from  the  common  form. 

Second  (wanting).  My  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  younger 
brother  and  younger  sister,  Mat-so' -ga  and  Md-ta-ka'-shd.  This  remarkable  devia- 
tion from  uniformity  is  restricted  to  these  two  nations,  among  whom  the  relation- 
ships of  uncle  and  aunt,  and  nephew  and  niece,  are  unknown,  their  places  being 
supplied  by  elder  and  younger  brother,  and  by  elder  and  younger  sister. 

Third.  My  father's  brother  is  my  father. 

Fourth.  My  father's  brother's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister  elder 
or  younger.  There  is  a  double  set  of  terms  for  these  relationships,  one  of  which 
is  used  by  the  males,  and  the  other  by  the  females,  with  the  exception  of  the 
terms  for  younger  brother  and  sister,  which  are  common.1  In  this  respect  the 
Minnitaree  and  Upsaroka  agree  with  the  Dakota,  Missouri,  and  Gulf  nations. 

Fifth  (wanting).  My  father's  sister,  among  the  Minnitarees  is  my  grandmother, 
Kti-ru' -Jia,  and  among  the  Crows  my  mother,  Ik'-Jid. 

Sixth  (wanting).    My  mother's  brother  is  my  elder  brother,  and  calls  me  his 

1  My  elder  brother,  male  speaking,  Me-a-ka'.  Female  speaking,  Ma-tii-roo'. 

"     younger  "         "  "         Mat-so'-gtt.  "  "  Mat-so'-ga. 

"     elder  sister,        "  "         Mat-ta-we'-&.  "  "  Ma-roo'. 

"     younger  sister,  "  "         JUa-ta-ka' -shU.  "  "  Ma-ta-ka'-sha. 


OF    THE    HUM Atf    FAMILY.  189 

younger  brother.  This  is  the  anomalous  relationship  in  which  the  system  of  these 
nations  differs  from  that  of  all  the  remaining  nations  of  the  Ganowanian  family.1 

Seventh.  My  mother's  sister  is  my  mother. 

Eighth.  My  mother's  sister's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder 
or  younger. 

Ninth.  My  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather. 

Tenth.  The  grandchildren  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  of  my  collateral 
brothers  and  sisters,  are,  without  distinction,  my  grandchildren. 

A  third  form  of  the  relationship  which  subsists  between  the  children  of  a  brother 
and  sister  is  found  among  the  Minnitarees  and  Crows.  Among  the  Iroquois  and 
Dakotas,  they  are  cousins,  among  the  Missouri  nations  they  are  uncle  and  nephew 
if  males,  and  mother  and  daughter  if  females,  as  has  been  shown :  but  in  the  sys- 
tem now  under  consideration  they  are  son  and  father  if  males,  and  daughter  and 
mother  if  females.  This  form  will  reappear  in  the  system  of  the  Gulf  and  Prairie 
nations.  When  more  particularly  indicated  they  are  as  follows :  my  father's 
sister's  son  is  my  father,  Ta-ta! ',  and  calls  me  his  son ;  my  father's  sister's  daughter 
is  my  mother,  Ih'-lca,  and  calls  me  her  son ;  and  reversed,  my  mother's  brother's 
son  and  daughter  are  my  son  and  daughter;  each  of  them  calling  me  father. 

There  is  a  term  in  Minnitaree  for  aunt,  Ma-sa'-we,  applied  by  a  male  to  his 
father's  sister;  but  it  is  without  a  correlative,  and  of  uncertain  use. 

A  sufficient  number  of  the  radical  features  of  the  common  system  are  found  in 
the  Minnitaree  and  Crow  forms  to  establish  beyond  a  doubt  their  original  identity, 
and  that  it  was  derived  by  them  from  the  common  source  of  the  system. 


III.   Gulf  Nations. 

I.  Gulf  Nations  Proper.  1.  Choctiis.  2.  Chickasas.  3.  Creeks.  (4.  Seminoles, 
not  in  the  Table.)  II.  Cherokees.  1.  Cherokees.  2.  Mountain  Cherokees. 

There  were  five  principal  nations  east  of  the  Mississippi,  occupying  the  area 
between  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Tennessee  River,  together  with  some  parts  to 
the  north  and  east  of  it,  which  collectively  are  here  called  the  Gulf  branch  of  the 
Ganowanian  family.  They  were  the  Choctas  and  Chickasas,  who  were  immediate 
subdivisions  of  the  same  people ;  the  Creeks ;  the  Seminoles,  who  were  derived 
from  the  Creeks ;  and  the  Cherokees.  The  latter  nation  in  strictness  constitutes 
an  independent  branch  of  the  Dakotan  stem  upon  the  basis  of  language;  but  their 
system  of  relationship  justifies  this  connection.  The  dialects  of  the  first  two  are 
closely  allied.  The  Creeks  consist  of  five  confederated  nations,  each  having  an 
independent  dialect,  namely :  the  Mus-co'-kees  or  Creeks  proper,  the  Hit' -che-tees, 
the  Yoo'-cJiees,  the  Ah-la-ba' -mas,  and  the  Nat'-cJies.  Between  the  Mus-co'-kee  and 
Seminole  dialects  the  affinity  is  close ;  but  between  the  former  and  the  Chocta  the 
dialectical  variation  is  very  great.  Out  of  six  hundred  words  in  these  dialects, 

1  There  is  a  trace  of  this  same  form  among  the  Blackfeet,  but  it  is  not  the  usual  relationship. 


190  SYSTEMS   OP   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

compared  by  Mr.  Gallatin,  there  were  but  ninety-three  having  some  affinity.1  All 
of  the  Creek  dialects,  however,  should  be  compared  with  each  other,  and  with  the 
Chocta  and  Chickasa,  to  determine  their  mutual  ethnic  relations.  As  to  the 
Cherokees,  they  were  the  mountaineers  of  this  area,  and  presumptively  the  most 
ancient  in  the  possession  of  the  country.  Like  the  Iroquois,  they  appear  to  have 
been  an  advance  band  of  the  Dakotan  stock.  Their  range  included  the  highland 
districts  between  South  Carolina  and  the  Mississippi.  Up  to  the  present  time  the 
vocables  of  their  language  have  not  been  identified  with  those  of  any  existing 
Indian  speech.  It  still  holds  the  rank  of  a  stock  language,  spoken  in  two  partially 
defined  dialects,  the  standard  and  the  mountain  Cherokee. 

In  addition  to  these  nations,  the  Catawbas  inhabited  the  Gulf  region,  and  also 
the  Natchez  Indians.  Remains  of  the  former  nation  are  still  found  in  South  Caro- 
lina, and  of  the  latter  in  the  Nat-ekes  of  the  Creek  confederation.  Between  the 
old  Natchez  and  the  Catawba  dialects  there  are  some  affinities ;  but  how  far  the 
present  Natchez  affiliates  with  the  old  or  with  any  of  the  remaining  Creek  dialects 
the  writer  is  unable  to  state.  When  perfect  vocabularies  are  obtained  and  com- 
pared, it  seems  probable  that  all  the  original  dialects  of  the  Gulf  region  will  be 
resolved,  at  most,  into  two  stock  languages,  the  Creek  and  the  Cherokee. 

These  nations  have  been  so  well  known  historically  from  the  earliest  period 
of  European  intercourse,  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  refer  to  their  general  history. 
Since  their  removal  to  the  Indian  Territory,  west  of  Arkansas,  they  have  organized 
elective  civil  governments,  and  have  made  considerable  progress  in  agriculture  and 
civilization.  They  now  number  collectively  seventy-three  thousand  five  hundred.2 

In  the  Table  will  be  found  the  system  of  relationship  of  the  Choctas,  Chickasas, 
Muscokee-Creeks,  and  Cherokees,  which  together  exhibit  with  fulness  and  particu- 
larity the  plan  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  of  the  Gulf  nations.  The  several 
forms  which  prevail  among  these  nations  possess  the  radical  forms  of  the  common 
system,  and  also  agree  with  each  other  in  those  respects  in  which  they  differ  from 
those  before  considered.  Such  discrepancies  as  exist  are  confined  to  subordinate 
details.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  present  one  form,  and  the  Chocta  will  be  taken  as 
the  standard.  There  are  two  schedules  of  the  Chocta  in  the  Table,  one  of  which 
was  furnished  by  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Edwards  and  Rev.  Dr.  Cyrus  Byington,  and 
the  other  by  the  Rev.  Charles  C.  Copeland.  These  veteran  missionaries,  who  have 
resided  with  this  people,  both  in  their  old  and  new  homes,  from  thirty  to  forty 
years,  were  abundantly  qualified  to  investigate  and  explain  this  complicated  system 
to  its  utmost  limits.  It  was  also  a  fortunate  circumstance  that  this,  one  of  the 
most  difficult  forms  of  the  system,  fell  into  their  hands  for  its  elucidation,  since  the 
existence  as  well  as  verification  of  its  peculiar  features  was  of  some  importance. 

First  Indicative  Feature.  My  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my 
son  and  daughter.  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  grandson  and  granddaughter. 
This  last  is  a  derivation  from  the  typical  form,  but  it  agrees  with  the  Minnitaree. 


1  Trans.  Am.  Eth.  Soc.,  II,  Intro,  cxi. 

1  Cherokees,  26,000;  Creeks,  25,000 ;  Seminoles,  1500-  Choctas,  16,000;  Chickasas,  5000.  (School- 
craft's  Hist.  Cond.  and  Pur.  Indian  Tribes,  I,  523.) 


OF   THE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  191 

Second.  My  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  nephew  and  niece. 
With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  son  and  daughter. 

Third.    My  father's  brother  is  my  father. 

Fourth.  My  father's  brother's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister, 
elder  or  younger. 

Fifth.  My  father's  sister  is  my  aunt,  with  Ego  a  male;  but  my  grandmother 
with  Ego  a  female.  In  other  words,  the  female  has  neither  aunt  or  nephew  or 
niece.  This  is  also  a  derivation  from  the  typical  form,  but  it  agrees  with  the  Min- 
nitaree. 

Sixth.    My  mother's  brother  is  my  uncle. 

Seventh.    My  mother's  sister  is  my  mother. 

Eighth.  My  mother's  sister's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder 
or  younger.  Among  all  the  Gulf  nations  there  are  separate  terms,  in  common 
gender,  for  brother  and  sister  in  the  abstract,  which  are  applied  by  males  to  their 
collateral  brothers,  and  by  females  to  their  collateral  sisters ;  but  the  former  use 
the  full  terms  for  their  collateral  sisters,  and  the  latter  the  same  for  their  collateral 
brothers.  The  first-named  terms,  however,  are  used  concurrently  with  these  for 
brother  and  sister,  elder  and  younger. 

Ninth.    My  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather. 

Tenth.  The  grandchildren  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  of  my  collateral 
brothers  and  sisters,  are,  severally,  my  grandchildren. 

We  come  next  to  the  relationship  which  subsists  between  the  children  of  a 
brother  and  sister.  My  father's  sister's  son  is  my  father,  Ali'-lti,  whether  Ego  be 
a  male  or  a  female ;  his  son  is  my  father  again ;  the  son  of  the  latter  is  also  my 
father;  and  this  relationship,  theoretically,  continues  downward  in  the  male  line 
indefinitely.  The  analogue  of  this  is  found  in  the  infinite  series  of  uncles  among 
the  Missouri  nations,  applied  to  the  lineal  male  descendants  of  my  mother's  brother. 
My  father's  sister's  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  is  my  aunt,  Ah-7mc'-ne,  and  calls  me  lier 
son  ;  the  son  and  daughter  of  this  aunt  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder  or  younger ; 
the  son  and  daughter  of  this  collateral  brother  are  my  son  and  daughter,  while 
the  son  and  daughter  of  this  collateral  sister  are  my  nephew  and  niece ;  and  the 
children  of  each  and  all  of  them  are  my  grandchildren.  With  Ego  a  female,  my 
father's  sister's  daughter  is  my  grandmother,  Up-puk'-ni;  her  son  and  daughter 
are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder  and  younger ;  the  children  of  this  collateral  brother 
are  my  grandchildren,  of  this  collateral  sister  are  my  sons  and  daughters ;  and  their 
children  are  my  grandchildren.  Notwithstanding  the  complexity  of  the  classification 
in  this  branch  of  the  second  collateral  line,  the  method  is  both  simple  and  coherent. 

On  the  reverse  side,  my  mother's  brother's  son  and  daughter  are  my  son  and 
daughter,  whether  Ego  be  a  male  or  a  female ;  and  their  children  are  my  grand- 
children. In  Creek  and  Cherokee  my  mother's  brother's  daughter,  Ego  being  a 
female,  is  my  granddaughter.  It  is  probably  the  same  in  Chocta,  although  not  so 
given  in  the  Table. 

The  third  and  fourth  collateral  lines,  male  and  female,  on  the  father's  and  on 
the  mother's  side,  are  counterparts  of  the  second,  branch  for  branch,  with  the 
exception  of  additional  ancestors. 


192  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

There  are  some  discrepancies  in  the  forms  of  the  four  Gulf  nations,  which  it  is 
unnecessary  to  trace.  In  a  system  so  elaborate  and  complicated,  absolute  agree- 
ment in  minute  details  would  not  be  expected.  Whatever  is  fundamental  in  the 
common  system  is  found  in  the  most  unmistakable  manner  in  the  Chocta  form. 
Its  identity  with  the  Seneca  or  typical  system  is  undoubted  ;  and  we  are  again  led 
to  the  same  inference  found  in  the  previous  cases,  that  it  was  derived  by  these 
nations,  with  the  blood,  from  the  same  common  original  source. 

II.  Cherokee.  The  Cherokee  system  of  relationship,  in  its  two  forms,  agrees 
so  fully  with  that  last  presented,  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  consider  it  separately. 
There  are  some  general  observations,  however,  upon  this  and  other  Indian  lan- 
guages, and  upon  the  bearing  of  the  deviations  from  uniformity  in  their  systems  of 
relationship  upon  the  question  of  their  near  or  remote  ethnic  affiliations,  which 
may  be  made  in  this  connection.  In  grammatical  structure  all  of  the  Ganowanian, 
languages  are  believed  to  agree.  But  our  knowledge  concerning  them  is  neither 
sufficiently  extensive  nor  minute  to  raise  these  languages  to  the  rank  of  a  family  of 
languages  in  the  sense  of  the  Aryan  and  Semitic  upon  the  basis  of  ascertained  lingu- 
istic affinities.  Very  few  of  the  whole  number  comparatively  have  been  studied.  No 
common  standards  of  evidence  upon  which  particular  dialects  shall  be  admitted  into 
the  family,  or  rejected  from  the  connection,  have  been  adopted.  They  have  been 
reduced  with  tolerable  accuracy  to  a  number  of  stock  languages  upon  the  basis  of 
identity  of  vocables ;  but  the  basis  and  principles  upon  which  these  stock  languages 
shall  be  united  into  a  family  of  languages  remain  to  be  determined.  These  dia- 
lects and  languages  have  passed  through  a  remarkable  experience  from  the  vast 
dimensions  of  the  areas  over  which  they  have  spread.  By  that  inexorable  law 
which  adjusts  numbers  to  subsistence  in  given  areas,  the  Ganowanian  family  has 
been  perpetually  disintegrated,  through  all  of  its  branches,  at  every  stage  of  increase 
of  numbers  above  this  ratio.  In  the  progress  of  ages  they  have  been  scattered,  in 
feeble  bands,  over  two  entire  continents,  to  the  repression  and  waste  of  their  intel- 
lectual powers,  and  to  the  sacrifice  of  all  the  advantages  that  flow  from  civil  and 
social  organization  in  combination  with  numbers.  Every  subdivision,  when  it 
became  permanent,  resulted  in  the  formation  of  a  new  dialect,  which  was  intrusted 
to  the  keeping  of  a  small  number  of  people.  Although  nations  speaking  dialects 
of  the  same  stock  language  have  in  general  maintained  a  continuity  of  territorial 
possession,  it  was  impossible  to  prevent  subdivision,  displacement,  and  overthrow  in 
the  course  of  ages  ;  so  that  the  end  of  each  thousand  years  would  probably  find  no 
stock  language  in  the  same  geographical  location.  As  a  result  of  these  subdivisions 
and  its  train  of  influences,  these  languages  have  been  in  a  perpetual  flux.  The 
advance  and  decline  of  nations,  the  development  and  impoverishment  of  particular 
dialects,  the  propagation  of  words  from  one  dialect  into  another  by  intermarriage, 
and  by  the  absorption  into  one  nation  of  the  broken  fragments  of  another,  have 
contributed,  with  other  causes  not  named,  to  the  diversities  which  now  exist. 
Their  system  of  relationship,  however,  has  survived  the  mutations  of  language,  and 
still  delivers  a  clear  and  decisive  testimony  concerning  the  blood  affinity  of  all 
these  nations.  It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  it  will  be  found  a  more  efficient 
as  well  as  compendious  instrument,  for  demonstrating  their  original  unity,  than 
the  grammatical  structure  of  their  dialects  could  that  be  comprehensively  ascer- 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  193 

tained.  If  identity  of  system  proves  unity  of  origin,  all  of  the  Indian  nations 
thus  far  named  are  of  one  blood.  In  addition  to  this  general  conclusion  some 
evidence  may  be  gained  through  the  deviations  from  uniformity  which  it  con- 
tains concerning  the  order  of  separation  of  these  stock  languages  from  each 
other  or  from  the  parent  stem. 

It  has  been  seen  from  the  comparative  vocabulary,  supra,  that  the  Crow  and 
Minnitaree  dialects  contain  a  number  of  words  for  common  objects  which  are 
also  found  in  the  Mandan,  the  Dakota,  and  the  Missouri  dialects.  A  comparison 
of  two  hundred  words,  in  unpublished  vocabularies  of  the  author,  shows  about 
twenty  per  centum  which  are  common  between  the  Minnitaree  and  Crow,  and  one 
or  more  of  the  remaining  dialects.  In  the  terms  of  relationship,  which  are  words 
of  a  higher  class,  the  percentage  is  less.  This  agreement,  however,  is  perhaps 
sufficient  to  justify  the  classification  of  all  these  dialects  in  the  same  stock  lan- 
guage. On  the  other  hand,  there  are  striking  peculiarities  in  the  system  of  rela- 
tionship of  the  first  two  nations  which  are  not  found  in  that  of  the  remaining 
nations,  but  which  reappear  in  the  system  of  the  Gulf  and  Prairie  nations.  It  is 
found  in  the  relationship  between  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister,  which,  as  a 
variable,  is  not  a  radical  portion  of  the  system.  Where  nations  of  immediate  blood 
affinity,  as  the  Dakota  and  Missouri  nations,  are  found  to  differ  among  themselves 
upon  these  relationships,  it  would  be  certain  that  one  or  the  other  had  modified 
their  system  in  this  respect ;  and  if  one,  then  both  may  have  done  the  same.  It 
becomes  necessary,  then,  to  compare  these  forms  and  ascertain  which  is  the  highest 
and  most  perfect;  and  when  that  fact  is  determined,  the  inference  arises  that 
the  rudest  and  least  perfect  is  the  oldest  form.  Among  the  Dakota  they  are 
cousin  and  cousin,  among  the  Winnebagoes  and  Missouri  nations  they  are  uncle 
and  nephew  if  males,  and  mother  and  daughter,  if  females.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  former  is  the  most  perfect  form,  and  that  of  the  two  the  latter  as  the 
rudest  is  nearest  to  the  primitive.  The  inference,  therefore,  is  unavoidable,  that 
the  Dakota  nations  modified  their  system  in  this  respect.  If  we  now  compare  the 
oldest  of  the  two  forms  with  that  which  now  prevails  among  the  Minnitarees, 
Crows,  Creeks,  Choctas,  Chickasas  and  Cherokees,  and  also  with  that  of  the  Prairie 
nations,  not  yet  presented,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  form  of  the  latter  is  ruder  still, 
and  presumptively  older  than  either.  They  are  son  and  father  if  males,  and  grand- 
daughter and  grandmother  if  females.  If  this  conclusion  is  well  taken,  it  will 
follow  that  it  was  the  original  form,  as  to  those  relationships  which  prevailed  in 
the  parent  nation  from  which  these  several  stocks  or  branches  were  mediately  or 
immediately  derived,  and  that  all  of  them,  except  the  Mandan,  the  Winnebago, 
the  Dakota  and  the  Missouri  nations  have  retained  it  until  the  present  time. 
And  finally  that  the  excepted  nations  modified  it  from  the  first  or  original  to  the 
second  form,  after  which  it  was  raised  to  the  third  and  most  perfect  by  the  Dakota 
and  Hodenosaunian  nations  alone,  in  this  stem  of  the  Ganowanian  family.  A 
critical  examination  of  all  the  forms  of  the  system  of  relationship  will  show  that 
its  development  is  under  the  control  of  principles  within  itself;  and  that  the  direc- 
tion of  the  change  when  attempted,  was  predetermined  by  the  elements  of  the 
system.  We  are  yet  to  meet  the  second  and  third  forms,  as  to  these  relationships, 

25       March,  1870. 


194 


SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 


in  the  system  of  the  Algonkin  nations.  It  likewise  follows,  as  a  further  inference 
that  the  Minnitaree,  Crow,  Mandan,  Winnebagoe  and  Missouri  nations  may  have 
been  derived  mediately  or  immediately  from  a  single  nation ;  that  the  Gulf  and 
Prairie  nations  may  each  have  been  derived  from  a  single  nation ;  and  that  the 
three  original  nations  may  have  sprung  from  a  common  stem-people  still  further 
back.  In  this  manner  the  evidence  from  special  features  contained  in  the  system 
is  reconciled  with  the  evidence  from  identity  of  vocables  in  the  dialects  first-named ; 
leaving  it  probable  that  the  Minnitarees  and  Crows  form  the  nearest  connecting 
link  between  the  nations  of  the  Gulf,  and  those  upon  the  Missouri. 

In  this  connection,  attention  may  be  directed  to  the  dialects  thus  far  named, 
taken  collectively,  as  they  appear  in  the  Table.  The  people  are  classified  together 
as  belonging  to  the  Dakotan  stem.  There  is  such  a  thing  in  the  Ganowanian 
dialects  as  contrast  and  similarity  in  vocables ;  as  excessive  deviation  and  family 
resemblance;  and  as  ancient  and  modern  separation  of  stock  languages.  It  can  be 
detected  and  traced  long  after  the  vocables  themselves  have  lost  their  identity. 
From  first  to  last,  among  the  great  branches  thus  far  considered,  the  terms  of  rela- 
tionship have  a  family  cast ;  a  tendency,  so  to  express  it,  to  reveal  their  identity, 
although  deeply  concealed ;  a  certain  similarity  of  aspect  which  arrests  attention 
while  it  baffles  the  scrutiny  thereby  invited.  On  the  other  hand,  the  same  terms 
in  the  Algonkin  dialects,  when  compared,  are  in  sharp  contrast.  They  wear  an 
unfamiliar  appearance,  expressive  of  long-continued  separation.  The  change  has 
become  so  excessive  as  to  repel  the  supposition  of  their  identity  within  a  compara- 
tively modern  period,  or  that  they  could  have  been  spoken  in  the  same  household 
for  many  ages.  The  following  terms  will  illustrate  the  similarity  to  which  reference 
has  been  made: — 


Seneca. 

Wyaudote. 

Yaukton. 

Mandau. 

Uncle, 

Hoc-no'-seh 

Ha-wa-te-no'-ra 

Dake'-she 

Ta-wa'-ra-to-ra 

Aunt, 

Ah-ga'-huc 

Ah-ra'-hoc 

Toh'-we 

Cousin, 

Ah-gare'-seh 

Ja-ra'-seh 

Ha-ka'-she 

Nephew, 

Ha-ya'-wan-da 

Ha-shone'-dra-ka 

Me-to^us'-ka 

Father, 

Ha'-nih 

Hi-ese'-ta 

Ah-ta' 

Ta-tay' 

Mother, 

No-yeh' 

Ah--na'-ah- 

E'-nah 

E-oo-ne' 

Son, 

Ha-ah'-wuk 

A-ne'-ah 

Me-chink'-she 

Me-ne'-ka 

Daughter, 

Ka-ah'-wuk 

E-ne'-ah 

Me-chounk'-she 

Me-no'  ha-ka 

Grandmother, 

Oc'-sote 

Ah'-shu-ta' 

0-che 

Nah-'-kc-a. 

Kaw. 

Otoe. 

Chocta. 

Cherokee. 

Uncle, 

Be-ja'-ga 

Hin-cha'-ka 

Ura-ush'i 

E-du'-tsi 

Aunt, 

Be-je'-me 

E-tu'-me 

A-huc'-ne 

E-hlau'-gi 

Cousin, 

Nephew, 

Be-chose'-ka 

Hin-tose'-ke 

Sub-ai'-yih. 

Un-ge-wi-nan 

Father, 

E-da'-je 

Hin'-ka 

A'-ki 

E-dau'-dii 

Mother, 

E'-naw 

He'-nah 

Ush'-kl 

E-tsi' 

Son, 

Be-she'-ga 

He-ne'-cha 

Suh'-suh 

A-gwae-tsi' 

Daughter, 

She-me'-she-ga 

Ile-yun-ga 

Suh-suh'-take 

A-gwae-tsi' 

Grandmother, 

E-ko' 

Hin-ku'-ne 

Up-puk'-nl 

E-ni-si' 

OF    THE    HUMAN   FAMILY. 


195 


These  terms  represent  four  stock  languages.  To  say  there  is  a  striking  similarity 
among  them  is  hardly  sufficient.  There  is  more  or  less  of  affinity  among  them  all, 
which  might  be  raised,  by  the  recovery  of  a  few  intermediate  links,  to  demonstrated 
identity.  In  a  few  instances  the  identity  seems  to  be  apparent;  e. g.,  the  terms  for 
cousin  in  Seneca  and  Yankton;  the  terms  for  uncle  in  Seneca,  Yankton,  Chocta, 
and  Cherokee ;  the  term  for  aunt  in  Seneca,  Chocta,  and  Cherokee ;  and  the  term 
for  mother  in  Wyandote,  Yankton,  Mandan,  and  Kaw.  From  the  present  relation 
of  these  dialects  to  each  other,  and  more  especially  from  the  particular  points  of 
agreement  in  their  several  systems  of  relationship,  there  appears  to  be  sufficient 
reason  for  classifying  them  together  as  branches  of  a  common  stem.  This,  for 
sufficient  reasons,  has  been  called  the  Dakotan. 

IV.  Prairie  Nations.  1.  Pawnees.  2.  Arickarees.  (3.  Witchitas.  4.  Kichais. 
5.  Huecos.  Not  in  the  Table.) 

Our  limited  knowledge  of  this  branch  of  the  Ganowanian  family  is  explained 
by  their  residence  in  the  interior  of  the  continent.  The  Pawnees  and  Arickarees 
are  the  only  nations  belonging  to  this  branch  which  have  ever  reached  a  locality  as 
far  east  as  the  Missouri  River,  and  they  were  never  known  to  reside  upon  its  east 
side.  Having  obtained  and  domesticated  the  horse  at  an  early  day,  they  haAre  been 
prairie  Indians  from  the  earliest  period  to  which  our  knowledge  of  their  existence 
extends.  The  range  of  the  Pawnees  was  upon  and  between  the  upper  waters  of 
the  Kansas  and  Platte  Rivers,  in  Kansas  and  Nebraska;  whilst  the  Arickarees,  who 
are  a  subdivision  of  the  Pawnees,  moved  northward  and  established  themselves 
upon  the  Missouri,  next  south  of  the  Mandans,  where  they  became,  to  some  extent, 
agricultural  and  Village  Indians.  Their  congeners,  the  Witchitas,  Kichais,  and 
Huecos  or  Waccoes,  held  as  their  home  country  the  region  upon  the  Canadian 
River,  and  between  it  and  the  Red  River  of  Louisiana.  Gregg  was  one  of  the 
first  to  point  out  the  connection  of  the  last  three  nations  named  with  the  Pawnees.1 
They  have  sometimes  been  called  the  Pawnee-Picts,  from  their  habit  of  "profuse 
tattooing."2  The  late  Prof.  William  W.  Turner  established  the  identity  of  their 
dialects  with  the  Pawnee  by  the  selection  of  vocables  in  the  note.3  I  have  taken 


1  Commerce  of  the  Prairie,  II,  251,  note.  »  Ib.,  II,  305. 

8  Explorations  for  a  Railroad  Route,  <fec.  to  the  Pacific,  III,  68.     Rep.  on  Indian  Tribes. 


Grand  Pawnee. 
Morgan. 

Arickaree. 
Prince  Maximilian. 

Kichai. 
Lieut.  Whipple. 

Witchita. 
Capt.  Marcy. 

Hueeo. 
Lieut.  Whipple. 

Woman, 

Cha'-pa 

Sa-pa' 

Che-quoike 

Kah-haak 

Cah-he-ic 

Mother, 

A-te'-ra 

Schach-ti 

Cha'-che 

Nut-ti-co-hay'-he 

Ats'-ia 

Ear, 

TJt-ka-ha'-ro 

At-ka'-ahn 

A'-tik-a-ro-so 

Ortz 

Nose, 

Chose 

Sin-iht 

Chus-ka-rai-o 

Duts-tis'-toc 

Tisk 

Mouth, 

Ah'-kow 

Ha-kau 

Hok-in-nik 

Haw'-coo 

Ah'-cok 

Tongue, 

Hat 

Hah-tu 

Hah'-toh 

Huts-ke 

Hotz 

Hand, 

Eck'-so 

E'-schu 

Ich-shen-e 

Sim-he'-ho 

Isk'-te 

Foot, 

Os'-su 

Us-in-ic 

Dats'-oske 

Os 

Sun, 

Sak-o'-ru 

Scha-kuhn 

Kee'-shaw 

Sah'-ki 

Water, 

Kates'-so 

Stoh-cho 

Ki'-o-koh 

Keet-che 

Kits'-ah 

Dog, 

Ah-sa'-ke 

Chah-tsch 

Keetch'-ah 

Kit-si'-el 

Black, 

Ka'-tit 

Te-ca-teh 

Co'-rash 

A-ha'-cod-e 

One, 

Os'-ko 

Ach-ku 

A-rish-co 

Cha'-osth 

Che-os 

Two, 

Pit'-ko 

Pitt-cho 

Cho'-sho 

Witch 

Witz 

Three, 

Ta'-weet 

Tah-wit 

Tah'-with-co 

Taw-way 

Tow 

196  SYSTEMS  OF   C  ON  S  A  NGU  INITY   AND   AFFINITY 

the  liberty  to  substitute  the  Pawnee  words  from  an  unpublished  vocabulary  of  my 
own  in  the  place  of  Dr.  Say's  used  by  him. 

I.  Pawnees.  1.  Grand  Pawnees.  2.  Republican  Pawnee.  3.  Loup  Pawnee. 
4.  Tappas  Pawnee. 

The  Pawnees  are  now  divided  into  four  bands,  named  as  above,  each  of  them 
having  a  dialect  distinctly  marked,  but  the  four  being  mutually  intelligible.  The 
first  call  themselves  Ohd'-ne  ;  the  second  call  themselves  Kit'-ka  ;  the  third,  Skee'-de, 
signifying  wolf;  and  the  fourth,  Pe-td-ha! -ne-rat.  Whatever  may  have  been  their 
former  condition,  the  Pawnees  are  now  among  the  most  demoralized  of  our  Indian 
nations.  Within  the  past  fifty  years  they  have  diminished  in  numbers  from  causes 
entirely  independent  of  American  intercourse.1  They  have  no  friends  among  the 
Indians  of  the  plains.  If  a  Pawnee  and  a  Dakota,  or  a  Pawnee  and  any  other 
Indian,  of  whatever  nationality,  meet  upon  the  buffalo  ranges,  it  is  a  deadly  conflict 
from  the  instant,  without  preliminaries  and  without  quarter.  In  fighting  qualities 
they  are  not  inferior  to  the  best  of  their  enemies,  but  the  warfare  is  unequal,  and 
they  are  yielding  before  its  influence.  Indian  nations  speaking  dialects  of  the 
same  stock  language,  though  not  perfectly  intelligible  to  each  other,  are  much 
better  able  to  keep  the  peace  than  those  who  speak  dialects  of  different  stock 
languages,  and  who  are  thus  unable  to  communicate  with  each  other  except  through 
interpreters,  or  by  the  language  of  signs  which  prevails  throughout  the  interior  of 
the  continent.  The  greatest  blessing  that  could  now  be  bestowed  upon  the  Indian 
family  would  be  a  common  language.  Difference  of  speech  has  undoubtedly  been 
the  most  fruitful  cause  of  their  perpetual  warfare  with  each  other. 

The  system  of  relationship  of  the  Grand  and  Republican  Pawnees  and  of  the 
Arickarees  will  be  found  in  the  Table.  It  prevails,  without  doubt,  in  the  remain- 
ing nations  comprising  this  branch  of  the  family.  That  of  the  Republican  Pawnee 
will  be  taken  as  the  standard  form.  There  is  a  peculiar  series  in  the  lineal  line 
which  has  not  yet  been  found  in  any  other  nation,  and  which  appears  to  be  limited 
to  these  nations.  It  is  also  repeated  in  the  collateral  lines.  From  its  singularity, 
it  deserves  a  special  notice. 

My  great-great-grandfather.  Ah-te'-is.1  My  father. 

"     great-grandfather.  Te-wa-cliir'-iks.  "    uncle. 

"     grandfather.  Ah-te'-put.  "    grandfather. 

"     father.  Ah-te'-is.  "    father. 

Myself.  Late.  I. 

My  son.  Pe'-row.  My  child. 

"     grandson.  Lak-te'-gish.  "    grandson. 

"     great-grandson.  Te-wat.  "    nephew. 

"     great-great-grandson.  Pe'-row.  "    child. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  principle  of  Correlative  relationship  is  strictly  pur- 
sued ;  e.  g.,  the  one  I  call  son,  calls  me  father ;  the  one  I  call  nephew,  calls  me 
uncle ;  and  the  second  one  I  call  son,  calls  me  father.  This  series  must  be  explained 
as  a  refinement  upon  the  common  form,  designed  to  discriminate  the  several  ances- 

1  They  now  number  less  than  4000  souls. 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  197 

tors  above  grandfather  and  the  several  descendants  below  grandson  from  each  other. 
It  is  repeated  both  in  the  lineal  and  collateral  lines  as  far  as  you  choose  to  follow 
the  chain  of  consanguinity. 

Another  peculiarity  of  the  Pawnee  consists  in  the  absence  of  separate  terms  for 
elder  and  younger  brother,  and  for  elder  and  younger  sister.  There  are  terms  for 
brother  and  sister  in  the  abstract  which  are  used  by  the  males,  and  another  set 
used  by  the  females ;  besides  which  there  is  a  series  of  terms,  as  in  the  Dakota  and 
Winnebagoe,  for  each  of  several  sons,  and  for  each  of  several  daughters,  according 
to  the  order  of  their  birth.  The  plural  number  is  wanting,  not  only  as  to  the  terms 
of  relationship,  but  it  is  also  said  to  be  entirely  wanting  in  the  language  itself.1 
It  is  formed  by  adding  the  number,  or  the  word  for  all. 

First  Indicative  Feature.  My  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my 
son  and  daughter.  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  the  same. 

Second.  My  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  nephew  and  niece. 
With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  son  and  daughter. 

Third.    My  father's  brother  is  my  father. 

Fourth.  My  father's  brother's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister, 
E-dali'-deh  and  E-td'-heh.  With  Ego  a  female  they  are  the  same,  but  different 
terms  are  used,  E-rats'-leh  and  E-dd'-deh. 

Fifth  (wanting).    My  father's  sister  is  my  mother. 

Sixth.    My  mother's  brother  is  my  uncle. 

Seventh.    My  mother's  sister  is  my  mother. 

Eighth.    My  mother's  sister's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister. 

Ninth.    My  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather. 

Tenth.  The  several  collateral  lines  follow  the  series  established  in  the  lineal  line ; 
e.g.,  the  son  and  daughter  of  my  collateral  brother,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  son  and 
daughter ;  of  my  collateral  sister,  are  my  nephew  and  niece ;  and  the  children  of 
each  are  my  grandchildren.  The  children  of  the  latter — that  is,  of  my  grand- 
children— are  my  nephews  and  nieces ;  their  children  are,  again,  my  sons  and 
daughters ;  and  the  children  of  the  latter  are  my  grandchildren. 

With  respect  to  the  relationships  between  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister, 
they  are  as  follows :  My  father's  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my 
father  and  mother ;  the  son  and  daughter  of  this  father  are  my  brother  and  sister ; 
and  the  series  below  is  the  same  as  in  the  case  of  the  descendants  of  my  other  col- 
lateral brothers.  The  son  and  daughter  of  this  mother  are  my  father  and  mother 
again,  and  their  respective  descendants  continue  to  be  fathers  and  mothers  in  an 
infinite  series.  This  is  variant  from  the  Chocta  form  in  some  particulars.  With 
Ego  a  female  these  relationships  are  the  same. 

1  This  fact  was  communicated  to  me  by  Rev.  Samuel  Allis,  who  for  twenty-five  years  was  a 
missionary  of  the  American  Board  among  the  Pawnees.  The  pronouns  my  or  mine,  they,  and  his 
are  separate,  e.  g. : — 

My  head,         Pak'-so    ko'-ta-te.  My  face,         Ska'-o    ko'-ta-te. 

Thy    "  Pak'-so    ko'-ta-se.  Thy   "  Ska'-o    ko'-ta-se. 

His    "  Pak'-so    ko'-ta.  His    "  Ska'-o    ko'-ta. 


198  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

On  the  reverse  side,  my  mother's  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  male  or  female, 
are  my  son  and  daughter ;  and  their  children  are  my  grandchildren. 

The  third  and  more  remote  collateral  lines  are  the  same  as  the  second  in  the 
classification  of  persons,  but  with  additional  ancestors. 

Upon  the  basis  of  the  presence  in  the  Pawnee  of  nine  out  of  ten  of  the  indicative 
characteristics  of  the  typical  system,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  its  identity  with  it, 
and  that  it  was  transmitted  to  them  with  the  blood  from  the  common  original  source. 

2.  Arickaree.  When  Lewis  and  Clarke  ascended  the  Missouri  River  in  1804 — 
1805,  they  found  the  Arickarees  living  in  villages  below  the  mouth  of  the  Cannon 
Ball  River,  and  consequently  below  the  Mandans.  Their  lodges  were  constructed 
upon  the  Minnitaree  model,  and  they  were  then,  as  now,  agricultural  and  Village 
Indians.  "  They  cultivate,"  say  these  explorers,  "  maize  or  Indian-corn,  beans, 
pumpkins,  watermelons,  squashes,  and  a  species  of  tobacco  peculiar  to  themselves."1 
From  the  Mandans  and  Minnitarees  they  undoubtedly  learned  the  arts  of  cultiva- 
tion and  of  housebuilding.  The  Pawnees,  with  whom  they  immediately  affiliate, 
were  neither  Village  nor  agricultural  Indians  until  after  they  became  established 
upon  a  reservation  under  government  protection,  which  was  quite  recently  effected. 
Mr.  Gallatin  observes  that  "it  is  said  of  the  Pawnees  that  they  raised  no  more 
maize  than  was  necessary  to  whiten  their  broth,"2  and  he  might  have  added  a 
doubt  whether  even  this  was  of  their  own  producing.  The  Arickarees  were  never 
numerous.  Their  present  village  is  on  the  west  side  of  the  Missouri,  a  short  dis- 
tance above  that  of  the  Minnitarees.  At  the  time  they  made  their  last  change  of 
residence,  in  1862,  the  latter  nation  urged  them  to  settle  with  them  in  their  village, 
as  the  Mandans  had  done,  for  mutual  protection  against  the  Dakotas,  their  common 
enemies ;  but  they  declined  to  live  upon  the  east  side  of  the  river,  alleging  as  a 
reason  that  their  ancestors  had  always  refused  to  establish  themselves  upon  that 
side,  and  that  they  were  fearful  of  evil  consequences  if  they  crossed  their  tradi- 
tionary eastern  boundary. 

The  Arickaree  schedule  in  the  Table  is  ^incomplete.  This  language  is  not 
accessible,  except  with  extreme  difficulty.  A  few  of  the  traders  have  partially 
acquired  the  language,  but  not  sufficiently  for  the  prosecution  of  minute  inquiries. 
When  at  the  Arickaree  village,  I  found  but  one  man,  Pierre  Garrow,  a  half-blood, 
who  spoke  both  that  language  and  English.  He  was  sufficiently  qualified,  but 
averse  to  giving  information.  Through  the  friendly  offices  of  Mr.  Andrew  Dawson, 
chief  factor  of  the  American  Fur  Company,  who  was  there  at  the  time,  the  little 
that  was  obtained  was  secured.  Incomplete  as  the  schedule  is,  it  is  quite  sufficient 
to  establish  the  identity  of  the  Arickaree  and  Pawnee  forms,  as  will  be  seen  by 
consulting  the  Table. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  divergence  of  the  dialects  of  the  Prairie  nations  from 
the  others  in  the  Table,  these  nations  have  been  placed,  provisionally,  in  the  Da- 
kotan  connection.  The  agreement  of  their  system  of  relationship  with  that  of  the 
Gulf  nations,  and  of  the  Minnitarees  and  Crows,  in  those  respects  in  which  it  is 

1  Travels,  p,  18.  »  Trans.  Am.  Eth.  Soc.,  Intro,  xlviii. 


OP   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  199 

variant  from  that  of  the  remaining  nations,  furnishes  sufficient  grounds  to  justify  the 
classification.  These  dialects,  however,  stand  upon  the  outer  edge  of  the  Dakotan 
speech,  without  any  connection  in  their  vocables,  and  depending  for  this  connection 
linguistically  upon  the  grammatical  structure  of  the  language.  The  Pawnee  and 
its  cognate  dialects  still  hold  the  position  of  an  independent  stock  language. 

The  marriage  relationships  have  been  passed  over.  They  will  be  found  in  the 
Table  fully  extended,  and  to  be  in  general  agreement  with  the  Seneca  marriage 
relationships.  They  are  sufficient  in  themselves  to  demonstrate  the  unity  of  the 
system ;  but  this  conclusion  is  believed  to  be  sufficiently  substantiated  without  the 
additional  strength  which  their  concurrence  affords.  The  people  of  all  of  these 
nations  address  each  other,  when  related,  by  the  term  of  relationship. 

We  have  now  considered  the  system  of  relationship  of  thirty-five  Indian  nations, 
contained,  with  more  or  less  completeness  of  detail,  in  the  Table.  These  carry 
with  them,  by  necessary  implication,  the  system  of  a  number  of  other  immediately 
affiliated  nations,  named  herein  in  their  proper  connections.  They  represent  five 
stock  languages,  namely :  the  Hodenosaunian,  the  Dakota,  the  Creek,  the  Cherokee, 
and  the  Pawnee.  The  nations  named  also  include  all  the  principal  branches  of  the 
Ganowanian  family  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  chain,  which  were  found  south  of 
the  Siskatchewun  and  Hudson's  Bay,  and  north  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the 
Rio  Grande,  with  the  exception  of  the  Algonkin,  the  Shoshonee,  and  a  few  incon- 
siderable nations  whose  linguistic  affiliations  are  not  well  established.  The  con- 
stancy and  uniformity  with  which  the  fundamental  characteristics  of  the  system 
have  maintained  themselves  appear  to  furnish  abundant  evidence  of  the  unity  of 
origin  of  these  nations,  and  to  afford  a  sufficient  basis  for  their  classification 
together  as  a  family  of  nations.  The  testimony  from  identity  of  systems  in  these 
several  stocks,  when  judged  by  any  proper  standard,  must  be  held  to  be  conclusive 
upon  this  question.  It  is  of  some  importance  to  have  reached  the  assurance  that 
upon  this  system  of  relationship  we  may  commence  the  construction  of  an  Indian 
family,  and  that  it  contains  within  itself  all  the  elements  necessary  to  determine 
the  question  whether  any  other  nation  is  entitled  to  admission  into  the  family. 

The  Algonkin  and  Athapasco-Apache  branches,  together  with  the  nations  upon 
the  Pacific  slopes,  will  next  claim  our  attention. 


200  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND  AFFINITY 


CHAPTER    IV. 

SYSTEM  OF  RELATIONSHIP  OF  THE  GANOWANIAN  FAMILY.— CONTINUED. 

Algonldn  Nations. 

Area  occupied  by  the  Algonkin  Nations— Nearness  of  their  Dialects — Classification  of  these  Nations  into  Groups— 

I.  Gichigamian  Nations — Their  Area  and  Dialects— 1.  Ojibwas — Their  System  of  Consanguinity— Indicative 
Relationships — Identical  with  the  Seneca  and  Yaukton — 2.  Otawas — 3.  Potawattamies — Their  System  agrees 
with  the  Ojibwa — 4.  Crees — Their  Dialects — Their  System — Indicative  Relationships — Agree  with  the  Ojibwa. 

II.  Mississippi  Nations— Their  Area  and  Dialects— 1.  Miamis — 2.  Illinois  (Weaws,  Piankeshaws,  Kaskaskias,  and 
Peorias) — Miami  System  taken  as  the  Standard  Form  of  these  Nations— Indicative  Relationships — Deviation 
from  Uniformity— Identical  with  Ojibwa  in  Radical  Characteristics— 3.  Sawks  and  Foxes — Their  Area  and  Dia- 
lect—Agricultural Habits — 4.  Kikapoos — Their  Area  and  Dialect— 5.  Menominees— Their  Area  and  Dialect— The 
System  of  these  Nations  agrees  with  the  Miami— 6.  Shiyans— Their  former  Area  and  Dialect — Their  System  of 
Consanguinity — Indicative  Relationships — Agree  with  the  Miami — 7.   Shawnees — Original  Area — Migrations — 
Improved  State  of  Dialect — Indicative  Relationships — Agree  with  the  Miami.     III.  Atlantic  Nations— Their  Area 
and  Dialects — 1.  Delawares — One  of  the  Oldest  of  Algonkiu  Nations — Their  System  of  Consanguinity— Indicative 
Relationships — Deviation  from  Uniformity — Their  System  in  Radical  Agreement  with  the  Ojibwa — 2.  Munsees— 
Indicative  Relationships — Agree  with  the  Delaware — 3.  Mohegans — Indicative  Relationships — 4.  Etchemins — 
Indicative  Relationships — 5.  Micmacs — Indicative  Relationships — System  of  these  Nations  in  Radical  Agreement 
with  the  Delaware  and  Ojibwa.     IV.  Rocky  Mountain  Nations — 1.  Blackfeet — Their  Area  and  Dialect — Piegau 
System — Indicative  Relationships — Agree  with  the  Ojibwa — 2.  Ahahnelins — Former  Area,  and  Dialect — Indica- 
tive Relationships — Agree  with  the  Blackfoot — Concluding  Observations — Unity  of  the  System  of  Relationship 
of  the  Algonkiu  Nations— Systems  of  the  Algoukin  and  Dakotau  Nations  Identical. 

THE  limits  of  the  Algonkin  speech  have  been  definitely  ascertained.  Its  nume- 
rous dialects  are  nearer  to  each  other  than  those  of  any  other  Indian  stock  language 
of  equal  spread.  This  stem  of  the  Ganowanian  family  contains  but  a  single  stock 
language,  which  will  be  seen,  as  well  as  the  nearness  of  its  dialects,  by  consulting 
the  Table  (Table  II).  To  such  an  extent  is  this  nearness  still  preserved,  that  it 
suggests  the  probability  that  the  Algonkins  are  comparatively  modern  upon  the 
eastern  side  of  the  continent.  The  area  occupied  by  these  nations  was  immense 
in  its  territorial  extent.  At  the  period  of  European  discovery  they  were  found 
thinly  scattered  along  the  Atlantic  seaboard  from  Labrador  to  the  southern  limits 
of  North  Carolina ;  and  as  the  interior  was  subsequently  explored,  they  were  found 
continuously  along  the  St.  Lawrence,  north  of  the  chain  of  lakes,  along  the  Red 
River  of  the  North,  and  the  Siskatchewun,1  quite  to  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountain 
chain.  All  of  Canada  was  Algonkin,  except  a  narrow  fringe  upon  the  north,  held 
by  the  Eskimo ;  and  the  peninsula  between  Lakes  Huron,  Erie,  and  Ontario,  occu- 
pied by  the  Hurons  and  Neutral  Nation.  The  southern  portion  of  the  Hudson's 

1  The  orthography  of  the  word  is  taken  from  the  original  name  in  the  Cree  language,  Kis-sis 
katch'-e-wun,  "Swift  Water." 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY  201 

Bay  Territory,  south  of  the  Siskatchewim  and  Nelson's  Eiver,  was  the  same.  New 
England,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  the  eastern  parts  of  Pennsylvania, 
Virginia,  and  North  Carolina,  formed  a  part  of  the  area  of  occupancy  of  this 
branch  of  the  Ganowanian  family.  Along  the  Mississippi,  from  Lake  Pepin  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio,  and  eastward  to  Indiana,  including  a  part  of  the  latter  State, 
Illinois,  Michigan,  and  the  greater  part  of  Wisconsin,  the  same  people  were  dis- 
tributed ;  while  one  nation,  the  Shawnees,  occupied  south  of  the  Ohio,  in  the 
western  part  of  the  present  State  of  Kentucky.  Their  eccentric  spread  southward 
along  the  Atlantic  coast  was  forced  by  the  development  of  the  Iroquois  nations 
within  the  central  part  of  their  area;  and  their  spread  down  the  Mississippi  was,  in 
like  manner,  probably  due  to  the  pressure  of  the  Dakota  nations  upon  the  western 
boundaries  of  their  area.  The  Algonkins  were  essentially  a  northern  people,  the 
main  thread  of  their  occupancy  being  the  chain  of  lakes  and  the  St.  Lawrence. 

In  its  development,  the  Algonkin  ranks  as  the  equal  of  the  Dakotan  languages. 
The  more  advanced  dialects  of  the  former  are  less  vigorous  and  rugged  in  their 
pronunciation  and  accentuation  than  the  equally  improved  dialects  of  the  latter, 
and  consequently  are  smoother  and  softer,  as  may  be  seen,  to  some  extent,  by  a 
comparison  of  their  respective  vocables  in  the  Tables.  In  the  Shawnee,  the  Cree, 
and  the  Ojibwa  are  found  the  highest  specimens  of  the  Algonkin  speech. 

There  is  one  peculiarity  of  Indian  languages  deserving  of  attention.  It  is  found 
in  the  individualization  of  each  syllable.  In  each  word  every  syllable  is  pronounced 
with  a  distinctness  so  marked  as  to  tend  to  its  isolation.  Instead  of  an  easy  transi- 
tion of  sound  from  one  syllable  into  the  next,  the  change  is  so  abrupt  as  to  result  in 
hiatus  rather  than  coalescence.  The  general  effect  is  heightened  by  the  vehemence 
of  the  accent,  which  is  another  characteristic  of  the  most  of  the  Ganowanian  lan- 
guages. This  may  be  illustrated  by  the  word  Ga-sko' '-sd-go,  which  is  the  name  for 
Rochester  in  the  Seneca-Iroquois.  It  would  be  difficult  to  form  and  put  together 
four  syllables  which  would  maintain  to  a  greater  extent  the  individuality  of  each 
in  their  pronunciation.  Between  the  penult  and  antepenult  the  transition  is  the 
easiest ;  but  the  effect  is  arrested  by  the  intervention  of  the  accent.  These  two 
features  are  strongly  impressed  upon  the  principal  dialects  east  of  the  Eocky 
Mountain  chain.  If  the  Ganowanian  languages  were  characterized  as  syllabical 
rather  than  agglutinated,  the  term  would  be  more  accurate.1 


1  The  present  classification  of  the  languages  of  mankind  into  monosyllabical,  agglutinated,  and 
inflectional  does  not  seem  to  be  well  founded.  The  principal  objection  lies  to  the  last  term  as 
distinctive  of  the  Aryan  and  Semitic  languages.  Inflection  is  a  not  less  striking  characteristic  of 
the  Ganowanian  languages  than  agglutination.  Conjugation,  which  is  the  all-controlling  principle 
of  these  languages,  together  with  agglutination,  are  continually  submerging  the  word ;  whilst  in  the 
Aryan  and  Semitic  languages  the  word  is  more  definite  and  concrete.  There  is  a  decisive  tendency 
in  the  inflectional  languages,  so  called,  to  lessen  inflection,  and,  so  to  speak,  to  solidify  its  words. 
This  is  shown  by  the  development  of  the  present  Aryan  languages  into  their  modern  forms.  They 
are  languages  of  complete  and  perfect  words,  as  distinguished  from  the  monosyllabical  and  polysyl- 
labical,  which  are  yet,  in  some  sense,  in  the  syllable  stage.  The  three  forms  appear  to  give — 1.  The 
language  of  single  syllables ;  2.  The  language  of  many  syllables  ;  and  3.  The  language  of  words. 
26  March,  1870. 


202  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY 

I.  Gichigamian,  or  Great  Lake  Nations.  II.  Mississippi  Nations.  III.  Atlantic 
Nations.  IV.  Rocky  Mountain  Nations. 

The  Algonkin  nations  fall  naturally  into  the  foregoing  groups.  As  an  inter- 
classification  it  is  sustained  by  dialectical  affinities,  and  by  special  features  in  their 
respective  systems  of  relationship.  Under  the  operation  of  the  same  inexorable 
law  that  produced  the  repeated  subdivision  of  the  Dakotan  stem,  and  scattered  its 
parts  over  wide  areas,  they  have  been  broken  up  into  a  large  number  of  politically 
distinct  nations.  Relying  chiefly  upon  fish  and  game  for  subsistence,  when  an 
excess  of  population  appeared  within  a  particular  area,  the  surplus  were  forced  to 
spread  abroad  in  search  of  a  new  seat,  where,  in  due  time,  they  established  an 
independent  nationality.  Their  form  of  government,  which  was  incapable  of 
following  the  people  by  expansion  from  a  fixed  centre,  was  perfect  in  every  band ; 
whence  every  band  was  a  nation  in  embryo.  The  subdividings  and  the  migrations 
of  the  Ganowanian  nations  were  pre-eminently  under  the  control  of  physical  causes, 
the  unbroken  supremacy  of  which  continued  from  the  commencement  of  their  career 
upon  the  North  American  continent  down  to  the  period  of  European  colonization. 
It  is  still  possible  to  retrace  to  a  very  considerable  extent,  the  lines  of  the  outflow 
of  these  nations  from  each  other ;  and  the  direction  of  the  spread  of  the  several 
stocks  from  a  common  initial  point.  Were  it  not  for  the  breaking  up  and  absorp- 
tion of  nations  that  would  have  constituted  the  intermediate  links,  the  precise 
relations  of  these  stocks  and  stems  of  peoples  to  each  other,  as  members  of  a  com- 
mon family,  might  not  be  beyond  hope  of  recovery.  At  least  the  family  may  be 
resolved  into  great  branches  represented  by  stock  languages,  and  the  branches  into 
groups  represented  by  closely  affiliated  dialects.  More  than  this  is  material  only 
to  establish  the  unity  of  these  stock  languages.  Upon  this  last  question  their 
system  of  relationship  offers  an  independent  testimony  which  seems  to  be  sufficient 
for  its  determination  in  the  affirmative. 

I.  Gichigamian,1  or  Great  Lake  Nations. 

1.  Ojibwas.     2.  Otawas.     3.  Potawattamics.     4.  Crees. 

When  the  Jesuit  missionaries  first  reached  Lake  Superior  (1641)  they  found  the 
principal  establishment  of  the  Ojibwas  at  St.  Mary's  Falls  or  rapids,  at  the  outlet 
of  this  lake,  and  spread  for  some  distance  above  upon  both  its  northern  and  south- 
ern shores.  At  the  same  time  the  Otawas2  inhabited  the  Manitoulin  Islands 
scattered  along  the  north  side  of  the  Georgian  Bay,  of  Lake  Huron,  and  the 
islands  in  the  straits  of  Mackinaw ;  while  a  portion  of  them  were  then  spreading 
southward  over  lower  Michigan.  Their  previous  home  country  was  upon  the 
Otawa  River  of  Canada,  and  between  it  and  Lake  Superior,  north  of  the  Huron 
area ;  but  they  had  been  forced  to  leave  this  region  by  the  irruptions  of  the  Iro- 
quois,  who  had  extended  their  forays  to  the  Otawa  River,  and  thence  to  the  shores 
of  Lake  Superior.  With  respect  to  the  Potawattamies3  their  precise  location  is  not 

1  Gl-chi-gd-me,  "the  Great  Lake,"  from  the  Ojibwa,  Gi'-chi,  or  GirtcM,  great,  and  ga'-me,  lake. 
They  applied  this  name  to  each  of  the  great  lakes  ;  Ma-she-ga'-me  to  all  large  lakes  ;  and  Sa-ga-e'- 
fjus  to  the  small  lakes. 

3  Pronounced  O-la'-wa.  *  Pronounced  Po-ta-wat'-ta-me. 


OF   TIIE    HUMAN   FAMILY.  203 

as  well  ascertained.  They  were  frontagers  of  the  Dakotas,  and  occupied  some 
part  of  Northern  Wisconsin,  ranging  eastward  towards  Lake  Michigan,  and  the 
occupancy  of  the  Ojibwas  on  Lake  Superior.  Between  these  nations,  whose  dia- 
lects closely  affiliate,  there  was  a  political  alliance,  which  existed  to  as  late  a  period 
as  1767,  when  they  were  called  by  Sir  William  Johnson  "  the  Otawa  Confederacy." 
In  the  Otawa  dialect,  this  league  was  styled  Norsioa'-ba-ne-zid',  signifying  "  Three 
Council  Fires  in  One."  Among  confederated  Indian  nations  there  is  usually  an 
order  of  precedence  in  council  established  which  indicates  their  relative  rank,  and 
not  unfrequently  the  parent  nation.  In  the  Otawa  confederacy  the  Ojibwas  were 
styled  the  "  Elder  Brother,"  the  Otawas,  "  Next  Oldest  Brother,"  and  the  Potawat- 
tamies,  "  Younger  Brother."1  These  nations  were  probably  subdivisions  of  one 
original  nation ;  and  the  immediate  progenitors  of  four  other  nations,  called  collec- 
tively, at  one  time,  the  Illinois,  namely,  the  Kaskaskias,  Peorias,  Weas,  and  Pianke- 
shaws,  who  occupied  the  quadrangle  between  the  Mississippi,  the  Ohio,  and  the 
foot  of  Lake  Michigan. 

On  the  earliest  map  of  Lake  Superior  in  the  relations  of  the  Jesuits  (1641-1667) 
the  Kenistenaux  or  Crees  are  placed  northwest  of  this  lake,  between  it  and  Lake 
Winnipeg.  They  were  afterwards  found  to  spread  eastward  as  far  as  the  regions 
north  of  Montreal;  and  to  hold  the  area  between  Lake  Superior  and  Hudson's  Bay, 
and  thence  westward  to  the  Red  River  of  the  North  and  the  Siskatchewan.  They 
were  evidently  drawing  westward  at  the  epoch  of  the  discovery,  the  causes  of 
which  may  be  traced  to  the  rapid  growth  of  the  power  and  influence  of  the  Iro- 
quois.  It  is  also  probable  that  a  portion  of  the  New  England  Algonkins  retired  in 
this  direction. 

The  four  nations  named  are  designated  the  Gichigamian  or  Great  Lake  Nations. 
Collectively  they  form  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  groups  of  this  branch  of  the 
Ganowanian  family ;  and  from  the  earliest  period,  to  which  their  traditions  extend, 
they  have  been  identified  with  these  lakes.  It  is  also  extremely  probable,  from  the 
great  fisheries  they  afford,  that  these  lakes  have  been  the  nursery  of  this  stem  of 
the  family,  and  the  secondary  initial  point  of  migration  to  the  valley  of  the 
Saint  Lawrence,  and  thence  to  the  Atlantic  seaboard ;  and  also  to  the  valleys  of 
the  Mississippi  and  the  Ohio.  They  seem  to  stand  intermediate  between  the  east- 
ern, the  southern,  and  the  western  Algonkins. 

The  system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  of  the  four  groups  of  nations  will  be 
considered  in  the  order  in  which  they  are  arranged. 

1.  Ojibwas.  Under  the  more  familiar  name  of  Chippewas,  this  nation  has  become 
so  well  known,  historically,  that  a  reference  to  their  civil  affairs  will  be  unnecessary. 
Small  bands  of  this  people  still  inhabit  the  south  shore  of  Lake  Superior,  at  the 
Sault  St.  Mary,  and  around  Marquette  and  L'Anse  Bays;  but  the  great  body  of 
them  now  occupy  the  country  around  Leach  and  Red  Lakes,  in  Western  Minnesota. 
They  number  about  ten  thousand.  Their  system  of  relationship  agrees  intimately 

1  A  similar  order  of  procedure  in  council  existed  among  the  Iroquois ;  the  Mohawks,  Onandagas, 
and  Senecas  were  collectively  styled  "  Fathers,"  and  tiie  Cayugas,  Oneidas,  and  Tuscaroras  "  Sons," 
and  the  nations  were  named  in  this  relative  order. — Of.  League  of  (he  Iroquois,  pp.  96  and  118. 


204  SYSTEMS   OF   CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

with  that  of  the  Otawas,  Potawattamies,  and  Crees.  It  also  contains  certain  special 
features  in  which  these  nations  agree  with  each  other,  but  differ  from  the  other 
Algonkin  nations.  The  Ojibwa  system  will  be  adopted  as  the  standard.  Four 
complete  schedules  of  this  form  are  given  in  the  Table — first,  to  show  the  slight 
amount  of  dialectical  variation  which  has  arisen  in  the  Ojibwa,  notwithstanding  the 
geographical  separation  of  their  numerous  bands ;  and  secondly,  the  permanence 
of  the  special  features  of  the  system.  No  other  form  has  been  more  thoroughly 
explored,  and  it  appears  to  exhaust  all  the  capabilities  for  specialization  which  the 
fundamental  conceptions  of  the  system  render  possible. 

There  are  original  terms  for  grandfather  and  grandmother,  Ne-ma-sho-mis'  and 
No'-ko-mis' ;.  for  father  and  mother,  Noss  and  Nin-gah' ;  for  son  and  daughter,  Nin- 
gwis'  and  Nin-da'-niss;  and  a  term  in  common  gender  for  grandchild,  No-she-s7ia' . 
All  ancestors  above  the  first  are  grandfathers  and  grandmothers,  and  all  descendants 
below  the  last  are  grandchildren. 

The  relationships  of  brother  and  sister  are  held  in  the  twofold  form  of  elder  and 
younger,  and  there  are  separate  terms  for  each ;  Ni-sa-ya',  elder  brother,  and  Ne- 
mis-sa',  younger  brother;  but  the  term  for  younger  brother  and  younger  sister, 
Ne-sfe'-ma,  is  in  common  gender,  and  applied  to  both. 

It  will  be  understood  that  what  is  stated  in  each  of  the  last  two  paragraphs  is  also 
true  with  respect  to  every  other  Algonkin  nation,  unless  the  contrary  is  mentioned. 

First  Indicative  Feature.  My  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my 
step-son,  N'-do'-zhim,  and  my  step-daughter,  N'-do'-zTie-mi-kwame.  With  Ego  a 
female,  they  are  my  nephew  and  niece,  Ne-nin'-gwi-nis'  and  Ne-she-mis' . 

Second.  My  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  nephew  and  niece, 
Ne-nin'-gwi-nis'  and  Ne-she-mis'.  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  step-son  and 
step-daughter. 

Third.    My  father's  brother  is  my  step-father,  Ne-mis7i'-s7io-ma. 

Fourth.  My  father's  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  step-brother, 
Ne-ka'^na,  and  my  step-sister,  Nin-da-wa'-ma.  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my 
brother,  elder  or  younger,  and  my  sister,  elder  or  younger. 

Fifth.    My  father's  sister  is  my  aunt,  Ne-see-gus'. 

Sixth.    My  mother's  brother  is  my  uncle,  Ne-zhish-sha' . 

Seventh.    My  mother's  sister  is  my  step-mother,  Ne-no-sha.1 

Eighth.  My  mother's  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  step-brother 
and  step-sister ;  but  the  latter,  if  younger  than  myself,  is  my  younger  sister.  With 
Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  brothers  and  sisters,  elder  or  younger. 

Ninth.    My  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather. 

Tenth.  The  grandchildren  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  the  grandchildren  of 
my  collateral  brothers  and  sisters,  of  my  step-brothers  and  step-sisters,  and  of  my 
male  and  female  cousins,  are,  without  distinction,  my  grandchildren. 

1  I  think,  if  re-examined,  it  will  be  found  that  my  mother's  sister  is  my  mother,  and  my  father's 
brother  my  father,  Ego  a  female  ;  and  that  my  sister's  son,  Ego  a  female,  is  my  daughter.  In  other 
words,  the  step-relationships  are  used  by  the  males,  whilst  the  females  use  the  full  terms.  The 
Tables  show  this  in  part. 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  205 

It  will  be  seen,  by  consulting  the  Table,  that  the  principles  of  classification  in 
the  first  collateral  line  are  applied  to  the  second,  third,  and  fourth  collateral  lines, 
as  in  the  Seneca  and  Yankton ;  thus,  the  sons  and  daughters  of  my  step-brothers, 
and  of  my  male  cousins,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  step-sons  and  step-daughters,  while  the 
children  of  my  step-sisters  and  of  my  female  cousins  are  my  nephews  and  nieces. 
With  Ego  a  female,  the  children  of  the  former  are  my  nephews  and  nieces,  and  of 
the  latter  are  my  sons  and  daughters. 

Amongst  the  Gichigamian  nations  the  relationship  of  cousin  is  found,  but 
restricted,  as  usual,  to  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister ;  thus,  my  father's  sister's 
son  and  daughter  are  my  male  and  female  cousins,  Ne-ta-wis  and  Ne-ne-moo-sha' ' . 
In  like  manner,  my  grandfather's  brother's  grandson  and  granddaughter  are  my 
cousins.  On  the  mother's  side,  my  mother's  brother's  son  and  daughter,  and  my 
grandmother's  brother's  grandson  and  granddaughter,  are  respectively  my  male 
and  female  cousins. 

In  the  marriage  relationship  the  Ojibwa  system  is  in  equally  striking  agreement 
with  the  Seneca  and  Yankton.  Each  of  the  wives  of  my  step-sons  and  nephews  is 
my  daughter-in-law,  Ne-sim!  ;  and  ea£h  of  the  husbands  of  my  several  step-daughters 
and  nieces  is  my  son-in-law,  Ne-nin-gwun',  the  same  as  the  wife  and  husband  of  my 
own  son  and  daughter.  In  like  manner,  the  wives  of  my  several  step-brothers  and 
male  cousins  are  respectively  my  sisters-in-law,  and  the  husbands  of  my  several 
step-sisters  and  female  cousins  are  my  brothers-in-law.  For  a  further  knowledge 
of  these  relationships  reference  is  made  to  the  Table,  in  which  they  will  be  found 
fully  presented 

If  the  Seneca-Iroquois  and  Yankton-Dakota  forms  are  placed  side  by  side  with 
the  Ojibwa,  the  differences  are  found  to  be  so  inconsiderable,  both  in  the  relation- 
ships of  consanguinity  and  affinity,  as  to  excite  astonishment.  We  have  crossed 
from  one  stock  language  into  another,  and  from  one  of  the  great  stems  of  the 
Ganowanian  family  into  another,  and  find  not  only  the  radical  features  of  the 
common  system  intact,  hut  their  subordinate  details  coincident  down  to  minute 
particulars.  At  the  same  time,  the  terms  of  relationship  are  changed  beyond  the 
reach  of  recognition.  One  set  of  diagrams,  with  scarcely  the  alteration  of  a  rela- 
tionship, would  answer  for  the  three  forms,  the  classification  of  blood  kindred  and 
of  marriage  relations  being  substantially  the  same  in  all.  The  chief  difference 
consists  in  the  substitution  of  the  step-relationships  for  a  portion  of  the  primary, 
which  will  be  found  to  be  simply  a  refinement  upon  an  original  system  in  all 
respects  identical  with  the  Seneca  and  Yankton.  This  is  conclusively  shown  by 
the  present  condition  of  the  system  amongst  their  nearest  congeners,  the  Mississippi 
nations,  among  whom  the  step-relationships  are  unknown  in  this  connection.  A 
further  and  still  stronger  impression  is  thus  obtained  of  the  great  antiquity  of  this 
extraordinary  system  of  relationship  in  the  Ganowanian  family,  of  its  power  to 
perpetuate  itself,  and  of  the  fact  of  its  transmission  with  the  blood. 

2.  Otawas.  3.  Potawattamies.  The  forms  which  prevail  in  these  nations  agree 
so  closely  with  the  Ojibwa,  that  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  consider  them  separately. 
It  will  also  be  seen,  by  consulting  the  Table,  that  their  dialects  approach  each  other 
very  nearly.  At  the  time  of  the  settlement  of  Detroit,  a  portion  of  the  Otawas 


206  SYSTEMS    OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND    AFFINITY 

were  settled  upon  the  Detroit  River.  The  largest  number  of  them  are  now  in 
Kansas ;  but  there  are  small  bands  still  upon  the  north  shores  of  Lake  Huron  and 
the  Georgian  Bay,  and  still  other  individuals  intermingled  with  the  Ojibwas.  They 
number  collectively  about  two  thousand.  The  Potawattamies  occupied  around  the 
south  shores  of  Lake  Michigan  at  the  time  the  settlement  was  commenced  at 
Chicago,  about  1830.  The  most  of  them  are  now  established  upon  a  reservation 
in  Kansas.  They  number  collectively  about  three  thousand. 

4.  Crees.  The  Cree  language  is  now  spoken  in  three  dialects,  without  any  cor- 
responding division  of  the  people  into  three  geographically  distinct  nations.  They 
are  called  the  Cree  of  the  Lowlands,  the  Cree  of  the  Woods,  and  the  Cree  of  the 
Prairie,  of  which  the  former  is  the  least  and  the  latter  is  the  most  developed. 
There  is  a  belt  of  thick  wood  country  extending  for  about  three  hundred  miles 
from  the  southern  circuit  of  Hudson's  Bay,  reaching  to  Lake  Winnipeg  on  the 
west,  and  on  the  south  to  the  dividing  ridge  between  this  bay  and  Lake  Superior 
and  the  St.  Lawrence,  which  has  been  the  home  country  of  the  Crees  from  the 
earliest  period  to  which  our  knowledge  extends.  Sir  George  Simpson  states,  in 
his  testimony  before  a  Parliamentary  commission,  that  this  thick  wood  country 
"has  a  larger  surface  of  water  than  of  land."1  Their  occupation  of  the  prairie 
regions  upon  the  Red  River  of  the  North  and  the  Siskatchewun  was  undoubtedly 
comparatively  modern.  The  prairie  dialect,  therefore,  which  is  the  speech  of  the 
largest  number  of  the  Crees,  represents  that  portion  of  the  people  who  first  emi- 
grated from  the  thick  wood  country  into  the  plains,  and  which  may  have  been  at 
the  time  in  the  incipient  stages  of  its  development.  The  differences  among  the 
three  are  still  very  slight,  as  will  be  seen  by  comparing  the  terms  in  the  Table. 
Of  the  variations  in  the  pronouns  the  following  may  be  taken  as  illustrations : — 

Mine.  Thine.  His. 

Cree  of  the  Lowlands.  Ne-nii'.  Wc-na-wou'.  We-nil'. 

Woods.  Ne-la'.  We-la-wou'.  We-la'. 

"        "       Prairie.  Ne-ya'.  We-a-wou'.  We-ya'. 

The  Crees  speak  of  each  other  as  belonging  to  one  of  these  three  branches  of 
the  nation,  although  the  dialects,  colloquially,  are  mutually  intelligible  without  the 
slightest  difficulty.  In  the  terms  of  relationship  in  the  Table  other  differences  will 
be  observed,  but  they  are  less  in  the  aggregate  than  among  any  other  dialects  given, 
not  excepting  the  Dakota.  This  language  is  open  and  accessible  to  a  greater 
extent  than  any  other  upon  the  American  continent,  from  the  large  number  of 
whites  by  whom  it  has  been  acquired,  and  from  the  unusually  large  number  of 
half-bloods  speaking  English,  to  whom  the  Cree  is  the  mother  tongue.2  Under  the 

1  Report  from  the  Select  Committee  on  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  made  to  the  British  Parlia- 
ment in  1857,  p.  55. 

1  An  exceedingly  interesting  experiment  is  now  in  progress  at  Selkirk,  or  Red  River  Settlement, 
near  Lake  Winnipeg.  Along  the  banks  of  this  river,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Asiniboine  River  for 
some  twelve  miles  down  towards  the  lake,  there  is  a  straggling  village  containing  near  ten  thousand 
people,  made  up  chiefly  of  half-blood  Crees,  but  showing  all  shades  of  color,  from  the  pure  white 
Orkney  Islander,  through  all  the  intermediate  degrees  of  intermixture,  to  the  full-blooded  Cree.  The 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  at  an  early  day,  induced  Orkney  men  to  emigrate  to  their  territory,  to  act 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  207 

influence  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  the  Crees  have  been  kept  at  peace  among 
themselves,  and  to  a  great  extent  with  contiguous  nations,  consequently  they  have 
made  considerable  progress  in  numbers  and  in  civilization.  With  the  exception, 
however,  of  the  agricultural  half-bloods,  they  are  not  as  far  advanced  as  many 
other  Indian  nations. 

Their  system  of  relationship  was  procured  with  unusual  facility.  The  first 
schedule,  that  of  the  Lowland  Cree,  was  obtained  at  the  Sault  St.  Mary,  in  1860, 
through  a  half-blood  Cree  from  Moose  Factory,  on  Hudson's  Bay ;  the  second,  that 
of  the  Prairie  Crees,  in  1861,  at  Georgetown,  on  the  Red  River  of  the  North,  from 
Mrs.  Alexander  H.  Murray,  a  quarter-blood  Cree  from  Peace  River,  near  Athapasca 
Lake.  She  was  the  wife  of  Mr.  A.  H.  Murray,  one  of  the  factors  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company,  then  stationed  at  Georgetown,  and  an  educated  and  accomplished 

in  the  service  of  the  Company  in  the  capacity  of  trappers  and  traders.     These  adventurers  took 
the  Cree  women,  first  as  companions,  and  afterwards,  under  religious  influences,  as  wives ;  and  when 
their  term  of  service  expired,  took  up  small  farms  with  a  narrow  front  on  the  river  and  extending 
back  on  the  prairie  as  far  as  they  chose  to  cultivate,  and  became  a  settled  agricultural  people.     The 
result,  in  the  course  of  a  hundred  or  more  years,  has  been  the  development  of  this  large  population 
at  Red  River  Settlement  of  mixed  Indian  and  European  blood,  followed  by  the  introduction  among 
them  of  the  habits  and  usages  of  civilized  life.     This  population  are  still  drawing  fresh  blood  both 
from  native  and  European  sources ;   hence  the  main  condition  of  the  experiment — namely,  their 
isolation  from  both  stocks — has  not  yet  been  reached.     But  there  is  a  permanently  established  half 
blood  class,  intermediate  between  the  two ;  and  the  problem  to  be  solved  is,  whether  a  new  stock  can 
be  thus  formed,  able  to  perpetuate  itself.    It  is  too  early  to  pronounce  upon  the  question.    There  are 
many  encouraging  and  some  adverse  indications.    There  is  a  purely  physiological  principle  involved, 
which  connects  itself  directly  with  this  experiment.     The  Indian  and  European  are  at  opposite  poles 
in  their  physiological  conditions.     In  the  former  there  is  very  little  animal  passion,  while  with  the 
latter  it  is  superabundant.     A  pure-blooded  Indian  has  very  little  animal  passion,  but  in  the  half- 
blood  it  is  sensibly  augmented ;  and  when  the  second  generation  is  reached  with  a  cross  giving  three- 
fourths  white  blood,  it  becomes  excessive,  and  tends  to  indiscriminate  licentiousness.    If  this  be  true 
in  fact,  it  is  a  potent  adverse  element  leading  to  demoralization  and  decay,  which  it  will  be  extremely 
difficult  to  overmaster  and  finally  escape.    In  his  native  state,  the  Indian  is  below  the  passion  of  love. 
It  is  entirely  unknown  among  them,  with  the  exception,  to  a  limited  extent,  of  the  Village  Indians. 
This  fact  is  sufficiently  proved  by  the  universal  prevalence  of  the  custom  of  disposing  of  the  females 
in  marriage  without  their  knowledge  or  participation  in  the  arrangement.     The  effects  produced  by 
intermixture  of  European  and  Indian  blood,  although  a  delicate  subject,  is  one  of  scientific  interest. 
The  facts  above  stated  I  obtained  from  traders  and  trappers  on  the  Upper  Missouri,  who  have  spent 
their  lives  in  the  Indian  country,  and  understand  Indian  life  in  all  its  relations.     When  at  the  Red 
River  Settlement  in  1861,  I  made  this  a  subject  of  further  inquiry,  the  results  of  which  tended  to 
confirm  the  above  statements.    Whether  this  abnormal  or  disturbed  state  of  the  animal  passions  will 
finally  subside  into  a  proper  equilibrium,  is  one  of  the  questions  involved.     There  was  much  in  the 
thrift,  industry,  and  intelligence  displayed  at  the  Settlement  to  encourage  the  hope  and  the  expecta- 
tion of  an  ultimately  successful  solution  of  the  problem.     Among  the  pure  Orkney  men,  as  well  as 
half-bloods,  there  were  many  excellent  and  solid  men  who  would  command  respect  and  attain  success 
in  any  community  ;  and  under  such  influences  the  probabilities  of  success  are  greatly  strengthened. 
As  far  as  my  personal  observation  has  extended  among  the  American  Indian  nations,  the  half-blood 
is  inferior,  both  physically  and  mentally,  to  the  pure  Indian ;  but  the  second  cross,  giving  three- 
quarters  Indian,  is  an  advance  upon  the  native;  and  giving  throe-fourths  white  is  a  still  greater 
advance,  approximating  to  equality  with  the  white  ancestor.     With  the  white  carried  still  further, 
full  equality  is  reached,  tending  to  show  that  Indian  blood  car.  be  taken  up  without  physical  or 
intellectual  detriment. 


208  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

lady.  The  third,  that  of  the  Cree  of  the  Woods,  was  procured  at  the  same  time 
and  place,  from  Mrs.  Ohlson,  a  half-blood  Cree  from  Pembina.  Afterwards  a  second 
Cree  of  the  Lowlands  was  obtained  at  Eed  Eiver  Settlement.  Besides  these,  I 
received,  in  the  year  1862,  a  second  schedule  of  the  Cree  of  the  Prairie,  from  the 
Rev.  E.  A.  Watkins,  of  Devon,  on  the  Siskatchewan  River.  These  verifications  of 
the  details  as  well  as  existence  of  the  system  were  more  ample  than  usual.  The 
Cree  language,  as  well  as  system  of  relationship,  affiliates  very  closely  with  the 
dialects  and  systems  of  the  remaining  Gichigamian  nations. 

First  Indicative  Feature.  My  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my 
step-son  and  step-daughter.  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  nephew  and  niece. 

Second.  My  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  nephew  and  niece. 
With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  step-son  and  step-daughter. 

Third.  My  father's  brother  is  my  step-father. 

Fourth.  My  father's  brother's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder 
or  younger. 

Fifth.  My  father's  sister  is  my  aunt. 

Sixth.  My  mother's  brother  is  my  uncle. 

Seventh.  My  mother's  sister  is  my  mother. 

Eighth.  My  mother's  sister's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder 
or  younger. 

Ninth.  My  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather. 

Tenth.  The  grandchildren  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  the  grandchildren  of 
my  collateral  brothers  and  sisters,  and  of  my  male  and  female  cousins,  are  severally 
my  grandchildren. 

Among  the  Crees  the  relationship  of  cousin  is  also  found  applied  by  the  children 
of  a  brother  and  sister  to  each  other.  The  relationships  of  step-brother  and  step- 
sister are  not  found  in  the  Cree  applied  as  in  the  Ojibwa.  In  this  respect  it  retains 
the  original  form  of  the  system. 

For  the  purpose  of  illustrating  the  degree  of  nearness  in  the  vocables  for  common 
objects  in  the  dialects  of  the  Great  Lake  nations,  and  their  relation  to  the  West- 
ern Algonkin,  a  short  comparative  table  is  inserted  below,  compiled  from  unpub- 
lished vocabularies  of  the  author.1 

II.  Mississippi  Nations.  1.  Miamis.  2.  Illinois:  (1.  Weas.  2.  Piankeshaws. 
3.  Kaskaskias.  4.  Peorias.)  3.  Sawks  and  Foxes.  4.  Kikapoos.  5.  Menominees. 
6.  Shiyans.  7.  Shawnees. 

The  occupation  of  the  vast  prairie  area  in  the  interior  of  the  continent,  by  the 
Indian  nations,  was  a  modern  event.  It  is  perfectly  certain,  as  well  as  obvious 
from  the  nature  of  these  plains,  that  they  were  incapable  of  human  habitation 
until  after  the  aborigines  had  come  into  possession  of  the  horse,  and  had  learned 
to  rear  him  as  a  domestic  animal.  Before  that  event  they  were  confined  to  the 
banks  of  the  great  rivers  that  traversed  the  prairies,  leaving  the  remainder  of  these 
immense  regions  an  unbroken  solitude,  in  the  exclusive  possession  of  the  herds  of 
wild  animals  who  grazed  their  inexhaustible  pastures.  East  of  the  Mississippi  the 

1  See  table  at  bottom  of  next  page. 


OF  THE   HUMAN  FAMILY. 


209 


prairie  area  extended  southward  to  the  fringe  of  forest  bordering  the  Ohio  River, 
eastward  to  the  central  part  of  Indiana,  and  then  stretching  northwestward,  along 
the  forest  which  skirted  Lake  Michigan,  Lake  Superior,  and  Lake  Winnipeg,  it 
crossed  Peace  Biver  near  the  west  end  of  Athapasca  Lake.  From  the  plateau  of 
Peace  River  southward  to  New  Mexico  for  a  distance  of  more  than  fifteen  hundred 
miles,  and  from  the  Rocky  Mountain  chain  to  the  great  forests,  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, a  distance  of  more  than  a  thousand  miles  in  their  greatest  width,  these 
prairies  lie  unrolled  as  a  carpet  of  verdure.  They  furnish  the  most  extraordinary 
natural  spectacle  upon  which  the  eye  of  man  ever  rested  on  the  earth's  surface.  No 
description  can  realize  to  the  mind  their  vastness  or  their  magnificence.  Between 
the  western  borders  of  Lake  Superior  and  the  Ohio  the  rivers  and  streams  were 
bordered  with  forest.  There  were,  also,  patches  of  forest  scattered  here  and  there 
in  the  midst  of  the  prairies,  in  which  respect  the  regions  east  of  the  Mississippi 
differ  from  those  west  of  and  upon  the  Missouri.  Throughout  all  the  region  first 
named  there  was  a  mixture  of  forest  and  prairie,  the  latter  largely  predominating. 
Within  this  area  the  Mississippi  nations  were  found.  Their  habitations  were 
along  the  rivers  and  streams,  which  were  well  supplied  with  fish,  and  also  among 
the  woodlands  which  afforded  a  shelter  for  game.  The  open  prairies  east  of  the 
Mississippi,  as  well  as  west  of  it,  were  destitute  of  inhabitants. 

At  the  period  of  colonization  there  were  eleven  nations  between  Lake  Superior 
and  the  Ohio,  excluding  the  Winnebagoes  and  Potawattamies,  and  including  the 


Cree. 

Ojibwa. 

Potawattamie. 

Blood-Blackfoot. 

Ahahnelin. 

Head, 

Mish'-to-gwan 

O-ste'-gwan 

Wa-tib' 

0-too-kane' 

Ah-ga'-ha 

Hair, 

Mis-ta'-gi-ya 

We-ne-sis'-sun 

Wain-sus-san' 

0-to'-  kwa-kin- 

Be-at-ah' 

Eye, 

0-sk-zik' 

0-ske-zhig' 

Zhk-zhuk' 

O-aps'-pix  [is' 

Pa-sa'-tha 

Ear, 

O-ta'-wi-gi 

Ta-wag' 

0-to-uk' 

Oh--to'-kis 

Wa-nii-ta'-no 

Nose, 

0-ske-wun' 

0-jhaze' 

0-jash' 

Oaks-se-sis' 

Ba'-sa 

Mouth, 

Ne-tone' 

0-done' 

0-tone' 

Ma-aw'-ye 

Ba'-ke 

Arm, 

Osh-pe-toon' 

0-neke' 

Nuk 

Olr-chim'-min 

Bas'-te-na'-ya 

Hand, 

O-jish'-chc 

0-ninge' 

0-nech' 

0-ma-jiks-e-kin- 

Bii'-kik 

Bow, 

Ah-cha'-le 

Me-ke-gwab' 

N'-ta-gwab' 

Na'-ma        [ist 

Ba'-ta 

Arrow, 

Ah-toosh' 

Pe-kwack' 

Wape 

Ah-pe'-se 

Ot'-zo 

Tobacco, 

Sta'-mow 

Ah-sa-ma' 

Sa'-ma 

Pis-tii'-ka 

Tza-tha'-wa 

Sun, 

Pee-sim 

Ke-sis' 

Ka-zus' 

Na-to'-ze 

A-sis' 

Star, 

Ah-dak' 

Ah-nung' 

No-goke' 

Ka-ka'-toase 

Ah-tome' 

Wind, 

Yu-tin 

No-din' 

I'-so-po 

Ne'-he-nate 

Rain, 

Ke-ne-wun' 

Ke-nee-wun' 

I-sote' 

Ah-na-tha' 

Snow, 

Go-na 

Kone 

Kone 

Ko'-nis-ko 

Ba-natz' 

Fire, 

E-sko'-da-o 

Sko'-da 

Stche 

E-sit'-ta 

Water, 

Ne'-pe 

Ne-leh' 

Bish 

Ah-olr'-ke-a 

Det'-za 

Ice, 

Mis-kwa-me' 

Me-kwum' 

M'-komb' 

Ko-ko-to'-a 

Wii'-ho 

Pigeon, 

O-me'-rau 

O-me'-me 

Ah-me' 

Ka-ko'-a 

Ne-ta'-ha 

Red. 

Ah-me-kwag' 

Mis-kwa' 

Mas-kwak' 

Mox-e'-natch-e 

Ba'-ah 

Yellow, 

0-sa-wag' 

0-za-wa' 

Wa-za'-nak 

Ote-ko'-e-natch- 

Ne-ha'-ya 

One, 

Pa-yuk' 

N'-goot' 

Tokes'-ka      [e 

Na-ne'-tha 

Two, 

Ne-su' 

Neesh 

Na'-toke 

Na-ne-tha' 

Three, 

Nees-tu' 

Swa 

Ne-okes'-ka 

Na-na'-the 

Four, 

Na-woo' 

Ne-a-o' 

Ne-sa-im 

Ge-na'-ne 

Five, 

Nee-ah-mun' 

Ne-a-nin' 

Nee-se-to'-a 

Ya-na'-ta-ne 

27       March,  1870. 


210  SYSTEMS   OF   C  0  N  S  ANG  TJINIT  Y  AND  AFFINITY 

Shawnces  south  of  the  Ohio,  who  dwelt  upon  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
upon  the  numerous  rivers  which  traverse  the  present  States  of  Wisconsin  and 
Illinois,  and  the  western  parts  of  Indiana.  All  of  these  nations  spoke  dialects  of 
the  Algonkin  language,  and  were  more  nearly  allied  to  each  other,  and  nearer  to 
the  Great  Lake  nations,  than  they  were  to  the  Atlantic  Algonkins.  The  reasons 
for  placing  the  Shiyans1  among  the  number  will  be  elsewhere  assigned.  It  is 
proposed  to  call  them  collectively  the  Mississippi  Nations.  At  the  time  Father 
Marquette  descended  the  Mississippi,  in  1673  it  is  probable,  from  the  Algonkin 
names  upon  his  map,  that  some  of  these  nations  had  establishments  upon  the  west 
side  of  the  river,  from  which  the  Dakotas  were  then  gradually  effecting  their 
displacement.  Moreover,  there  are  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  original  home 
country  of  the  Dakotas  upon  the  head  waters  of  the  Mississippi,  was  wrested 
from  the  Algonkins,  and  that  the  Shiyans,  and  perhaps  the  Arapahoes,  were  the 
nations  displaced. 

1.  Miamis.  2.  Illinois.  (1.  Weas.  2.  Piankeshaws.  3.  Kaskaskias.  4. 
Peorias.) 

The  first  group  of  the  Mississippi  Nations,  consisting  of  the  five  above  named, 
were  subdivisions  of  the  same  people.  This  is  at  least  certain  with  respect  to 
all  except  the  Miamis,  whose  dialect  shows  considerable  divergence.  During  the 
colonial  period  they  were  so  regarded  both  by  the  French  and  English.2  They  were 
sometimes  styled,  collectively,  the  "  Illinois  Confederacy."3  It  is  a  matter  of  doubt 
whether  there  ever  was  a  distinct  nation  of  Illinois  Indians,  as  distinguished  from 
the  four  bands  named.  None  such  exists  at  the  present  time,  and  we  have 
no  account  of  their  extirpation.  It  was  probably  a  general  name  for  these 
nations  or  bands,  which  was  laid  aside  after  they  became  distinct  under  recognized 
names.  This  is  not  inconsistent  with  La  Salle's  account  of  the  destruction  of  a 
large  portion  of  the  Illinois  by  the  Iroquois.  For  these  reasons  these  four  nations  are 
called  collectively  the  Illinois.  The  Peorias  and  Kaskaskias  were  immediate  sub- 
divisions of  the  same  people.  In  like  manner,  the  Miamis,  Weas,  and  Pianke- 
shaws, as  appears  by  the  official  records  of  the  last  century,  were  regarded  as  imme- 
diate subdivisions -of  one  original  nation.4  A  comparison  of  the  terms  of  relationship 
in  the  Table  "will  show  the  present  relation  of  these  dialects  to  each  other. 

In  their  system  of  consanguinity  and  affinity  these  nations,  all  of  which  are 
represented  in  the  Table,  agree  very  closely  with  each  other.  It  will  be  sufficient 
to  present  one  form,  and  that  of  the  Miamis,  who  are  the  most  numerous,  will  be 
adopted  as  the  standard.  These  nations  occupied  the  triangle  between  the  Illi- 
nois, the  Mississippi,  and  the  Ohio  Rivers,  and  were  spread  along  the  Wabash  and 
the  Miami  into  the  western  part  of  Indiana.5 


1  From  the  Dakota  Shi-ya.    (Cheyennes.. 

•  Enumeration  of  Indian  Nations  made  in  1736,  Colonial  History  of  New  York,  IX,  1057. 

8  Review  of  the  Trade  and  Affairs  of  the  Indians  of  the  Northern  District  in  1767,  by  Sir  William 
Johnson,  Col.  Hist.  New  York,  IX,  966. 

•  Ib.,  IX,  891,  and  X,  248. 

8  Harvey,  in  his  History  of  the  Shawnees,  quotes  the  speech  of  Little  Turtle,  a  Miami  chief,  in  which 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  211 

First  Indicative  Feature.  My  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  son 
and  daughter,  Neen-gwase' -sa  and  Nin-da'-na.  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my 
nephew  and  niece,  Lan-gwa-les'-sa  and  Shames-sd' . 

Second.  My  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  nephew  and  niece. 
With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  son  and  daughter. 

Third.  My  father's  brother  is  my  father,  No-sa'. 

Fourth.  My  father's  brother's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother,  elder  or  younger, 
Ne-sa-sa"  or  Ne' -she-ma' ',  and  my  sister,  elder  or  younger,  Ne-mis-sa"  or  Ne-she-ma". 

Fifth.  My  father's  sister  is  my  aunt,  N'-sa-gwe'-sa. 

Sixth.  My  mother's  brother  is  my  uncle,  Ne-zJiese'-sa. 

Seventh.  My  mother's  sister  is  my  mother,  Nin-ge-aft'. 

Eighth.  My  mother's  sister's  son  and  daughter,  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder 
or  younger. 

Ninth.  My  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather,  Na-ma-sho-ma' 

The  grandchildren  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  of  my  collateral  brothers  and 
sisters,  are  indiscriminately  my  grandchildren. 

Amongst  these  nations  the  relationship  of  cousin  is  unknown.  The  children  of 
a  brother  and  sister,  if  males,  are  uncle  and  nephew  to  each  other,  and  if  females, 
they  are  mother  and  daughter ;  in  which  respect  it  is  in  precise  agreement  with 
the  form  which  prevails  among  the  Missouri  nations  and  the  Winnebagoes.  As 
this  identity  is  an  interesting  fact,  the  relationships  may  be  run  through  specifically. 
My  father's  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  nephew  and  niece,  and 
their  children  are  my  grandchildren.  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  son  and 
daughter,  and  their  children  are  my  grandchildren.  On  the  reverse  side,  my 
mother's  brother's  son  is  my  uncle,  Ne-zliese' -sa  ;  his  son  is  my  uncle  again,  and 
his  male  descendants  continue  to  be  uncles,  theoretically,  in  an  infinite  series.  My 
mother's  brother's  daughter  is  my  mother,  Nin-ge-ati ;  her  children  are  my  brothers 
and  sisters,  elder  or  younger ;  the  children  of  these  collateral  brothers,  Ego  a  male, 
are  my  sons  and  daughters ;  of  these  collateral  sisters  are  my  nephews  and  nieces, 
and  their  children  are  my  grandchildren. 

The  progress  of  this  particular  part  of  the  system  from  a  lower  to  a  higher  form 
in  branches  of  two  independent  stems  of  the  Ga'nowanian  family,  taking  in  each 
the  same  direction,  and  reaching  the  same  ultimate  form,  is  a  significant  fact. 
This  is  seen  to  have  been  the  case  among  the  Hodenosaunian,  the  Dakotan,  and 
the  Great  Lake  nations,  among  whom  the  relationship  of  cousin  is  .found.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  a  not  less  striking  fact  that  among  the  congeners  of  each  respec- 
tively the  same  anterior  form,  as  to  the  relationships  between  the  children  of  a 
brother  and  sister  should  still  prevail.  Two  inferences  arise  from  the  premises : 
first,  that  the  radical  forms  of  the  system  are  stable  and  persistent.  An  obvious 

the  latter  refers  to  the  ancient  area  of  occupation  of  the  Miamis  as  follows :  "My  forefathers  kindled 
the  first  fire  at  Detroit,  from  thence  he  extended  his  lines  to  the  head-waters  of  the  Scioto,  from 
thence  to  its  mouth,  from  thence  down  the  Ohio  to  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash,  and  from  thence  to 
Chicago  on  Lake  Michigan.  These  are  the  boundaries  within  which  the  prints  of  my  ancestors' 
houses  are  everywhere  to  be  seen." — Harvey's  History  of  the  Shawnees,  p.  64. 


212  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

incongruity,  not  to  say  blemish,  is  maintained  through  long  periods  of  time  among 
.  certain  nations,  after  a  portion  of  their  congeners  had  corrected  the  defect  by  a 
change  suggested  by  the  principles  of  the  system.  Secondly,  that  the  system  is 
under  the  absolute  control  of  the  fundamental  conceptions  upon  which  it  rests,  and 
if  changed  at  all,  the  change  must  be  in  logical  accordance  with  these  conceptions, 
and  move  in  a  direction,  as  elsewhere  stated,  predetermined  by  the  elements  of  the 
system. 

The  identity  of  the  Miami  in  whatever  is  radical,  with  the  common  system  of  all 
the  nations  thus  far  named  is  sufficiently  evident.1 

2.  Sawks  and  Foxes.  It  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  plan  of  this  work  to 
encumber  its  pages  with  historical  notices  of  the  numerous  nations  to  whom  it  is 
necessary  to  refer.  A  brief  reference  to  their  ancient  seats,  and  to  their  present 
location  and  numbers,  will  yield  all  the  information  necessary  to  our  present  purpose. 

The  home  country  of  the  Sawks  and  Foxes,  when  they  first  became  known  to 
the  early  explorers,  was  upon  the  Fox  River  in  Wisconsin,  where  they  were  found 
in  1666.  Their  range  was  westward  from  this  river  to  the  Mississippi.  There  is 
some  evidence  tending  to  show  that  they  formerly  resided  upon  the  north  shore  of 
Lake  Ontario ;  and  subsequently  upon  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi  in  the  val- 
ley  of  the  Sawk  River,  within  the  Dakota  area.  They  have  been  distinguished 
among  the  Mississippi  nations  for  their  fighting  propensities.  In  1841  they  were 
established  upon  a  reservation  in  Kansas,  and  were  estimated  at  twenty-four  hun- 
dred.2 

Among  the  Mississippi  nations  there  was  more  or  less  of  cultivation  and  of  vil- 
lage life.  This  was  particularly  the  case  with  the  Sawks  and  Foxes.3  Their  dia- 
lect affiliates  very  closely  with  the  dialects  of  the  Illinois,  as  will  be  seen  by  a  refer- 
ence to  the  Table.  Like  all  other  prairie  Indians,  the  Sawks  and  Foxes  are  very 
dark  skinned,  very  much  more  so  than  the  forest  nations.  Some  of  them  are  but 
a  few  shades  lighter  than  the  negro.4 

Their  system  of  relationship,  which  will  be  found  in  the  Table,  agrees  so  inti- 

1  In  1855  the  five  nations  above  named  were  estimated  collectively  at  seven  hundred  and  eighty. 
Schoolcraft,  Hist.  Cond.  &  Pros.  VI,  705. 

*  They  are  frequently  referred  to  in  the  Colonial  Records.  Col.  Hist.  N.  Y.,  IV,  749,  VII,  543, 
IX,  161,  889  and  1055. 

8  Carver  thus  speaks  of  a  village  of  the  Sawks  on  the  Wisconsin  River,  which  he  visited  in  1766  : 
"  This  is  the  largest  and  best  built  Indian  town  I  ever  saw.  It  contained  about  ninety  houses,  each 
large  enough  for  several  families.  They  are  built  of  hewn  plank,  neatly  jointed,  and  covered  with 
bark  so  completely  as  to  keep  out  the  most  penetrating  rains.  *  *  *  In  their  plantations,  which 
lie  adjacent  to  their  houses,  and  are  neatly  laid  out,  they  raise  great  quantities  of  Indian  corn,  beans, 
melons,  &c." — Travels,  p.  22. 

4  I  remember  very  distinctly  the  personal  appearance  of  a  Sawk  woman  upon  the  Sawk  and  Fox 
Reservation  in  Kansas  in  1860,  who  assisted  my  interpreter  in  giving  the  details  of  their  system  of 
relationship.  She  was  short,  but  stout,  with  a  very  dark  skin,  small  deep  set  and  restless  black 
eyes  (in  which  the  untamed  animal  nature  was  distinctly  manifest),  high  cheek  bones,  narrow,  high, 
and  retreating  forehead,  and  massive  lower  face,  with  large  mouth  and  tumid  lips.  A  smile,  which 
occasionally  came  and  went,  sat  upon  her  imperturbable  features  so  unnaturally  that  her  face  did  not 
seem  formed  to  harbor  such  a  visitant;  and  it  dropped  out  as  instantaneously  as  a  thread  of  light- 


OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  213 

mately  with  the  form  which  prevails  in  the  first  group  of  the  Mississippi  nations 
that  it  will  be  unnecessary  to  present  the  indicative  relationships.  The  most 
noticeable  fact  connected  with  it  is  the  manner  of  disposing  of  the  relationships  of 
the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister,  who  are  uncle  and  nephew  if  males,  and 
mother  and  daughter  if  females,  in  which  respect  it  agrees  with  the  Miami. 

3.  Kikapoos.     The  earliest  notices  of  this  nation  placed  them  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  present  State  of  Illinois,  between  Lake  Michigan  and  the  Mississippi. 
In  the  enumeration  of  the  Indian  tribes  made  in  1736,1  ascribed  to  Chauvignerie, 
they  are  located  upon  Fox  River  in  Wisconsin,  whilst  in  a  later  one  made  by  Sir 
William  Johnson  in  1763,2  they  are  placed  upon  the  Wabash.      They  now  reside 
upon  a  reservation  in  Kansas,  and  number  according  to  the  census  of  1855  three 
hundred  and  forty-four.3 

Their  system  of  relationship,  which  will  be  found  in  the  Table,  agrees  with  the 
Miami  not  only  in  its  general  form,  but  also  in  the  relationships  between  the  chil- 
dren of  a  brother  and  sister. 

4.  Menominees.    The  original  seat  of  this  nation  was  upon  the  river  of  the  same 
name,  in  Michigan  and  Wisconsin.     They  are  mentioned  by  Du  Chesnau,  in  his 
"Memoir  on  the  Western  Indians,"  made  in  1681,4  as  among  the  Indians  of  Wis- 
consin.    They  remained  in  this  region  until  they  were  removed  to  a  reservation 
on  Long  Prairie  River,  one  of  the  head  tributaries  of  the  Mississippi.     In  1849 
they  numbered  about  two  thousand  five  hundred.     They  have  made  considerable 
progress  in  civilization. 

Their  system  of  relationship  is  substantially  identical  with  the  Miami.  It  also 
agrees  with  it  in  making  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister,  uncle  and  nephew  if 
males,  and  mother  and  daughter  if  females. 

5.  Shiyans.      Less  is  known  of  the  early  history  of  this  people  than  of  any 
other  Mississippi  nation.     They  were  anciently  seated  upon  the  Cheyenne  River,  a 
tributary  of  the  Red  River  of  the  North,  in  what  afterwards  became  a  part  of  the 
Dakota  area.     The  Dakotas  have  not  only  preserved  a  tradition  of  their  former 
residence  upon  this  river,  but  they  still  point  out  a  place,  at  a  bend  in  the  stream, 
where  their  village  stood,  and  where  there  are  still  said  to  be  traces  of  former 
occupation  as  well  as  cultivation.     We  are  also  indebted  to  the  Dakotas  for  the 
name  by  which  they  are  now  known.     They  called  them  Shi-ya'  "  the  people  who 
speak  an  unintelligible  tongue."     At   the  time  Lewis  and  Clarke  ascended  the 
Missouri  (1804),  they  were  established  upon  the  Cheyenne  River,  a  tributary  of 
the  Missouri,  near  the  foot  of  the  Black  Hills  in  Nebraska.5     They  are  now  living 

rring  from  a  black  cloud.  The  Indian  eye  shows  neither  pupil  nor  iris ;  and  is,  so  to  speak,  impenetrable 
and  unreadable — a  deep  but  strong  unglistening  black.  The  half  bloods  have  glistening  eyes,  which,  at 
a  certain  stage  of  further  white  intermixture,  become  the  most  brilliant  eyes  to  be  found  in  the  family 
of  mankind. 

1  Col.  Hist.  N.  Y  ,  IX,  1055.  »  Ib.,  VII,  583. 

«  Schoolcraft,  Hist.  Cond.  and  Pros.  Ind.  Tribes,  VI,  705.  4  Col.  Hist.  N.  Y.,  IX,  161. 

5  Lewis  and  Clarke,  speaking  of  this  river,  say  :  "  It  derives  this  title  from  the  Cheyenne  Indians. 
Their  history  is  a  short  and  melancholy  relation  of  the  calamities  of  most  all  the  Indians.  They 
were  a  numerous  people,  and  lived  on  the  Cheyenne,  a  branch  of  the  Red  River  of  Lake  Winnipeg. 


214 


SYSTEMS    OF   CONSANGUINITY  AND   AFFINITY. 


in  the  territory  of  Colorado  in  what  was  formerly  the  extreme  western  part  of  Kan- 
sas. With  the  Arapahoes,  a  kindred  people,  they  are  now  geographically  discon- 
nected from  the  Algonkin  nations,  the  Dakotas  occupying  the  intermediate  area. 
Their  first  seat  tends  to  show  that  far  back  of  the  historical  period,  the  Algonkin 
area  extended  westward  from  the  head  of  Lake  Superior  beyond  the  head-waters 
of  the  Mississippi ;  and  that  the  regions  afterwards  occupied  by  the  Dakotas  proper 
were  wrested,  as  elsewhere  suggested,  from  the  Algonkin  nations.  Among  the 
number  thus  displaced,  were  the  Shiyans  certainly,  and  probably  the  Arapahoes 
and  Ahahnelins  (Gros  Ventres  of  the  Prairie).  If  we  should  seek  among  the 
Mississippi  nations,  the  nearest  congeners  of  the  Shiyans  and  Arapahoes,  the 
Menominees  and  Shawnees  will  be  found  to  make  the  nearest  approach  to  them  in 
their  dialects.  The  annexed  comparative  Table,  taken  in  connection  with  the 
terms  of  relationship,  shows  more  or  less  affinity,  although  the  amount  of  dialectical 
change  is  very  great.1 

First  Indicative  Feature.  My  brother's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my 
son  and  daughter,  Na  and  Na-turi ' .  With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  nephew  and 
niece,  Na-chin'e-ta  and  Ne-she'-mis. 

Second.  My  sister's  son  and  daughter,  Ego  a  male,  are  my  nephew  and  niece. 
With  Ego  a  female,  they  are  my  son  and  daughter. 

The  invasion  of  the  Sioux  [Dakotas]  drove  them  westward ;  in  their  progress  they  halted  on  the 
western  side  of  the  Missouri,  below  the  Wasseconne,  where  their  ancient  fortifications  still  exist ;  but 
the  same  impulse  again  drove  them  to  the  heads  of  the  Cheyenne,  where  they  now  rove,  and  occa- 
sionally visit  the  Rickarees.  They  are  now  reduced,  but  still  number  three  hundred  men." — Travels, 
p.  70. 

1  COMPARATIVE  VOCABULARY. 


Ahahnelin. 

Shawnee. 

Menominee. 

Shiyan. 

Arapahoe. 

(Gros  Ventres  of 

Morgan. 

Bruce. 

Smith. 

Smith. 

Morgan. 

1.  Head, 

We-se' 

Maish 

Mah-ke-o 

Nee-a-thar 

At-ga'-ha 

2.  Ear, 

Ho-ta-wa-ga' 

May-tah-woc 

Es-tah-vote 

Won-ne-tun-a 

Wa-na-tii'-no 

3.  Eye, 

Ske-sa-gwe' 

Maish-kay-shaick 

A-ch'-quin 

Mee-she-shee 

Pa-sa'-tha 

4.  Nose, 

Ho-ja-se' 

May-che-osh 

Kune 

Ner-tun-nee 

Ba'-sa 

5.  Mouth, 

Ho-do-nih' 

May-tone 

Marthe 

Net-tee 

Ba'-ke 

6.  Heart, 

O-da-heh' 

May-tab. 

Es-tah 

Bat-tah 

It'-ta 

7.  Blood, 

Mis-kwe' 

Mainh-kee 

Mah-e 

Bahe 

Wa'-atz-za 

8.  Sun, 

Ge-sa-tha' 

Kay-shoh 

Is-she 

Nee-she-ish 

A-sis' 

9.  Day, 

Ge-sa-ge' 

Kay-shay-kots 

Na-vone 

Ee-shee 

Noh-wa-na-ho- 

10.  Water, 

Na-be 

Na-pay-we 

Ma-pa 

Nutch 

Det'-za        [sa 

11.  Ice, 

P-gwa-ma' 

Mainh-quom 

Ma-omh 

Wa-hoo 

Wa'-h-o 

12.   Snow, 

Ma-da' 

Koon 

Es-tassa 

Ee 

Ba-natz' 

13.  Rain, 

Keem-a-won-wa' 

Ke-may-won 

Ho-co 

Os-son-ick 

14.  Elk, 

Wa-pet-se' 

Oh-mansh-kash 

Mo-ee 

Ese-wour-koo 

A-was'-sa-ha 

15    Beaver, 

A-meex'-wa 

Nah-main 

Hau-ma 

Ah-bash 

Ah'-pis-se 

16.  Bear, 

M'-kwa' 

Ah-way-sha 

Nan-quo 

Whoth 

Was'-see 

The  Menominee  is  taken  from  Schoolcraft's  Hist.  Cond.  and  Pros.,  II,  470;  and  the  Shiyan 

and  Arapahoe  from  the  same,  III,  446.     The   Shawnee  and  Ahahnelin  are  from  unpublished 

vocabularies  of  the  authors. 

OF   THE   HUMAN   FAMILY.  215 

Third.  My  father's  brother  is  my  father,  Na-o'-a. 

Fourth.  My  father's  brother's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder 
or  younger,  Nd-ne'-a  or  Na-sim-a',  and  No-ma'  or  Na-sim-a'. 

Fifth.     My  father's  sister  is  my  aunt,  Na-un'. 

Sixth.  My  mother's  brother  is  my  uncle,  No-she'. 

Seventh.  My  mother's  sister  is  my  mother,  No-led . 

Eighth.  My  mother's  sister's  son  and  daughter  are  my  brother  and  sister,  elder 
or  younger. 

Ninth.  My  grandfather's  brother  is  my  grandfather,  Nam-a-shim! '. 

Tenth.  The  grandchildren  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  of  my  collateral 
brothers  and  sisters,  are  my  grandchildren. 

With  respect  to  the  relationships  between  the  children  of  a  brother  and  sister  it 
was  impossible  to  ascertain  with  certainty,  and  these  questions  are  unanswered  in 
the  Table.  It  seemed  most  probable  that  they  were  uncle  and  nephew  if  males, 
and  mother  and  daughter  if  females.1 

The  Shiyan  dialect  has  some  peculiarities  which  may  have  resulted  from  its 
long  isolation  from  the  purer  forms  of  the  Algonkin  speech.  It  is  seen  in  the 
feebleness  of  the  accent,  which  renders  the  language  monotonous,  and  in  the  short- 
ening of  the  words  apparently  by  the  loss  of  syllables.  The  traders  who  are  familiar 
with  other  Algonkin  dialects  regard  this  as  the  most  difficult  of  them  all ;  and 
those  who  are  familiar  with  the  Dakota  alone,  still  pronounce  it,  as  the  Dakotas 
did,  an  "  unintelligible  tongue."  Their  Algonkin  lineage,  and  their  possession  of 
the  common  systems  of  relationship  of  the  family,  are  bath  established. 

5.  Shawnees.  The  Cumberland  Eiver  in  Kentucky  was  called  the  Shawnee 
River  until  1 748,  when  the  present  name  was  substituted.2  In  the  triangular  area 
between  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi,  watered  by  the  lower  Tennessee  and  the 
Cumberland,  were  the  ancient  seats  of  the  Shawnees.3  Beyond  this  region  they 
have  never  been  traced  to  any  anterior  home.  They  still  call  themselves  Sa-wan- 
wa-ke',  which  signifies  "  southerners" — in  Otawa,  0-shaw-wa-noke' ', — a  name  adopted 
by  them,  probably  in  a  boastful  sense,  as  the  southernmost  band  geographically  of 
Algonkin  descent.4  They  appear  to  have  abandoned  the  Mississippi  prior  to  1650 ; 

1  I  obtained  the  system  of  the  Shiyans  in  1860  from  Joseph  Tesson,  a  French  trader  at  Rulo  in 
Nebraska.  He  was  a  quarter-blood  Menorainee.  At  the  age  of  eighteen,  as  he  informed  me,  he  left  the 
Missouri  River,  and  went  out  as  an  adventurer  upon  the  plains.  Having  joined  himself  to  the  Shi- 
yans, he  learned  their  language,  married  a  woman  of  that  nation,  and  took  an  active  part  in  all 
their  military  enterprises.  In  due  time  he  was  made  a  chief.  For  twenty  years  he  had  been  identi- 
fied with  this  nation,  and  during  that  time  had  not  visited  the  Missouri  region.  Shortly  before  I 
met  him  he  had  found  his  way  with  his  children  to  Rulo  to  resume  civilized  life.  He  was  able  to 
give  me  their  system  of  relationship  in  every  particular,  except  the  part  in  question,  upon  which  he 
was  in  doubt  whether  the  relationships  were  those  of  uncle  and  nephew  or  cousin  and  cousin.  Since 
he  could  not  recall  a  term  for  cousin  in  the  Shiyan  language,  with  which  he  was  perfectly  familiar, 
it  seemed  reasonably  certain  that  this  relationship  did  not  exist,  and  that  the  classification  agreed 
with  the  Miami.  Tesson  spoke  French,  English,  and  Spanish ;  and  had  acquired  five  Indian  lan- 
guages besides  the  Shiyan. 

•  Col.  Hist.  N.  Y.,  VIII,  113,  note.  »  Harvey's  History  of  the  Shawnees,  p.  64. 

4  Ib.  p.  64. 


216  SYSTEMS   OF    CONSANGUINITY   AND   AFFINITY 

and  to  have  moved  eastward  to  North  Carolina  and  Virginia,  and  finally,  in  1678 
or  thereabout,  to  the  Susquehannah  River  in  Pennsylvania.  They  were  a  party  to 
the  second  treaty  with  William  Penn  in  1701.  Prior  to  1786  the  most  of  the 
Shawnees  had  removed  to  the  Miami  River  in  Ohio;  and  after  several  changes  of 
residence  in  that  State,  hi  which  they  remained  until  1832,  they  were  finally 
removed  by  the  general  government  to  a  reservation  on  the  Kansas  River.  At  the 
present  moment  they  are  undergoing,  for  the  third  time  within  a  century  and  a 
half,  the  process  of  being  uprooted  and  expatriated  under  the  pressure  of  the  never 
ending  requirements  of  the  American  people. 

The  Shawnees,  notwithstanding  their  trying  and  eventful  experience  in  war 
and  in  peace,  have  preserved  their  nationality  and  made  remarkable  progress  in 
agriculture  and  in  other  arts  of  civilized  life.  They  have  organized  a  representa- 
tive government,  founded  upon  a  popular  election  of  chiefs,  have  organized  and 
supported  schools,  constructed  comfortable  houses,  and  become  strictly  agricultural. 
There  are  amongst  them  men  and  women  of  education,  intelligence,  and  high  moral 
worth  who  are  striving  to  raise  themselves  to  useful  employments,  and  their  fami- 
lies to  independence.  With  a  proper  encouragement  of  these  efforts  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  remaining  Shawnees  would  ultimately  become  permanently  civilized 
and  saved  from  extermination.  It  is  seriously  to  be  deplored  that  the  Great 
Republic  does  not  awaken  to  an  intelligent  as  well  as  judicious,  administration  of 
its  Indian  affairs.  The  census  of  1855  shows  that  they  number  eight  hundred  and 
fifty-one.1 

Colloquially  the  Shawnee  is